MacDougall: As Canada ages, it risks losing the post-war consensus on immigration

While not much new here, nevertheless well stated:

It’s funny the things you notice when you come back to a place after having not been there for a while.

It’s been 11 years since I decamped for Britain, and every time I come back to Canada, whether that’s to Ottawa or the West Coast, where I’ll be next week, what I notice are the … parking lots.

There are parking lots everywhere in Canada. Little pocket lots in the downtown core. Bigger ones under some of the office buildings. And acres upon acres of them alongside the strip malls of suburbia.

Canada is a nation that grew and matured during the automobile age. London, where I live now, is a rail city, with its roads stretching back to horse and cart, if not Roman times. There’s no point driving in London when the train or tube can get you there quicker. Hence the lack of parking lots.

More to the point, even if you wanted to make London a car city you would struggle to do it. Its form is now baked into its current shape, cluttered, as it is, with a lot of old stone and jagged roads. Canada has far more room to manoeuvre.

At least, it did.

Many of Canada’s major urban centres are now groaning under the demands being placed on them. One way of reading this week’s shock byelection result in downtown Toronto is as a response to the Trudeau government’s somewhat intermittent concern with Canada’s Jewish citizens, many of whom live in Toronto-St. Paul’s. Another way to read it, however, is as an urban cri-de-coeur against liberal drug policies, expensive housing, and high immigration. Let’s hope the post-election tea leaves are being forensically examined.

All my life, Canada has, thankfully, been a welcoming place, a beacon for immigrants from around the world. A place where immigrant families could give their children a better life. The post-war Canada that welcomed them was a place with an identity; it wasn’t viewed as a hotel for the world, or some kind of post-national state. Everyone came to be a part of something.

I should say the Canada of my youth was a place of identities, plural. Sure, there is the persistent (but diminishing) need for Canadians to not be American. But the fundamental political tension in the country was between French and English. Now we barely mention it, with the tension coming from things like Chinese or Indian interference in our elections, such are the size of the Chinese and Indian diasporas. Ask a young adult in downtown Toronto what they think about Quebec and they’re likely to not have thought of it at all.

To say these arrivals and the diminution of separatism have been a boon to Canada is an understatement. But it’s not a one-way ratchet toward progress. Things can still become unstuck. Growing by more than a million people in a year, as Canada did in 2023, with 96 per cent of that coming from immigration, presents different challenges from the time when Sault Ste. Marie offered as much opportunity as downtown Toronto. There needs to be a different plan, because we’re not the same country our immigration system was modelled on.

As a result, the public’s support for immigration is falling. I can think of no bigger failure for a Canadian government than to lose the cross-party consensus on immigration. To preserve it, we’re going to need frank and respectful conversations, which is a big ask in the age of polarizing social media.

Justin Trudeau senses the malaise, which is why his government plans on reducing the number of temporary residents it accepts. But his government needs to push on and figure out a new model for integration and assimilation into our urban cores, one that involves a lot of building. Simply being Canada isn’t good enough any more. The times have changed. People will go elsewhere if they think they’ll get stuck, opportunity-wise, upon arrival.

It does no good to pave a paradise like Canada, if all you’re going to do is put up a parking lot.

Andrew MacDougall is a London-based communications consultant and ex-director of communications to former prime minister Stephen Harper.

Source: As Canada ages, it risks losing the post-war consensus on immigration | Opinion

David Polansky: Canadian citizenship is immensely valuable. Our political elites should act like it 

Overly general “lament for a nation” without any specifics in terms of levels, categories, permanent vs temporary etc. And is this only an issue of “elites” or is it broader given the number of diverse interests that had, until recently, been pushing or supportive of higher levels of immigration?

That being said, as many have noted and the government belatedly has acknowledged, current immigration levels, permanent and temporary, have been misguided and placed excessive pressures on housing, healthcare and infrastructure:

The recent revelations concerning foreign interference among Canada’s elected officials have hit like a bomb—at least among those media organs that could be bothered to report on it. It obviously raises critical concerns about national security, as well as questions about the legitimacy of any political party whose members are found to have been compromised.

But perhaps less obviously, it also raises fundamental questions about the value of Canadian citizenship. For, among much else, this foreign interference is an affront to the prerogatives of the citizenry—chiefly their rights and privileges to elect a government that answers to them and not to others.

More broadly still, however, public comments by the present leadership over the years have reflected a denigration of the meaning of citizenship. Between this and the emergence of diaspora politics as a significant phenomenon, one can see how foreign meddling—and potentially treason—might become normalized.

In light of these developments, it is worth reflecting on what Canadian citizenship means and what it might be worth—for not all the answers are intuitive. Fear not, this isn’t going to be a sentimental paean to maple syrup and portaging and flannel clothing. For, the real value is surprisingly material in nature.

Indeed, Canadian citizenship is an asset of extraordinary value. But it is systematically undervalued by Canada’s political elites, at least partly because they themselves, being economically privileged, hold other assets against it: liquidity, foreign property, often multiple passports, and so on. Consequently, they have been able to favour immigration policies that have diluted the value of citizenship (much as issuing new stock dilutes the ownership of existing shareholders), while at the same time insulating themselves from the downsides. They can retreat from overcrowded public spaces via their private cottages, they can avoid public school problems by paying for private schooling, they can pursue private medical options when ER delays in hospitals become interminable, and so on.

But for the average Canadian, the value of citizenship is historically tied to the possibility of a materially abundant life in a high-functioning country within the bounds of a more or less middle-class household income. The dwindling of this possibility is not just a story of economic mismanagement (though it is that too), but also a dilution of the worth of Canadian citizenship—an asset that ensured a high level of equality for as long as it held its value.

Let’s consider this more concretely. Canada is the world’s second-largest country, with approximately two percent of the earth’s surface. Much of it is inhospitable and unable to support large communities, but that still leaves a good deal of land area available relative to a (historically) small population. And yet over 80 percent of the country remains uninhabited. Much of the rest, however, is sublimely beautiful. Within 100 miles of the U.S. border, one can find an oceanic coastline, towering mountains, deep forests, crystalline lakes, sprawling prairies, and other manner of dramatic scenery that sounds like it came out of a travel guide.

Now, as the saying goes, you can’t put a price on beauty, but then one can readily consult the listings for waterfront properties around Muskoka or West Vancouver to at least get an approximation. Of course, for much of Canada’s modern history, going back to the 16th century, surviving a harsh landscape took priority. But for generations now, property ownership in one of the world’s most beautiful countries has been the patrimony for most of its citizens. Yes, some people always had more money than others and thus larger houses, nicer furnishings, and so on, but these advantages were more quantitative than qualitative.

In any case, home ownership as such was not seen as a luxury good, and even the post-1960s influx of new arrivals seemed only to contribute to the country’s economic growth without threatening to diminish the supply of housing stock, such was the capaciousness of Canada. And—equally important—such was the stringency of Canada’s immigration controls, ensuring that a high level of human capital was maintained across demographic changes in both ethnic composition and total numbers. This was particularly important in light of the generous benefits associated with Canada’s welfare state, including health care, maternity (later, parental) leave, unemployment insurance, and social security. For such a system to remain solvent, it was imperative to have an industrious and law-abiding population that consistently paid in more than it took out—especially in a country that was never as wealthy as its southern neighbour.

This represents more or less the truth of Machiavelli’s insight that liberality always depends upon parsimony. In Canada’s case, we would say that the liberality or generosity of its welfare state relied upon the parsimoniousness of its immigration regime. In a wide world of people who might wish to immigrate to Canada, only those expected to contribute to rather than draw on the public fisc were considered, and this approach held even as immigrant populations became increasingly multicultural and multiethnic (with the orientation of origin countries shifting southward and eastward over time).

And housing is only the most pressing of a host of issues impacted by the government’s lack of policy restraint. Canada maintains a primary system of public education from K-12, taxing its residents accordingly. The quality of that education and the nature of student experience is greatly impacted by externalities beyond the reach of any school board. The point is that what was once an assumed feature of life in a well-governed region or municipality (access to decent public education) emerges as a privilege under constrained conditions.

It is only under such conditions that one can understand citizenship as an asset in itself—one that has become depreciated through misguided public policies. And it is only in light of that depreciation that certain underlying inequalities are more starkly revealed. It is not that inequality didn’t previously exist, but as access to such schools and such neighbourhoods is placed under competitive pressure, the privileges that accrue to the rich—allowing them to retain such access under challenging conditions—become more salient as well.

And this dynamic goes both ways: just as the wealthiest Canadian can pay out of pocket for treatment at the Mayo Clinic rather than assume a spot on the interminable waiting list for surgery, so too well-heeled non-Canadians throughout the world have found in Canada, a stable country with an ever-rising real estate market, a congenial place to park their capital. In both cases, wealthy individuals are able to transcend national boundaries to their advantage; and in both cases, the average Canadian loses, priced out of the housing market and stuck relying on dwindling public services.

The fact that all those born in Canada enjoy the privileged status of citizenship—and it is a privilege, insofar as no one deserves to be born in one place over another—makes many uncomfortable. Downplaying its significance has lately become a habit to which elites especially are prone. Nonetheless, the government of Canada is obligated as a matter of legitimacy to uphold the rights and interests of actual Canadians over those of the rest of the human race. And doing so is in its way an egalitarian measure—for it ensures that the associated benefits are enjoyed by all of its citizens, not just the wealthiest. Some might still call this unfair, but it’s a lot fairer than the alternatives.

David Polansky is a Toronto-based writer and research fellow with the Institute for Peace & Diplomacy. His writing has appeared in the Globe and Mail, Washington Post, and Foreign Policy. Read him at strangefrequencies.co or find him on Twitter @polanskydj.

Source: David Polansky: Canadian citizenship is immensely valuable. Our political elites should act like it

USA: Newly naturalized citizens could theoretically swing the election: Report

Tends to assume that new voters are potentially monolithic in their voting intentions:

The number of foreign nationals in the U.S. currently eligible for naturalization outnumbers the 2020 presidential margin of victory in five battleground states.

A report released by the American Immigration Council (AIC) on Thursday concluded that if some or all of the country’s 7.4 million not-yet-naturalized-but-eligible residents got their citizenship before November, they could swing the 2024 election.

That’s unlikely to happen, as the naturalization process for eligible foreign nationals takes roughly eight months from application to receiving a certificate of citizenship.

But the report highlights the disconnect between the size of immigrant communities, their economic impact and their political power.

It says immigrants make up 13.8 percent of the U.S. population, but only 10 percent of eligible voters.

And potential citizens could in theory sway both battleground states and a couple of key red ones.

The researchers found that 574,800 immigrants in Florida are likely eligible to naturalize, while former President Trump’s margin of victory there was 371,686 votes.

In Texas, the naturalization-eligible population is estimated at 789,500, and the 2020 presidential margin of victory was 631,221.

The margin of victory in some battleground states pales in comparison to the number of potential new voters.

In Arizona, 164,000 people can apply for citizenship, and the vote difference was 10,457, about a 16-to-1 ratio; in Georgia, the ratio is about 13-to-1.

Pennsylvania, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin all show up on the list, with naturalization-eligible resident to 2020 victory margin ratios of around 8-to-1, 3-to-1, 2-to-1, and 5-to-2, respectively.

The report also found that immigrants paid 16.2 percent of all taxes paid by U.S. households in 2022, despite having less political representation.

Source: Newly naturalized citizens could theoretically swing the election: Report

Rioux | La gauche et l’antisémitisme

On current French debates in the lead up to the elections and in general:

« Nous ne vivons pas un antisémitisme résiduel, mais un antisémitisme pesant, visible, palpable. Notre fille l’a vécu dans sa chair. » Ceux qui parlent ainsi sont les parents de cette enfant de 12 ans violée la semaine dernière dans un local désaffecté de Courbevoie.

Un geste d’une sauvagerie tellement inconcevable qu’il est devenu, à quelques jours du premier tour, l’un des événements marquants de cette campagne éclair des élections législatives en France. L’enfant a été violée, torturée, menacée d’être brûlée et soumise à une tentative d’extorsion par trois jeunes musulmans de 12 et 13 ans pour la seule et unique raison qu’elle aurait dissimulé à son petit ami qu’elle était juive. Celui-ci lui aurait « clairement reproché d’être juive, en affirmant qu’elle était forcément pro-Israël et complice d’un génocide en Palestine », selon son avocate, Muriel Ouaknine-Melki, présidente de l’Organisation juive européenne.

Craignant des représailles depuis le pogrom du 7 octobre, sa mère avait conseillé à la jeune fille de se faire discrète. La petite avait déjà perdu des amies à cause de la religion de ses parents.

Ce viol antisémite n’est pas un fait divers. C’est un fait de société qui illustre la peur croissante dans laquelle vivent des milliers de Juifs en France. Les actes antisémites recensés ont bondi de 300 % au premier trimestre de 2024, comparativement à la même période en 2023, année où ils étaient déjà en hausse.

Certains feront mine de s’en étonner, nombreux sont pourtant ceux qui nous avaient mis en garde. Cela va de Boulaem Sansal à Kamel Daoud, en passant par Smaïn Laacher et Georges Bensoussan, qui avait été poursuivi pour avoir affirmé que, dans nombre de familles influencées par l’islamisme, « l’antisémitisme, on le tète avec le lait de la mère ». Traîné devant les tribunaux, il sera relaxé en 2019 « de toute accusation de racisme et d’incitation à la haine ».

On pourra chipoter sur la formulation, reste que l’antisémitisme est consubstantiel à cet islamisme qui se répand en France. Nombre de familles juives fuient d’ailleurs les banlieues pour protéger leurs enfants ; certaines envisagent même de quitter le pays.

Qui aurait pu s’imaginer que 80 ans après la Seconde Guerre mondiale et 37 ans après les déclarations antisémites de Jean-Marie Le Pen, la France serait à nouveau déchirée par un tel débat ? À la différence près que cet antisémitisme est aujourd’hui associé à la gauche.

Depuis des mois, La France insoumise (LFI) refuse de qualifier le Hamas d’organisation « terroriste ». Un jour, son leader, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, accuse la première ministre d’origine juive, Élisabeth Borne, de défendre un « point de vue étranger ». Le lendemain, il reproche à la présidente de l’Assemblée, Yaël Braun-Pivet, elle aussi d’origine juive, de « camper à Tel-Aviv ». Selon lui, l’antisémitisme serait « résiduel en France ». Une déclaration qualifiée de « scandale » par le socialiste Raphaël Glucksmann, lui-même victime de tags antisémites.

Cette complaisance relève-t-elle d’une conviction profonde ou d’une simple stratégie électorale ? Chose certaine, depuis des mois, LFI a multiplié les signes en direction de l’électorat musulman où, selon un sondage de l’IFOP publié en 2020, 57 % des jeunes de 15 à 24 ans considèrent que la loi islamique devrait avoir préséance sur celle de la République.

Hier symboles de l’« Argent », les Juifs seraient-ils devenus celui du « Colonialisme », comme on dit dans le vocabulaire woke ? Ce ne serait pas la première fois qu’une partie de la gauche pactise avec l’antisémitisme, une attitude qu’à son époque, le social-démocrate August Bebel avait qualifiée de « socialisme des imbéciles ». Les exemples vont de Jean Jaurès, qui disait que « l’oeuvre de salubrité socialiste culmine dans l’extirpation de l’être juif », à l’Humanité, qui qualifia Léon Blum de « Shylock », en passant par Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, qui désignait « le Juif » comme « l’ennemi du genre humain » et voulait « abolir les synagogues ».

Un peu d’histoire permet de constater que personne n’a le monopole de la vertu. Elle permet aussi de relativiser cette affirmation pour le moins étonnante de l’avocat Arié Alimi et de l’historien Vincent Lemire, selon qui l’antisémitisme du Rassemblement national serait « ontologique » alors que celui de LFI ne serait que « contextuel ». L’histoire montre qu’il n’y a pas d’atavisme antisémite. Jaurès n’a-t-il pas finalement défendu Dreyfus ? L’écrivain Georges Bernanos, disciple de l’antisémite Drumont, n’a-t-il pas combattu courageusement le franquisme et le régime de Vichy ?

On comprend pourquoi, en refusant de participer à la grande manifestation unitaire contre l’antisémitisme du 12 novembre dernier, Emmanuel Macron a commis l’une des fautes les plus graves de son quinquennat. Quant à Jean-Luc Mélenchon, il n’a de cesse de flatter son électorat dans le sens du poil. « Certains discours politiques ont fait des Juifs des cibles légitimes », dit le président du Conseil représentatif des institutions juives de France (CRIF), Yonathan Arfi, d’ailleurs traité d’« extrême droite » par Mélenchon. Selon une récente étude réalisée par l’IFOP, 35 % des jeunes de 18 à 24 ans estiment qu’il est justifié de s’en prendre à des juifs en raison de leur soutien à Israël.

Les parents de la jeune martyre de Courbevoie ont dénoncé avec raison un « mimétisme » sordide entre les actes perpétrés par les terroristes du Hamas et ce que leur fille a subi. Nul doute que ces événements pèseront sur les résultats de dimanche prochain.

Source: Chronique | La gauche et l’antisémitisme

Wernick: Can angst about productivity lead to serious public-service reforms?

Quite a good list along with good advice. The degree to which a Conservative government will not only have the courage to engage in public service reforms but equally important the intelligence and sophistication to ensure effective and sound reforms remains in question. And yes, of course, avoid across the board cuts and focus on programs that are lesser priorities or of questionable value:

…Borrowing the language of the productivity economists, the agenda that flows from a serious discussion of public-sector productivity would include:

  • The quality of the labour input – and whether there is enough investment and effort put into training and enhancing skills;
  • Management acumen – and the effort and investment put into developing the capabilities of middle and senior leadership;
  • Substitution of capital for labour – and the effort and investment put into continuous upgrading of technologies used for external and internal services;
  • Process efficiency – and the scope for gains in time and quality that are still to be harvested by pushing farther on end-to-end digital and harnessing artificial intelligence (AI) to assist humans;
  • Stripping out layers of middle management but equipping those who remain with the training and tools to do their jobs;
  • Shedding assets and right-sizing the physical footprint: spoiler alert: this will encounter stiff political resistance from MPs and mayors;
  • Enhancing the quality and timeliness of information for decision-making;
  • Streamlining the heavy burden of internal controls and reporting that has accreted over the years;
  • Reviewing the oversight system of incentives and disincentives to intelligent risk-taking that shapes behaviours;
  • Hacking away at barriers to faster hiring, redeployment and termination of staff;
  • Reviewing which functions can be outsourced and which should remain in-house, while making sure there will be adequate training in effectively managing external contractors.

These happen to be many of the issues that a serious attempt at public-sector reform would want to tackle.

One key difference between a serious productivity-centred approach and the simple across-the-board austerity that governments tend to use is that it could draw attention to the high cost of neglecting the internal government-to-government functions such as finance, human resources, information management, procurement, comptrollership and oversight.

These are functions that in past periods of fiscal retrenchment have taken a heavy share of cuts because they are glibly labelled as “overhead,” with unfortunate consequences.

The growth in the number of people employed by the public sector, especially at the federal level, has drawn a lot of attention. There are better and worse ways to think about bringing the number down. Hoping for the best from random attrition isn’t a good one.

The best approach, in my view, would be to recognize that those numbers are attached to specific programs, services, functions, occupations and locations.

Simply ordering an arbitrary across-the-board cut to operating budgets may achieve short-term fiscal results but will be laden with unintended consequences, sowing dragons’ teeth and causing damage to the longer-term capabilities and effectiveness of the public sector.

If the courage is there, the 2026 budget that follows the next federal election is the next window of opportunity for a thorough program review along the lines of the ones in 1995 and 2012.

Reshape the programs and the impacts on the public service would follow, but the impacts would be intended and proactively managed. There are many ways such a review could be designed.

Setting the table for this program review should be a serious exercise to delve into public-sector productivity that is honest about the longer-term goal of reducing staff numbers. Pretending that there won’t be job cuts in the next decade isn’t being honest with public servants or Canadians.

A bolder way to approach the inevitable downsizing would be to say clearly that we want the public service to be smaller, flatter and more agile.

The core idea could be to borrow the constructs from climate policy of setting targets that guide decision-making and investment, and incent technological innovation.

An ambitious version of this would be “20 by 30” – the government could set a goal to reduce the size of the federal public service by 20 per cent by 2030.

Using this target, it could then move on to seriously attack the issues of productivity and effectiveness, embrace the challenges and opportunities of AI and focus on strengthening the longer-term capabilities we need in our public sector.

Source: Can angst about productivity lead to serious public-service reforms?

Canada’s sanctions list has grown in recent years, but experts criticize performative approach

Sadly, applies in too many areas:

…Canada’s use of sanctions has expanded dramatically in recent years, with more than 4,000 individuals and entities now on its sanctions list, yet federal departments have limited resources to track the names and ensure that the sanctions are still warranted or effective.

Recent reports by House of Commons and Senate committees have questioned whether Ottawa does enough monitoring of the effectiveness of its sanctions.

One expert, Andrea Charron of the University of Manitoba, said Canada has a “fire and forget” approach to sanctions. “We put a name on the list, and then that’s the last we hear from it,” she told a House of Commons committee last year.

“We spend a lot of time up front on whom to target, but we don’t spend a lot of time on looking at what the effect is on these targets and whether we should be maybe adjusting with allies and in response to events on the ground.”…

Source: Canada’s sanctions list has grown in recent years, but experts criticize performative approach

Paul: Who You Calling Conservative?

Of note, how the left eats its own?

….But liberal people can disagree without being called traitors. Liberals can even agree with conservatives on certain issues because those positions aren’t inherently conservative. Shouldn’t the goal be to decrease polarization rather than egg it on? Shouldn’t Democrats aim for a big tent, especially at a time when registered party members are declining and the number of independents is on the rise?

Those on the Democratic side of the spectrum have traditionally been far better at nuance, complexity and compromise than Republicans. It would be to our detriment if policies on which a broad swath of Americans agree are deliberately tanked by a left wing that has moved as far to the left as Republicans have moved to the right. Those who denounce militant fealty within the Republican Party shouldn’t enforce similar purity tests in their own ranks.

Source: Who You Calling Conservative?

Ottawa «resserre l’étau» pour les simples visiteurs qui demandent l’asile, dit Marc Miller 

Another overdue move:

Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC) « a pris plusieurs mesures pour resserrer l’étau à l’interne » face à une hausse des demandes d’asile faites par des ressortissants étrangers arrivés au pays avec des visas de visiteur, affirme le ministre Marc Miller, assurant que d’autres actions viendront.

« Il y a du travail, il y a un certain resserrement de l’étau à faire additionnels », a-t-il dit au cours d’une récente entrevue avec La Presse canadienne.

M. Miller a indiqué que le ministère dont il est responsable effectue déjà des ajustements en raison d’une « flambée » de cas où des visas « notamment de l’Inde ou du Bangladesh » ont été utilisés.

« Ce n’est pas la façon de faire si on prétend venir ici pour voyager ou peu importe la raison, donc il y a du travail à l’interne qui se fait à ce niveau-là », a lancé l’élu montréalais durant l’entretien accordé dans son bureau de la colline du Parlement.

De plus en plus de ressortissants étrangers réclament l’asile après avoir mis les pieds au Canada au moyen d’un visa de visiteur. Leur nombre mensuel a quintuplé d’avril 2023 à avril 2024, a rapporté le quotidien La Presse plus tôt ce mois-ci.

IRCC a fourni à La Presse canadienne des données montrant que le nombre de personnes détenant un « visa de résident temporaire » ou « visa de visiteur » et ayant demandé l’asile au Canada est effectivement passé de 1815 à 10 170.

Le ministère a précisé que, « au moment de la demande, tous les demandeurs de statut de résident temporaire doivent convaincre un agent qu’ils ont des liens suffisants avec leur pays d’origine, notamment en ce qui concerne leur situation familiale et économique, et qu’ils quitteront le Canada à l’expiration de leur statut ».

« Certains résidents temporaires viennent au Canada en tant que véritables visiteurs, étudiants ou travailleurs et choisissent ensuite de demander l’asile en raison de l’évolution de la situation dans leur pays d’origine », a-t-on ajouté.

Or, en parlant de l’afflux de demandeurs d’asile constaté depuis plusieurs années — peu importe la façon dont ils arrivent au Canada — le ministre Miller a soutenu que « ça ne peut pas continuer face au volume qu’on voit ».

Un nouveau comité a été créé pour se pencher sur cette tendance, de même que sur la répartition interprovinciale des demandeurs d’asile, et doit effectuer des travaux au courant de l’été.

Source: Ottawa «resserre l’étau» pour les simples visiteurs qui demandent l’asile, dit Marc Miller

Québec va accepter moins de demandes de réunification familiale

To note, likely will push more to other provinces:

Exhorté d’augmenter le nombre de personnes pouvant obtenir à terme la résidence permanente dans la catégorie du regroupement familial, Québec limitera plutôt en amont le nombre de demandes qu’il traite. Selon un décret publié dans La Gazette officielle, un maximum de 13 000 demandes de parrainage, reçues selon le principe du premier arrivé, premier servi, pourront être traitées au cours des deux prochaines années, soit environ deux fois moins que la moyenne annuelle de 2022 et 2023.

« Toutes les demandes reçues après l’atteinte du nombre maximal de demandes seront retournées […] sans que les frais d’examen ne soient encaissés », écrit sur son site le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI).

Cette décision survient alors que les gouvernements fédéral et provincial sont pressés de toutes parts, y compris à coups de poursuites judiciaires, de réduire les délais de traitement des dossiers — qui sont de 34 mois pour faire venir un époux au Québec, comparativement à 24 mois dans le reste du Canada — et de diminuer l’inventaire de 40 000 personnes en attente. Des avocats en immigration et des groupes de soutien aux familles dénoncent cette solution, qui ne fait que changer le problème de place.

« Une mesure comme ça, c’est loin d’aider les familles », déplore Laurianne Lachapelle, militante du groupe de soutien Québec réunifié qui a déposé il y a pratiquement deux ans déjà une demande pour parrainer son conjoint, qui est guatémaltèque. « Je trouve ça extrêmement désolant, alors qu’on essaie justement d’avoir la collaboration de la ministre [de l’Immigration du Québec], Christine Fréchette. »

D’abord déposées à Immigration Canada, les demandes sont ensuite soumises au MIFI, pour l’obtention du certificat de sélection du Québec (CSQ), avant de retourner dans la pile du gouvernement fédéral. Mme Lachapelle croit que le refus du MIFI de traiter des dossiers et d’octroyer des CSQ entraînera carrément la fermeture des dossiers par Ottawa. « Ça fait longtemps qu’on dénonce cette injustice dans une catégorie d’immigration humanitaire, et c’est de la mauvaise foi de faire une mesure qui va encore plus augmenter les délais. C’est déjà difficile d’être séparé d’un membre de sa famille pour un an, imaginez trois-quatre ans de plus. C’est ignoble. »…

Source: Québec va accepter moins de demandes de réunification familiale

COVID-19 Immigration Effects – April 2024 update

Highlights

Permanent Residents increased as did percentage of TR2PR to 62 percent of all Permanent Residents. 

Asylum claimants stable at about 16,000 per month.

Study permit applications flat following last month’s drop due to announced caps. Study permit web interests has also been declining on a year-over-year basis. 

While IMP numbers have declined, TFWP numbers have increased reflecting seasonal agriculture workers and those under LMIAs.

Slide 3 has the overall numbers and change.

https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/canadian-immigration-tracker-key-slides-april-2024pdf/269927425