Though Rare, Birth Tourism to the United States Sparks Outsized Concern

2026/05/05 2 Comments

Appears to be a smaller percentage than in Canada based upon my and StatsCan analysis (about 0.5 to 0.7 percent of total births).

…Birth tourism is not a new phenomenon, yet the push and pull factors are poorly understood. Studies show that the promise of U.S. citizenship and related opportunities for the child, such as access to higher education, are among the motivating factors behind birth tourism. However, other factors, including access to advanced U.S. medical care as well as home-country policies, also play a significant role. For example, many Chinese mothers traveled to give birth in the United States while China’s one-child policy was in effect from 1980 to 2015 (children born outside of China were not covered by the policy).

Birth tourism presents a paradox for policymakers. The act of giving birth on U.S. soil by temporary visa holders is not illegal. However, applying for and securing a visa solely for the purpose of garnering U.S. citizenship for a child is both an act of fraud and grounds for inadmissibility. In addition to issues of visa fraud, birth tourism crosscuts with other concerns, including the prospect that businesses facilitating this travel misrepresent their profits and thereby commit tax evasion, and that these mothers will fail to pay the medical costs incurred during pregnancy and delivery.

There are no official estimates of the number of babies born as a product of birth tourism. However, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) offers the closest approximation, using data on annual births. In 2024, the CDC reported almost 9,600 babies were born in the United States and U.S. territories to foreign mothers who listed their official address as outside the United States or its territories. While this may be interpreted as a proxy for babies born due to birth tourism, the number includes women who did not necessarily intend to have a baby in the United States, which is necessary under the current definition of birth tourism. Moreover, it excludes births to women who traveled to the United States with the intent to have a baby but who used a U.S. address to avoid scrutiny (this is a part of some business models promoting birth tourism). Even still, these babies were a miniscule fraction of all 3.7 million births in 2024, and the rate has remained steady over time (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Number of Babies Born in the United States to Foreign Residents and Share of All U.S. Births, 2016-24

Note: Figure shows the number of annual U.S. births to mothers listing their official address as outside the United States or its territories. This includes people who did not come to the United States specifically to have their baby, but not babies born to unauthorized immigrants or to temporary visitors using a U.S. address.
Sources: Data for 2016 are from U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), User Guide to the 2016 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2017 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2017 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2018 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2018 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2019 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2019 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2020 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2020 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2021 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2021 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2022 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2022 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2023 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2023 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online; data from 2024 are from CDC, User Guide to the 2024 Natality Public Use File (Atlanta: CDC, N.d.), available online.

Even the most expansive estimate that draw on analysis of government data finds birth tourism represents a tiny fraction of all U.S. births. The Center for Immigration Studies, a think tank that advocates for low immigration, suggests the number of babies born as result of birth tourism ranges between 22,000 and 26,000 annually, though this estimate is contested….

Source: Though Rare, Birth Tourism to the United States Sparks Outsized Concern

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Nadeau | «Aucun, c’est déjà trop»

2026/05/05 Leave a comment

Valid to discuss specifics rather than generalities:

…« On ne peut pas accueillir toute la misère du monde » : cette formule qui sert à se laver les mains me lève le cœur. Elle déplace la question pour mieux noyer le poisson. Au lieu de discuter de situations réelles — de personnes précises, de risques précis, de décisions précises —, elle remplace le problème par une abstraction gigantesque. Et face à une abstraction gigantesque, il devient toujours possible de conclure qu’il n’y a rien à faire, que c’est trop gros. Ainsi, la discussion est close avant même d’avoir commencé.

Cette rhétorique dit en réalité moins quelque chose sur la misère du monde que sur notre propre étroitesse morale. Elle exprime jusqu’où nous sommes prêts à ne pas voir la souffrance d’autrui.

L’immigration n’est pas une condition historique figée. Il suffit de peu, dans l’histoire, pour devoir chercher refuge ailleurs. Du jour au lendemain, des sociétés entières peuvent s’y trouver poussées. Entre 1880 et 1930, près de 900 000 Canadiens français ont émigré aux États-Unis pour échapper à la misère. La frontière entre ceux qui accueillent et ceux qui arrivent n’est jamais aussi claire qu’on veut bien le croire. Ceux qui parlent aujourd’hui des migrants comme de pestiférés oublient parfois qu’on peut vite devenir l’« immigrant » de quelqu’un d’autre.

Source: Chronique | «Aucun, c’est déjà trop»

Funny how the translation program is so literal on the gender of “formula” rather than using it:

…” We cannot welcome all the misery of the world”: this formula that is used to wash your hands raises my heart. She shifts the question to better drown the fish. Instead of discussing real situations — specific people, specific risks, precise decisions — she replaces the problem with a gigantic abstraction. And in the face of a gigantic abstraction, it always becomes possible to conclude that there is nothing to do, that it is too big. Thus, the discussion is closed before it has even begun.

This rhetoric actually says less about the misery of the world than about our own moral narrowness. It expresses how far we are willing not to see the suffering of others.

Immigration is not a fixed historical condition. It takes little, in history, to have to look for refuge elsewhere. Overnight, entire societies can find themselves pushed there. Between 1880 and 1930, nearly 900,000 French Canadians emigrated to the United States to escape poverty. The border between those who welcome and those who arrive is never as clear as we would like to believe. Those who today speak of migrants as plague victims sometimes forget that you can quickly become someone else’s “immigrant”.

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Here’s why Canada needs to ditch age‑based immigration points

2026/05/05 Leave a comment

It was the point system that was established in the 60’s and the CRS is the updated version used in Express Entry that was launched in 2015. Sloppy not to note that in the article.

The CRS was based on extensive analysis of the various factors that contributed to the success of economic immigrants. Like all government programs, it has to discriminate or more accurately distinguish between the various factors to assess eligibility.

Age also is a factor with respect to the overall aging of the population. Are there any points that she would agree are good policy?:

Canada’s Comprehensive Ranking System (CRS) was established in 1967 to respond to historic racism and nationality bias in Canada’s immigration system. Granting points for age, education, official language skills, Canadian work experience and family ties, the CRS ranks applicants for permanent residency.

The federal government recently proposed changes to CRS points, including the elimination of some point categories. While family-related points are proposed for removal, age-based criteria are not.

My research delves into the legal, ethical and policy reasons why Canada should ditch age-based immigration points….

Ageist immigration policies

Age discrimination embedded in the points system also contradicts Canadian values. Currently, a person gets zero points for age if they are under 18 or over 45.

Imagine the public outcry if a person received zero points for being a woman? Or for being a racialized person? Many Canadians would rightly call out such overtly sexist and racist policies. 

Similarly, points for age undermine the merit-based foundations of the CRS. They contradict rights-based hiring practices that prohibit asking candidates their age and stereotyping older workers.

My archival research suggests the architect of the CRS, then-Deputy Immigration Minister Tom Kent, did not have a clear policy rationale for the initial age-based points. One historianhas argued: “The points system, as it was originally conceived, has as much to do with politics as with labour markets.”

There is also some internal contradiction within the points system between the decreasing points for age and the increasing points for education and work experience. The latter rely on the passage of chronological time, while the former subtracts points for it.

Age-based points are bad policy

Policymakers and public commentators sometimes justify age discrimination in the points system by claiming that older immigrants are likely to take more from Canada than they are to give. But research shows that this is empirically incorrect.

First, Canadian and Québec pension plans are contributory — benefits are calculated by lifetime earnings in Canada. For Old Age Security, people must be residents of Canada for at least 10 years to qualify, and they must have resided here for at least 40 years to receive the maximum benefit. 

As a result, immigrants to Canada receive fewer contributions and are more likely to be poor than any other group of Canadians when they retire.

Second, while some may assume older immigrants will be a burden on the health-care system, the “healthy immigrant effect” is well-documented. 

Newcomers also tend to under-use health services. What’s more, there’s a waiting period for universal health coverage. Some immigrants actually return to their home countries to access time-sensitive or culturally appropriate care.

Source: Here’s why Canada needs to ditch age‑based immigration points

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Elkouri: La loi qui renforce l’absurdité

2026/05/05 Leave a comment

Indeed:

C’est ce que je me suis dit en prenant connaissance du tableau explicatif byzantin que le centre de services scolaire de Montréal a présenté cette semaine à son comité de parents qui voulait comprendre comment serait appliquée la loi 94 pour les parents et les élèves.

On se rappellera que cette loi adoptée dans la foulée du scandale de l’école Bedford ne fait pas qu’élargir l’interdiction de porter un signe religieux aux membres du personnel scolaire. Elle s’étend aussi aux parents bénévoles et à toute personne qui fournit régulièrement des services aux élèves.

Dans quels cas un signe religieux est-il autorisé ?

On apprend donc en consultant le tableau explicatif qu’un parent portant un signe religieux, c’est-à-dire en l’occurrence une mère voilée, pourrait préparer un gâteau pour une fête à l’école de ses enfants, mais ne pourrait pas servir elle-même ledit gâteau. Elle pourrait participer à l’organisation d’une sortie scolaire, mais elle ne pourrait pas y accompagner les enfants. Elle pourrait assister à un spectacle de fin d’année comme parent. Mais elle ne pourrait pas donner un coup de main durant le spectacle comme bénévole. Elle pourrait tricoter des mitaines pour la classe le soir, mais pas participer à un atelier de tricot à l’école le jour. Vous suivez la logique ?

La loi suscite son lot d’inquiétudes sur le terrain. Elle semble à bien des égards inapplicable. Comment des directions d’école qui ont déjà leur lot de défis quotidiens vont-elles gérer la chose ? Qui aura l’odieux d’annoncer à une mère enthousiaste et appréciée de tous qu’en raison de son signe religieux, elle peut continuer à être présente à l’école comme mère, mais plus comme bénévole ? …

Mais quel message envoie-t-on aux enfants quand on leur dit que certaines éducatrices, aussi compétentes et professionnelles soient-elles, et certaines mères, aussi impliquées soient-elles, sont désormais infréquentables par leur seule présence auprès des enfants, sans avoir commis aucune faute ? Si infréquentables qu’il faudrait ériger un « cordon sanitaire » entre elles et l’école de peur qu’elles contaminent l’esprit des enfants ?

Je suis désolée, mais le principal message que j’y vois est un message raciste et paternaliste qui a été normalisé ces dernières années. Un message qui tient pour acquis que ces femmes sont incapables de faire leurs propres choix et que l’on devrait donc choisir pour elles. Soumettez-vous à nous ou retournez à la maison, mesdames ! On fait ça pour votre bien, afin de favoriser l’égalité homme-femme… Parce qu’au Québec, c’est comme ça qu’on vit. Vraiment ?

Source: La loi qui renforce l’absurdité

This is what I thought to myself when I read the Byzantine explanatory table that the Montreal school service center presented this week to its parents’ committee who wanted to understand how Bill 94 would be applied to parents and students.

It will be remembered that this law passed in the wake of the Bedford School scandal does not only extend the ban on wearing a religious sign to members of school staff. It also extends to volunteer parents and anyone who regularly provides services to students.

In which cases is a religious sign allowed?

We therefore learn by consulting the explanatory table that a parent wearing a religious sign, that is to say in this case a veiled mother, could prepare a cake for a party at her children’s school, but could not serve said cake herself. She could participate in the organization of a school trip, but she could not accompany the children. She could attend an end-of-year show as a parent. But she couldn’t help out during the show as a volunteer. She could knit mittens for the class in the evening, but not participate in a knitting workshop at school during the day. Do you follow the logic?

The law raises its share of concerns on the ground. It seems in many ways inapplicable. How will school principals who already have their share of daily challenges handle this? Who will have the hate to announce to an enthusiastic and appreciated mother that because of her religious sign, she can continue to be present at school as a mother, but no longer as a volunteer? …

But what message do we send to children when we tell them that some educators, no matter how competent and professional they are, and some mothers, no matter how involved they are, are now infrequent by their sole presence with the children, without having committed any fault? So infrequent that a “sanitary cordon” should be erected between them and the school for fear that they contaminate the minds of children?

I’m sorry, but the main message I see in it is a racist and paternalistic message that has been normalized in recent years. A message that takes for granted that these women are unable to make their own choices and that we should therefore choose for them. Submit to us or return home, ladies! We do this for your good, to promote gender equality… Because in Quebec, that’s how we live. Really?

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Temporary Foreign Worker Permits Are Destroying Trucking

2026/05/05 2 Comments

Another area of less expensive temporary workers being used, similar to the restaurant and food service industry:

…If the goal is to fix the transport trucking industry, and protect the workers who keep it running, the solutions are not complicated. They do, however, require political will, and perhaps most importantly, workers and unions organized and willing to fight. 

The Teamsters are calling for: a reduction in closed work permits that tie workers to a single employer; a meaningful wage floor and enforcement to ensure pay for all hours worked; pathways to permanent residency for migrant workers; stronger enforcement against employment misclassification and other labour violations; and recognition of truck driving as a skilled trade. 

All of these proposals would raise standards for migrant and Canadian-born workers alike, and should form the basis of solidarity. 

What’s happening in the trucking industry is not unique. It’s part of a broader pattern in the Canadian economy whereby employers refuse to accede to demands for better pay and working conditions (even when their own cost-cutting produces a qualitative labour shortage), instead depending on a supply of precarious and exploitable workers. 

As the Teamsters’ report makes clear, we are faced with a choice. We can continue down the current path, where labour shortages are solved not by improving jobs, but by making workers more disposable. Or, we can raise wages and improve work as the foundation of a better economy. As Burgan put it, “Trucking can’t be outsourced abroad. These jobs are here to stay. So let’s make sure they’re good jobs.”

The trucking industry, like so many others, doesn’t have a labour shortage. It has a shortage of good, union jobs. 

Source: Temporary Foreign Worker Permits Are Destroying Trucking

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Kevin Klein: Canada hands out citizenship like candy

2026/05/04 Leave a comment

More commentary on citizenship by descent and the government’s overly expansive approach. Don’t believe it is possible to revisit the court decision given that this would have to have been done within a certain period, now expired, and unclear whether residency tests would survive judicial review.

Unfortunately, current government will not make any changes unless the numbers explode and start to overwhelm the system:

…This raises a serious question that Ottawa has failed to answer. What does it mean to be Canadian? There was a time when our passport carried real significance. It reflected a country that valued responsibility, stability, and a shared sense of purpose. It was respected internationally because it stood for something clear and consistent. That did not happen overnight. It was built over generations through policy choices that reinforced the value of citizenship.

Today, it feels like we are moving in the opposite direction. We are not strengthening what we built. We are diluting it. There is a simple business principle that applies here. It takes years to earn trust and only moments to lose it. Canada has spent decades building a reputation and a national identity that people respected. It does not take long to weaken that if the standards behind it are lowered.

This is not about rejecting newcomers or closing Canada off from the world. Immigration has always been a core part of this country’s success. People who choose to come here, build a life, and contribute to our communities strengthen Canada. That is very different from extending citizenship indefinitely to individuals whose only link is a distant ancestor. Those are not the same thing, and treating them as if they are undermines the integrity of the system.

There are practical solutions available, and they are not complicated. The federal government can establish clear residency requirements tied to citizenship by descent. It can require applicants to demonstrate a tangible connection to Canada, whether through time spent living here, economic participation, or cultural ties. It can also revisit its decision not to appeal the court ruling and seek clarity at a higher level, ensuring that the law reflects a balanced and defensible definition of citizenship.

Instead, Ottawa has chosen the path of least resistance. It avoids a legal challenge in the short term but creates long-term consequences that will be far more difficult to manage. A country cannot afford to treat citizenship as an open-ended entitlement. It is a privilege that should reflect a real bond between the individual and the nation.

Canada matters. What we have built matters. If we continue down this path, we risk turning citizenship into something transactional rather than meaningful. That is not a minor policy concern. It is a shift that strikes at the core of our national identity. A government that takes that lightly is not protecting Canada. It is eroding it, one decision at a time.

Source: Kevin Klein: Canada hands out citizenship like candy

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Ottawa urged to open up new permanent resident program to all temporary workers

2026/05/04 Leave a comment

Predictable call by predictable advocates:

With so many temporary residents running out of legal status this year, Ottawa has been urged to immediately release details on an announced program that’s meant to grant permanent status to migrant workers in limbo — and make sure the process is fair and inclusive.

Immigration Minister Lena Metlege Diab has been in the hot seat, accused of failing to promptly and properly communicate about the highly anticipated program to transition temporary foreign workers with expiring permits to permanent residence.

So far, what’s known publicly is that there will be a total 33,000 spots over two years, in 2026 and 2027, targeting skilled temporary foreign workers in in-demand sectors outside major urban centres, as well as a requirement of two years of Canadian work experience.

In an open letter published Thursday on behalf of 38 community groups, the Migrant Rights Network asked Diab to release details on the program’s full criteria, eligibility rules and application process as soon as possible. It also asked that “low-skilled and low-waged” should not be excluded.

“Thousands are shut out and the most vulnerable are exploited when the government launches narrow, time-limited programs with limited information,” said Syed Hussan of the rights network….

Source: Ottawa urged to open up new permanent resident program to all temporary workers

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ENGINE OF GROWTH:HOW A CANADIAN BUSINESS IMMIGRATION COUNCIL CAN SUPPORT NATIONAL PROSPERITY

2026/05/04 Leave a comment

Never really addresses the fact that governments are inherently bad at these kind of programs and that consequently, economic outcomes are disappointing (business class immigrants pay some of the lowest taxes of all immigrants). The issues and concerns that some of us raised did not make it into the report:

Executive Summary

In May 2025, Prime Minister Carney outlined seven policy priorities for the Government of Canada including strengthening international trade relationships with reliable partners, bringing down costs for Canadians and making housing more affordable, and attracting the best talent in the world while returning immigration to more sustainable levels.

• Business immigration can support Canada’s economy in various ways. These include promoting productivity and GDP per capita growth, supporting affordability and the health care system, as well as strengthening foreign direct investment, international trade, and Canada’s fiscal standing.

• Business immigration once comprised up to one-quarter of Canada’s economic class admissions (30,000 business immigrants annually). Under its Immigration Levels Plan 2026- 2028, the federal government is now seeking to welcome 500 business immigrants per year. The federal government has stepped back from business immigration due to challenges such as backlogs and the belief that the economic benefits have been limited.

• In 2025, the Canadian Immigration Lawyers Association (CILA) launched the Catalyst Canada initiative. Catalyst Canada convened 11 roundtables featuring 27 experts from across sectors to explore the future of business immigration in the country. (See Appendix II for details on this report’s methodology).

• The main conclusion of the Catalyst Canada initiative is that business immigration can help to advance Canada’s prosperity. The federal government’s main goal should be to develop a framework that enables it to test and iterate various business immigration programs until desirable policy outcomes are achieved. Employing an iterative approach will enable evidence-based policymaking and also avoid previous shortcomings of launching new programs and then abruptly shutting them down when policy objectives are not met.

• Catalyst Canada recommends the formation of a federal Canadian Business Immigration Council comprised of key government stakeholders and other experts to advise the government on business immigration program design and evaluate performance to ensure the programs can advance national economic development and prosperity objectives.

Source: ENGINE OF GROWTH:HOW A CANADIAN BUSINESS IMMIGRATION COUNCIL CAN SUPPORT NATIONAL PROSPERITY

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The world today resembles my grandmother’s much more than my parents’

2026/05/04 Leave a comment

Disturbingly:

…Not that I was alone in this regard. Theodor Adorno decreed after the war that “to write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric”; 15 years later he made an exception for those who had lived through it. Nothing had changed in the culture he was describing. What changed was his understanding that witnesses possess a seemingly unimpeachable answer to most arguments, including his: “I was there.” That is an exercise not in logic or persuasion, but of authority – one of the few places it persists in modern culture. Even if that witness’s recollections are mistaken, even if they are influenced by preconceived ideas, we give that person special consideration. Rightly, and sometimes wrongly, a witness tells us things no one else can, and that no one else dares. And my grandmother was daring – only she regarded her daring as common sense. 

To read the news, or walk down to Yonge and Bloor (or Bathurst and Sheppard) on some Sunday afternoons in Toronto, is to watch embryonic versions of the types that made my grandmother’s life so full of history. Once again they are transgressing society’s limits, seeing what Canadians will tolerate and against whom we’ll tolerate it. In a way I did not foresee, the world today resembles my grandmother’s much more than my parents’. She would be the ideal interlocutor. But to the many questions I would ask her – for example, when precisely did you no longer find yourself at home in the country where you were born? – I have no sense of what she would pick out of her thoughts and memories as a response….

Now when I think back to my grandmother’s stories, it is not as an adult armoured with so-called experience and education. It is as the child of eight or nine, listening for the first time, at about the same age my grandmother was when she experienced this history herself. Both of us too young to make any sense of the experience. 

All the subsequent listening, recording, teaching, writing, remembering: They were, as I imagined, a battle, but now I see they were not against some notion of collective amnesia or falsification of history, but against helplessness of that first encounter.

While alive, my grandmother represented, among many other things to me, the idea that a person can contain and disseminate a witness’s idiosyncratic, fragile and irreplaceable knowledge. I believed this because she had done this herself, in her person. I thought I could take on some part of this. It took only a few years of her absence to show me that this was an illusion.

Source: The world today resembles my grandmother’s much more than my parents’

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Advocates push for ‘central tracking’ of job cuts by equity group as union warns public service gains at risk

2026/05/04 2 Comments

Have forthcoming analysis of the 2024-25 EE desegregated data, representation, hirings, separations, promotions that demonstrates that no negative impact compared to the previous year. So warnings may be overstated and public service may already considering equity impact:

As the public service moves to shed thousands of jobs, unions and a newly formed national coalition say equity gains may be more fragile than they appear, and warn leaving departments to monitor representation creates a “serious gap” in tracking where the cuts fall.

The federal public service entered 2026 looking more representative than it did a decade ago, according to the government’s latest Employment Equity Annual Report. The March report showed racialized workers made up 23.9 per cent of the core public administration in 2024-25, slightly above the 22.7 per cent workforce-availability benchmark. Black employees accounted for 5.1 per cent of the public service, up from 2.8 per cent in 2016-17.

Unions and advocates say the latest report can offer a useful snapshot, but it may not fully capture if employment equity efforts have been damaged. Their concern is less about whether the public service still looks representative on paper than about which workers are most exposed as job cuts deepen.

A newly formed group, the National Employment Equity Council, is calling on the government to require mandatory equity impact assessments before any further staffing decisions. Nicholas Marcus Thompson, its co-chair, warns the government’s current approach means signs of inequities tied to job losses may arrive “too late.”

Though departments have sent workforce adjustment notices tied to 17,000 job cuts, the federal government has not publicly released data to show if equity-seeking groups will be affected….

Andrew Griffith, a former senior federal official who has analyzed Treasury Board employment equity data for years, said the latest data does not support the conclusion that racialized public servants are being disproportionately harmed.

Representation of visible minorities rose slightly in 2024–25, while hiring rates for visible minorities and Indigenous staff remained above their internal representation.

Still, advocates say the TBS response to The Hill Times suggests a worrying approach.

“This doesn’t address the concern,” Thompson said by email. 

“It leaves departments to monitor themselves, with no central tracking, under a law the government has acknowledged is outdated. That’s how inequities continue, and by the time we see it, it’s too late.”…

The council’s central demand is implementation of the 2023 Employment Equity Act Task Force report, including formal recognition of Black workers and 2SLGBTQI+ people as distinct designated groups under the law.

For Thompson, one of the most urgent unresolved issues is how Black workers remain folded into the broader visible minorities category. Under that approach, the government can meet aggregate targets while leaving subgroup disparities untouched, he argued.

“When it is lumped in with everyone else, Black people almost always get left behind,” Thompson said.

Due to ongoing cuts, Thompson said Black workers contacting the council have described fear, declining trust in internal systems, and frustration with what they see as a lack of clarity and transparency in how restructuring decisions are being made….

Source: Advocates push for ‘central tracking’ of job cuts by equity group as union warns public service gains at risk

Filed under DEI, Government, Multiculturalism Tagged with ,

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