Global Affairs tight-lipped on fate of Canadian men being held in Iraq

Not sympathetic as choices have consequences:

…Ottawa-based lawyer Nicholas Pope said he believes at least five Canadian men are being held in Iraq.

Pope said in an interview that a number of the men were recently permitted to phone family members.

He said he spoke directly with one of his detainee clients in June.

Pope said a common message emerged from these calls. “That the prison officials there, and all the officials that they’re talking to are saying, ‘We want you gone, we want Canada to take you, and we’re reluctantly putting you through the judicial system right now, only because Canada is not doing anything,’” he said.

“The big, really frustrating thing here is that we keep telling Canada this. We keep sending them letters saying Iraq wants these men gone.”

The names of the detained Canadian men are not publicly known, with the exception of Jack Letts, whose parents have waged a public campaign to urge Ottawa to help secure his release and passage to Canada.

Amnesty International has warned of serious rights violations and poor conditions in Iraq’s justice system, including overcrowded and unsanitary prisons, unfair trials and mass executions.

Pope said the detained Canadian men face serious risks in Iraq’s system.

“It’s well documented that Iraq’s judicial processes are not exactly fair, don’t have the same due process that we have in Canada,” he said.

“There’s a lot of bias against people who are perceived to have been involved with (the Islamic State) and there’s a huge risk of human rights abuses, torture to extract confessions, as well as these men receiving the death penalty.”

The Embassy of Iraq in Ottawa had no immediate response to a request from The Canadian Press for information on the status of the detained Canadians.

Matthew Behrens, co-ordinator of Stop Canadian Involvement in Torture, said in a recent media statement that Ottawa effectively holds the keys to the jail cells holding the Canadian men.

“By refusing to open those prison doors, we remain deeply complicit in their decade-long arbitrary detention,” Behrens said.

Source: Global Affairs tight-lipped on fate of Canadian men being held in Iraq

The antisemitism report that erases a century of Jewish debate

From the minority Independent Jewish Voices perspective:

…But beneath the report’s stark figures and shocking examples of antisemitism lies a partisan move. The report treats opposition to Zionism as evidence of antisemitism, a move that provides institutions grounds for disciplining scholars for what they teach and for policing students over how they protest. 

We write as members of the Jewish Faculty Network, a group of Jewish Canadian academics who share a commitment to social justice. This includes criticism of, and opposition to, Zionism. 

The report defines “anti-Zionism” as a movement that calls for the “erasure” or “annihilation” of Israel. This is incorrect, and it attempts to turn a legitimate political position into a synonym for hatred before a single survey question is even asked.

Anti-Zionism is a 100-year-old, well-documented current of Jewish thought that has never called for erasing or annihilating anyone. Reform Judaism’s 19th-century founders argued that Jews were a religious community, not a nation awaiting a state. A few decades later, the Jewish Labour Bund, a mass socialist movement across Eastern Europe, built a political program based on doikayt, the idea that Jewish safety comes from equal rights where Jews already live, not from a state somewhere else. Some Hasidic communities have opposed Jewish sovereignty on religious grounds for over a century. …

Yves Winter is an associate professor of political science at McGill University. Noah Brender is a faculty member in the humanities department at Dawson College. Danielle Bobker is a professor of English at Concordia University. Michael Blum is a professor in the École des arts visuels et médiatiques at the Université du Québec à Montréal.

Source: The antisemitism report that erases a century of Jewish debate

Karas: Canada must restore public confidence in the immigration system

Agree on need for better screening and consistent enforcement but the devil is in the details and the capacity and competence of government implementation:

…The first reform should be a single accountable immigration-security command structure—not another bureaucracy, but a clear operational lead with authority to track high-risk cases across IRCC, CBSA, CSIS, RCMP, and the IRB from first application to final removal or citizenship. Canada’s current program is explicitly collaborative, but collaboration is not the same as accountability. The CBSA evaluation recommended stronger performance measurement, a better surge-capacity plan, clearer tracking of the indicators that trigger referrals, interdepartmental training, and a monitoring mechanism to ensure all applicants who should be referred for screening are referred. Those recommendations should be treated as a minimum standard, not an internal housekeeping exercise.

Second, Canada should close identity gaps before people arrive. CBSA says biometrics—fingerprints and photos—help confirm identity, identify known criminals before they attempt to enter Canada, and detect people who use forged, stolen, or borrowed identities. IRCC’s own forward regulatory plan proposes expanding biometrics, including facial biometrics, to visa-exempt eTA travelers, saying this would close “crucial integrity and identity management gaps” and align Canada with like-minded countries. Ottawa should implement that reform, along with digital passport capture and authentication for eTAs and temporary-resident visas, which IRCC says would improve data quality and passport authentication at the application stage.

Third, high-risk files need human scrutiny, not just database checks. Canada’s own security-screening model is risk-based, and comprehensive screening can include open-source reviews, checks of classified databases, consultations with foreign partners, and security interviews. That approach should be strengthened for applicants with incomplete histories, unexplained travel, suspicious documentation, ties to sanctioned regimes or extremist networks, serious criminal allegations abroad, or inconsistencies across applications. If the record is thin, Canada should not pretend the risk is thin. Officers should have the time, training, and authority to ask harder questions before status is granted.

Fourth, asylum processing must be faster and finite. The 2019 Auditor General review of asylum processing found that Canada’s refugee determination system could not respond quickly to surges in claim volumes, that backlogs grew, and that CBSA, IRCC, and the IRB needed better information-sharing and digital processing. It also found that hearings were postponed because security screening was pending, including cases where postponement occurred in error because screening had already been completed or was not yet due. A refugee system that leaves genuine refugees waiting and weak claims lingering is bad for compassion and bad for security. Canada needs surge funding, integrated digital files, early triage, and fast resolution of manifestly bogus, weak, or ineligible claims—while preserving fast and fair hearings for those who truly need protection.

Fifth, removals must become a core public-safety function, not an afterthought. Under IRPA, once a removal order is enforceable, the foreign national must leave Canada immediately, and the order must be enforced as soon as possible. Yet the Auditor General concluded in 2020 that CBSA did not remove most people subject to enforceable removal orders as soon as possible, that about 50,000 enforceable cases had accumulated, and that in roughly two-thirds of those cases the agency did not know the person’s whereabouts. Current CBSA statistics show some improvement in removals—23,160 enforced removals in 2025 and 10,607 by June 30, 2026—but they also show a large removal inventory, including 33,847 wanted cases and 40,827 removals in progress as of June 30, 2026.

That is not sustainable. CBSA already says it prioritizes removals involving national security, serious criminal offences, organized crime, and human-rights violations. Parliament should require monthly public reporting on high-priority removal cases: how many are enforceable, how many are stalled, why they are stalled, and what has been done to secure travel documents, locate absconders, or impose compliance measures. Where foreign governments refuse or delay travel documents, Canada should use targeted visa and processing leverage, transparently and lawfully; IRPA already contains a framework allowing measures where a foreign government unreasonably refuses or delays issuing travel documents to its nationals in Canada. Individuals who are removable and refuse to cooperate with legal requirements should be held in detention.

Sixth, Canada should use detention and alternatives to detention exactly where the law allows—not as punishment, but as risk control. IRPA permits arrest and detention where there are reasonable grounds to believe a person is inadmissible and is a danger to the public, unlikely to appear, or where identity has not been established; it also requires detention reviews and allows release on conditions. CBSA notes that people who fail to appear for removal interviews or removal dates may face a Canada-wide warrant and detention until removal is carried out. That framework should be used consistently for high-risk cases, with reporting conditions, deposits, electronic monitoring where legally authorized, and detention where danger, identity, or flight risk makes lesser measures inadequate.

Finally, Parliament should clarify the law where courts have narrowed or exposed uncertainty. In Mason, the Supreme Court held that IRPA section 34(1)(e) applies only to violent conduct linked to national security or the security of Canada, not ordinary violence unconnected to national security. That decision may be legally sound, but it also shows why Parliament must define modern security threats clearly: terrorist facilitation, transnational repression, organized-crime infiltration, sanctions evasion, foreign-state intimidation, and material support for violent extremist groups. Clear law protects both public safety and due process.

A generous immigration system depends on public confidence, and public confidence depends on credible screening and enforceable consequences. The choice is not between openness and security. The choice is between a system that welcomes the law-abiding while excluding the dangerous, and a system that asks Canadians to trust gaps that the government’s own audits have already identified. Canada should choose the former—and do it now.

Source: OP-ED: Canada must restore public confidence in the immigration system

Grammond: Lutte contre le profilage racial: Passer de la parole aux actes

Mais oui. Similar problems date from my time in the multiculturalism programme, some 15 years ago:

Mais il faudra plus que des paroles pour rétablir la confiance des citoyens ébranlés par les gestes racistes qui seraient survenus au poste 39 de Montréal-Nord, dans l’un des quartiers les plus multiethniques de la métropole.

Des policiers auraient coupé les cheveux d’individus appréhendés pour garder leurs dreads comme un trophée, à la manière d’un « scalp ». Une équipe entière aurait tenu des propos anti-noirs, anti-arabes, ses membres s’encourageant mutuellement à commettre des abus.

En soi, ces comportements sont odieux. Ils ont mené à la dissolution de l’équipe de 16 personnes, en juin, d’ici la conclusion de l’enquête.

Mais ce qui est encore plus atterrant, c’est que la grande majorité des policiers en cause sont de jeunes agents avec quelques années d’expérience.

Cela donne l’impression que les mentalités n’évoluent pas dans la bonne direction au Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), malgré les réels efforts en matière de recrutement et de formation.

Au-delà de cette affaire accablante, les statistiques ne sont pas encourageantes. Le profilage racial perdure, selon une analyse récente réalisée par des experts de quatre universités québécoises1.

À Montréal, les personnes noires ont 3,78 fois plus de risques de se faire interpeller que les blanches, un chiffre qui s’élève à 5,18 fois pour les personnes arabes.

Certains diront que c’est parce qu’elles commettent plus d’infractions. Mais l’argument n’est pas suffisant pour justifier l’intensité du profilage dont elles font l’objet.

Voyez les chiffres : les personnes noires représentent 9,5 % de la population montréalaise, 20 % des personnes associées à une infraction criminelle… mais 25 % des interpellations. Il est aussi possible que le nombre des infractions soit plus élevé parce qu’il y a davantage d’interpellations. Difficile à dire….

Source: Lutte contre le profilage racial: Passer de la parole aux actes

But it will take more than words to restore the confidence of citizens shaken by the racist gestures that allegedly occurred at post 39 of Montreal North, in one of the most multi-ethnic neighborhoods in the metropolis.

Police officers allegedly cut the hair of apprehended individuals to keep their dreads as a trophy, like a “scalp”. An entire team would have made anti-black, anti-Arab remarks, its members encouraging each other to commit abuses.

In itself, these behaviors are odious. They led to the dissolution of the 16-person team in June, until the conclusion of the investigation.

But what is even more shocking is that the vast majority of the police officers involved are young agents with a few years of experience.

This gives the impression that mentalities are not moving in the right direction at the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), despite real efforts in terms of recruitment and training.

Beyond this overwhelming case, the statistics are not encouraging. Racial profiling persists, according to a recent analysis conducted by experts from four Quebec universities1.

In Montreal, black people are 3.78 times more likely to be arrested than white people, a figure that is 5.18 times for Arab people.

Some will say it’s because they commit more offenses. But the argument is not enough to justify the intensity of the profiling to which they are subjected.

See the numbers: black people represent 9.5% of the Montreal population, 20% of people associated with a criminal offense… but 25% of the arrests. It is also possible that the number of offences is higher because there are more arrests. Hard to say….

Charette | L’avenir des enfants au cœur des projets d’immigration en famille

Agree on importance of schools:

…D’autre part, jusqu’à tout récemment, des mesures gouvernementales finançaient des initiatives favorisant la mise en œuvre d’une éducation interculturelle et inclusive dans les écoles. Par exemple, des activités de sensibilisation pouvaient être mises en place avec la contribution de partenaires de la communauté et de parents pour sensibiliser tous les élèves et les membres du personnel à la diversité ethnoculturelle, linguistique et religieuse qui caractérise nos sociétés. N’ayant pas échappé aux efforts budgétaires exigés par le gouvernement, ces allocations ont été supprimées.

Ces choix gouvernementaux ont nécessairement des conséquences sur les conditions offertes aux parents afin qu’ils puissent collaborer avec l’école. De plus, ils mettent en lumière des lacunes relatives à l’accueil offert aux familles immigrantes à l’école et dans la société.

Je répète donc la question de départ de cet article : est-ce que la société offre à tous les parents des possibilités égales de s’impliquer et de collaborer avec l’école ?

La réponse est non.

Si l’avenir des enfants et leur réussite à l’école sont au cœur des projets de l’immigration en famille, ils devraient aussi être au cœur des choix que nous faisons comme société. Cela suppose non seulement de reconnaître l’importance de l’implication parentale, mais aussi de créer les conditions qui permettent réellement à tous les parents de collaborer avec l’école. Le contexte actuel compromet la participation des parents immigrants à l’école et, par conséquent, à la société plus largement. Ces constats imposent des réflexions dans une société qui, jusqu’à aujourd’hui, était reconnue à l’international pour son accueil des familles immigrantes.

Josée Charette Professeure à la Faculté des sciences de l’éducation et titulaire de la Chaire UQAM Bienvenue aux familles immigrantes.

Source: Idées | L’avenir des enfants au cœur des projets d’immigration en famille

… On the other hand, until recently, government measures funded initiatives to promote the implementation of intercultural and inclusive education in schools. For example, awareness-raising activities could be put in place with the contribution of community partners and parents to make all students and staff aware of the ethnocultural, linguistic and religious diversity that characterizes our societies. Having not escaped the budgetary efforts demanded by the government, these allowances were abolished.

These government choices necessarily have consequences on the conditions offered to parents so that they can collaborate with the school. In addition, they highlight gaps in the reception offered to immigrant families at school and in society.

So I repeat the starting question of this article: does society offer all parents equal opportunities to get involved and collaborate with the school?

The answer is no.

If the future of children and their success in school are at the heart of family immigration projects, they should also be at the heart of the choices we make as a society. This means not only recognizing the importance of parental involvement, but also creating the conditions that really allow all parents to collaborate with the school. The current context compromises the participation of immigrant parents in school and, consequently, in society more broadly. These observations require reflections in a society that, until today, was internationally recognized for its reception of immigrant families.

Josée Charette Professor at the Faculty of Educational Sciences and holder of the UQAM Chair Welcome to immigrant families.

Canada Gave Them Citizenship. Then Changed Its Mind

Alternative headline: IRCC developed an overly generous policy without thinking through the implications and impact. None of the witnesses nor officials and ministers discussed this during the various Senate and Commons hearings:

…For applicants such as Jeep, this was not an ordinary immigration pathway. They were not asking Canada to admit them as newcomers and then allow them to work toward citizenship. A successful application under Bill C-3 bestows citizenship by descent rather than through naturalization, with applicants recognized as Canadians since birth or January 1, 1947—when Canadian citizenship became a legal status—whichever was later.

That legal distinction sits awkwardly inside the politics of the moment. Ottawa has been trying to reduce temporary-resident numbers, with IRCC announcing plans to set targets for that demographic for the first time and to bring their numbers down to 5 percent of Canada’s population. At the same time, Bill C-3 opened a path for people living abroad—some with little or no recent connection to Canada—to have citizenship recognized through ancestry.

Eligible descendants did not have to first live in Canada, pass a citizenship test, show knowledge of English or French, or complete the process expected of permanent residents seeking naturalization. Some may never move here. Others, including Americans worried about conditions in the US, saw the law as something more practical: a route to safety, mobility, a respectable dual citizenship, or a possible future in Canada.

That is where the certificate suspensions became more than a paperwork problem. Canada had widened the legal doorway to citizenship. But when early applicants stepped through it, IRCC appeared unprepared for the old records, complicated family histories, and the political meaning they brought with them….

IMMIGRATION LAWYER Amandeep Hayer, who has advised several affected certificate holders, says historical citizenship cases inevitably require evidence beyond modern birth certificates. Civil registration did not begin at the same time or with the same consistency across every province. Someone trying to prove where an ancestor was born in the nineteenth century may have no birth certificate to obtain, regardless of how thoroughly they search.

In those circumstances, a census, church register, marriage record, or another archival document may be the best evidence that survives. Hayer says the problem at the time was that IRCC’s guidance did not clearly define which alternative records would be considered valid, with the result that officers initially accepted the evidence and issued certificates, only for the department to later question whether the documentation was sufficient. He says IRCC has since provided more clarity on the matter.

But the suspensions also raise constitutional questions. Some immigration lawyers have argued that forcing certificate holders to surrender proof of citizenship without first identifying the specific problem in their file could engage mobility rights, due-process protections, and equality concerns, especially where passports were also revoked. The issue has not yet been tested in court in the context of the Bill C-3 suspensions.

For nearly two weeks after the first surrender letters became public, IRCC offered little public explanation. At a June 23 media availability, Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Lena Metlege Diab said she had asked officials to look into the issue after learning of concerns with citizenship certificates issued under Bill C-3. Two days later, Prime Minister Mark Carney was asked whether the people affected deserved a timely explanation. “The simple answer is yes,” he said, “and I’ll be following up to ensure they get that.”…

The Citizenship Regulations allow the government to require surrender of a certificate when it has reason to believe the holder may not be entitled to it. The question is how IRCC reached that belief—and what the department should have done in all fairness when its own unclear instructions helped create the uncertainty. For Jeep, Maher, Tossell, and others caught in the review, integrity also means explaining how those decisions were made, why they were reversed, and—more fundamentally—whether the government will stand by the documents it issues.

Source: Canada Gave Them Citizenship. Then Changed Its Mind

Canada is spending big to recruit top global minds. They may find it hard to stay in the country — if they can even get in

Well, if there wasn’t rigorous screening…. Presumably easier for Chinese, Indian and Iranian academics who have also spent time in the USA, EU and other similar countries:

…Recruiting international talent was a highlight of Prime Minister Mark Carney’s 2025 budget, and the Immigration Department has a key role. A $1.7 million investment is meant to lure world-class researchers and top doctoral and post-doctoral fellows to Canada, and support universities in hiring internationally.

While institutions can go all-out to invite prospective talent, experts say success hinges on whether the recruits can make it to Canada in a timely way and secure permanent residence after their stay. The lack of a streamlined system and delays in security processing, they said, are hindering the effort.

“There’s not a co-ordination between the immigration side and the science” recruitment, said Christina Clark-Kazak, a professor in public and international affairs at the University of Ottawa.

“Many people were already starting to say, ‘How are these people ever going to get visas?’ So you’re investing all this time and they’re coming here for a few years. What are they going to do at the end of that? What’s the immigration pathway?”

Visas stalled by backlogged security screening

The Canada Global Impact+ Research Talent Initiative has different streams, providing funding to hire world-leading research chairs and teams, early-career researchers, top doctoral students and post-doctoral researchers, as well as investment in infrastructure and facilities they need.

The Star’s Janet Hurley recently reported that after Americans, Chinese, Iranian and Indian nationals were the top source countries of the 659 graduate students and post-docs from 72 countries selected in the first phase of the training awards program, focusing on early-career talent. Doctoral candidates will receive $40,000 annually for three years and post-docs $70,000 a year for two years.

Yet, China, Iran and India also top the list of immigration applicants who are referred to comprehensive security screening by the Canada Border Services Agency and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service. Immigration officials said assessments are conducted by its partners and processing times vary, depending on the backlog and complexity of a case. It can take months, or years. …

Source: Canada is spending big to recruit top global minds. They may find it hard to stay in the country — if they can even get in

Geist: Denial, Hate, and Silence: The Three Responses to Overwhelming Evidence of Canada’s Campus Antisemitism Crisis

Valid:

…The first response is denial, with some groups claiming the survey is unrepresentative, its methodology flawed, and that it conflates Jewish identity with Zionism. The objections do not withstand scrutiny. The survey’s community-recruited, non-probability approach is the standard methodology for researching discrimination against small, hard-to-reach populations. Indeed, it served as the methodology for surveys on 2SLGBTQ youthurban Indigenous health studiesanti-Asian racism data, and trans communities. Governments have used the resulting data for policy development and few demanded probability samples before treating that research as a basis for action. Moreover, while relying on the IHRA definition is precisely what a study backed by a government that has itself adopted that definition should do, the findings do not depend on definitions. Set aside every Israel and Zionism-related item in the survey and the data still shows 56% of Jewish students witnessing discriminatory treatment of Jews as Jews, 54% witnessing intimidation or threats, 22% witnessing physical violence, and 45% regularly encountering Holocaust denial. No definition is required to classify “Hitler should have finished you off”, “the Holocaust did not really happen”, or “Jews, Jews, you cannot hide.” Critics themselves concede that the report documents “unmistakable antisemitism,” but are left to quibble at the edges by debating definitions rather than confronting what the data shows.

The second response is hate. Once again, my posts about the survey attracted replies on my social media that read like a live enactment of the report’s findings, validating a national dataset in real time. The survey found that 45% of Jewish students regularly encounter Holocaust denial or distortion; the replies included the claim that the Holocaust is “fake, just exaggerated slop to position yourselves as victims.” The survey found that more than 70% of Jewish students report harm to their mental health; the replies mocked that finding with comments about “mental illnesses suffered by Ashkenazi jews” lying “in the genes.” The survey documented students hiding their identity and considering leaving their universities; the replies suggested Jewish students “should transfer to Tel Aviv” and dismissed them as “professional victims.”

The most important response, however, was the non-response or silence from those who must act. One week after a government-backed report found that 70% of Jewish students believe their universities do not take antisemitism seriously, I could find no responses from university presidents, Universities Canada or other organizations. Political leaders have been little better: Culture Minister Marc Miller called the findings “alarming”, but a broader response or sense of urgency from governments has been missing. The Advisory Council on Rights, Equality and Inclusion, which serves as the government’s replacement for the Special Envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism (who commissioned the CASE report), continues to signal that it is not a serious effort to combat antisemitism. At the report’s release, Council member and former senator Marc Gold read the Minister’s statement, declined to respond to criticism of the government’s approach, and described the council’s progress as: “we’re getting to know each other and we are providing input into a work plan.” The house is on fire and they are getting to know each other.

Simply put, silence is not neutral, as it confirms students’ worst fears and risks making them even more skeptical about reporting their experiences. The NECA recommendations released alongside the report provide a ready-made starting point, beginning with enforcing the policies universities already have. With the fall term just weeks away, no university leader can claim to be unaware of what returning Jewish students face.

The report’s findings were overwhelming, and so is what the past week has revealed. The deniers cannot bring themselves to accept what the data shows, the haters keep demonstrating it, and the institutions with the power to act have said nothing at all. It is time for a fourth response: action.

Source: Denial, Hate, and Silence: The Three Responses to Overwhelming Evidence of Canada’s Campus Antisemitism Crisis

Conservatives call for Liberals to block ‘candy sentences’ for immigrants convicted of crimes

More on CPC immigration messaging. Valid to argue that this has been excessively enabled by the courts:

Conservative immigration critic Michelle Rempel Garner reiterated her call Tuesday for the Liberal government to amend the Criminal Code to put an end to “candy sentences” that she says allow immigrants who commit crimes to avoid deportation.

Speaking to reporters in Ottawa, the longtime Conservative MP argued that a slew of recent headlines detailing how non-Canadians charged with various crimes but received reduced sentences so as to avoid deportation proceedings was “insane and disgusting.”

“These types of rulings now happen so frequently that a judge in Montreal accused Montreal prosecutors of proposing candy sentences for criminals at risk of deportation, affirming that this is a common practice across the country,” she said.

“Practices that let certain people commit crimes with impunity are corrosive to a high-trust society. It makes Canada unsafe, leading to a society that is less trusting to everyone, including immigrants who have come to Canada and work hard and play by the rules.”

National Post has recently detailed many cases where a judge cited an accused’s immigration status as a mitigating factor when issuing a criminal sentence. In one case cited by Rempel Garner, a judge granted a Ghanaian man and loan shark who violently stole a woman’s phone a conditional discharge, citing his immigration status.

The Conservative MP once again called on the Liberals to amend the Criminal Code to prevent immigration status from being a consideration during sentencing for a crime. She also re-iterated her longstanding call for Immigration Minister Lena Diab and Justice Minister Sean Fraser to resign….

Source: Conservatives call for Liberals to block ‘candy sentences’ for immigrants convicted of crimes

Quebec law ending mandatory oath to King faces constitutional challenge

Another one to watch:

A constitutional lawyer is seeking to strike down a 2022 Quebec law that abolished the mandatory Oath of Allegiance to the King for members of the province’s National Assembly, arguing the provincial government overstepped its constitutional powers.

The application was filed in Quebec Superior Court in Montreal on Monday by the Public Interest Litigation Institute and its founder, Lawrence David, who teaches at University of Ottawa’s faculty of law.

The lawsuit names the Attorney General of Quebec as the respondent and the Attorney General of Canada as an interested party….

Source: Quebec law ending mandatory oath to King faces constitutional challenge