Ottawa ends permanent residency exemption for refugees with undeclared family

Of note (H&C approval rates are about 50 percent according to latest public data):

…A department spokesperson said in an emailed response that affected people can now apply instead for an exemption on humanitarian or compassionate grounds. The spokesperson said this is an “appropriate” way to provide accommodations that ensures the integrity of the immigration system.

The policy was last extended in September 2023. A memo drafted for the immigration minister at the time said about 2,000 applications had been received and that there was “minimal risk” to program integrity. The memo reported a 90 per cent approval rate.

Most of the applications received over the first two years of the policy found family members were not declared “through no fault of the clients,” according to the memo.

Jamie Liew, a University of Ottawa law professor, co-authored a 2017 study on the gaps that existed before the exemption was created. She said the end of the policy came as a shock and she was under the impression it was working “pretty well.”

“Now, this avenue has been pulled. And it will leave a lot of families separated indefinitely and possibly permanently,” Liew said.

Liew said humanitarian and compassionate applications are not sufficient remedies because their estimated processing time currently stands at more than 10 years. 

“The wait period for these applications (is) unforgiving, and then the grant rates themselves are very low. Humanitarian and compassionate applications are not known for being very easy to get status with,” Liew said.

Sreenivasan said the Canadian Council for Refugees was informed of the policy’s end on Wednesday. The organization sent a letter to Immigration Minister Lena Diab Friday saying they are shocked and deeply dismayed by the lack of consultation.

Sreenivasan said she wants Diab to reconsider the decision, release information to show whether there were problems with the program, and launch consultations aimed at fixing any problems….

Source: Ottawa ends permanent residency exemption for refugees with undeclared family

Ibbitson: Canada may need to brace for influx of undocumented immigrants if Trump becomes president

Quite astounding that Ibbitson would essentially advocate an open door policy for the American undocumented that would likely seek coming to Canada. Such a wholesale approach, in the context of already excessive levels of permanent and temporary migration, would undermine further any pretence of a managed immigration system, not to mention the increased burden on healthcare, housing and infrastructure.

Since many of the undocumented are lower skilled, such an approach would further weaken Canada’s productivity.

In terms of the academics quoted, Macklin is correct regarding the practical difficulties of effectively expelling over 10 million people but may be discounting that a Trump 2 administration will be more ideological and is actively looking at how to effect such policy.

Somewhat puzzled by Lieu’s comment dismissing the importance of numbers on public confidence. While true that it may depend more on “proper supervision,” rapid growth in numbers becomes a proxy for lack of proper supervision, as Roxham Road and previous irregular arrivals attest, not to mention IRCC’s many issues and challenges in managing current flows.

In any case, Mr. Trump might welcome the departure of undocumented immigrants across the northern border and scrap the agreement himself.

In the event of a Trump victory, Canada should be ready to welcome as many new arrivals from the United States as possible, regardless of their immigration or citizenship status.

They would represent a silver lining to the very dark thundercloud of a second Trump presidency.

Source: Canada may need to brace for influx of undocumented immigrants if Trump becomes president

Thousands of applicants have been assigned to inactive immigration officers and IDs. Are you one of them?

Another unfortunate example of processing failures. Departmental response weak to be charitable:

Canada’s Immigration Ministry has assigned tens of thousands of applicants to immigration officers or placeholder codes that are inactive and no longer working within their system — some who’ve last logged in and processed files up to 16 years ago, and from airports and visa offices around the world.

Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) data on “inactive users” on their Global Case Management System (GCMS) — its worldwide internal system used to process citizenship and immigration applications — show 59,456 open, pending or re-opened applications that were assigned to 779 former employees or dormant computer placeholder codes used to hold applicants in queue as of this February.

The department told CBC once a user is set as inactive, “it means they are no longer using the system and their access is no longer available.”

Source: Thousands of applicants have been assigned to inactive immigration officers and IDs. Are you one of them?

Liew: We must not allow stateless people to be made outsiders

Long article on statelessness reflecting her family experience and subsequent research in Malaysia, outlining the hardships and issues involved.

The Canadian examples she cited are less clear cut than stated.

In terms of data, about 80 stateless persons per month were granted permanent residence in Canada during the pre-pandemic years of 2018 and 2019, with no data on those becoming citizens on open data:

Growing up, my immigrant father used long-winded lectures to punish me. He would sit me and my siblings down and implore us to imagine what it was like to grow up like him. As we rolled our eyes, he would reiterate that because of our fortunate position in life, we shouldn’t throw it away with our misbehaviour, our relaxed attitude about our school work or lack of work ethic.

My father’s life story seemingly fits into the Canadian migrant narrative. He came as a young economic migrant, sponsored his spouse and several siblings, worked in blue-collar jobs and raised a family. But I never felt like my father’s story was typical. No one around me had the same kind of migration story. I had never heard of anyone being stateless other than members of my family.

My father was born stateless in Brunei, a country that did not and still doesn’t give citizenship to Chinese people born within its territory. A person is stateless when they have no citizenship whatsoever. People who are stateless are homeless in some respects, with no country claiming them as their own. Some may have permanent residence or temporary residence, while others have no immigration status at all.

They live in limbo because without permanent legal status such as citizenship, it is like having no legal identity. Without this, simple things many of us take for granted, such as opening a bank account or getting a driver’s licence, are just aspirations. More significant consequences include the inability to go to school or access health care. Some stateless people suffer severe consequences such as arrest, detention, deportation, mental-health issues, exploitative working conditions and poverty.

As a child, I didn’t really understand the term “stateless.” At first, I thought my father meant he wasn’t given a birth certificate. This is a frequent occurrence for stateless people – the lack of documentation that registers their birth, name and legal standing. But it is more than the lack of the piece of paper that my father was referring to. It was how one could be made invisible, disposable and foreign in a country one considers their home.

My father was able to escape a life of limbo and vulnerability by immigrating to Canada. When I was younger, I thought his story was fantastical, unique and obscure. Years later, after practising immigration law and becoming a law professor, I started to see not only frequent occurrences of statelessness but a growing community of scholars writing about the topic.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that more than 10 million people around the world are stateless. The very nature of statelessness makes it impossible to know precisely how many people are stateless, and the number could be much higher given that it is governments doing the counting and stateless people have very good reasons to hide. Statelessness is not just an issue in developing countries, but exists everywhere, even in Canada and the United States.

It was its pervasiveness that led me to go back to where my family has roots to try to get a better understanding of why statelessness exists. I spent a few months in Malaysia, where there is a significant stateless population and a robust advocacy community supporting stateless people. Over chili crab in Kota Kinabalu, in a humid community centre in Klang, in the waiting room of a government registrar in Penang, and even in the air-conditioned malls of Kuala Lumpur, I met stateless people, their families, lawyers, paralegals, members of parliament, and advocates with community and non-governmental organizations.

In one meeting with a lawyer in a beautiful office of a commercial law firm in Kuala Lumpur, she showed me a file that had the client’s name on it. It was the same as my last name, Liew. At a registration rally in Penang, where 60 stateless people and their families attempted to submit citizenship applications, I sat at a table with Chinese fathers who spoke my mother tongue, Hokkien, and told me their children could not attend school because they were stateless. One father told me, “How can they tell me my own child is a foreigner when I am not!”

In these multiple encounters, I had an out-of-body sensation that I was peering into an alternate universe where I was stateless. I saw my name on legal files and documents, and I saw my own father sitting at the table with other fathers. Indeed, had my father stayed in Southeast Asia, I would be stateless today.

As an academic, I gathered firsthand accounts on how the legal system in Malaysia has failed stateless people. But behind the law is a system in place that is stacked against certain ethnic groups.

My research gave me an understanding of how vestiges of British colonial law, administrative systems and government led to the development of a racialized notion of citizenship in postcolonial Malaysia. This can be found in its constitution and other laws and is being implemented through the discretionary power of front-line clerks reviewing citizenship applications.

I saw the role that administrative and legal decisions had in creating foreigners out of kin. The starkest example was when a stateless woman told me that her citizenship was taken away at a government counter simply because she didn’t “look Malaysian.”

People who had long-standing, genuine connections and bonds with a country were nevertheless made to be outsiders. I saw, in my research, that even though one could be born in a particular country, of parents who were citizens of that country, who lived their entire life there speaking the language and performing the customs, it might not be enough. For some, if your face doesn’t look like the dominant race, you may never belong, and never be granted the coveted status emblematic of belonging – citizenship.

Months later, when I returned to Canada, I started to see the same trends in the cases I had long taught in my immigration law class. The same colonial tools were reproduced in our legal systems to claim a person as not being a citizen of Canada.

Perhaps the most glaring example was Deepan Budlakoti, who was born in Canada in 1989. The case centred around Canada’s Citizenship Act excluding birthright citizenship from those born of persons who were in the country for diplomatic reasons. The central question was whether Mr. Budlakoti’s parents could be considered employed by a foreign government at the time of his birth.

The facts are murky since a former diplomat confirmed Mr. Budlakoti’s parents quit before he was born and a doctor affirmed his parents worked for him at the time of his birth. But the federal government unearthed paperwork showing the diplomatic status of Mr. Budlakoti’s parents was valid at the time of his birth. Canadian courts have accepted the version of facts that Mr. Budlakoti’s parents, who were cooks and cleaners, were employed by the Indian embassy at the time of his birth and therefore he was excluded from acquiring citizenship by being born in Canada.

The Federal Court of Appeal found this despite the fact that Mr. Budlakoti lived in Canada all of his life and had in the past acquired a Canadian passport. Notably, the court denied such a decision would make Mr. Budlakoti stateless, finding that he may qualify for citizenship under the laws of India. This was despite the fact that in attempting to deport Mr. Budlakoti, Canada has not been able to deport him to India since it has denied he is a citizen of India.

Other cases involved stateless refugee claimants whose applications were denied because they had the mere opportunity to gain citizenship somewhere. One notable example is the case of Chime Tretsetsang, a stateless refugee from Tibet who was denied refugee protection in Canada on the flimsy notion that he could possibly obtain citizenship in India. Indeed, the court in this case refused to consider Mr. Tretsetsang stateless and maintained that he could obtain Indian citizenship despite no assurances given by India and no evidence that citizenship would be granted.

In my research, the common thread I have pulled in many cases of statelessness in Malaysia and Canada is the idea that people can be made to be foreigners even where there is little to no evidence they are citizens of another country – or even non-citizens of a country they claim to have membership in.

The mere possibility that they could be citizens of another country is all that legal decision makers have relied on. This is astonishing given the kinds of evidence people need to provide to prove anything in court. These legal findings – that persons are not stateless and are foreign citizens – are based on nothing but pure speculation.

There is a global trend where certain racialized groups will always be considered foreign, other, stranger. This is in the absence of concrete proof that they are citizens of other states. It may also contradict established facts that these people may have deep bonds with Malaysia or Canada. Such ties include birth within the territory, parents or grandparents who have permanent residence or citizenship, years of residence within the country, fluency of the language and cultural customs of the dominant culture of the state, and an absence of affinity or connections to other foreign states. These are factors long recognized in international law as demonstrating citizenship.

As I explored the legal barriers and consequences, as well as the political and social implications of how we treat stateless people, what stayed with me most was how statelessness made people feel and what it did to their conception of their own identity and where they belong.

I found stateless people exhibited a dual personality. At times they were insecure of their place and feared offending anyone around them. They exhibited a perpetual need to please, assimilate and demonstrate that they could blend in. At other times, they displayed a sharp knack for surviving, being resourceful and resilient, manifesting a stubborn insistence that they are citizens in all but name.

They were eloquent, intelligent advocates and a force that governments could not ignore or brush under the rug. I started to appreciate the performances my father carried out and the fear that still seeps out with his parental but cautionary comments to me today to not draw too much attention to myself.

While my father was able to meet the then-requirements for economic immigration to Canada, he has never forgotten the instability and uncertainty he felt as a stateless person. For the millions who remain stateless, many have no legal recourse to obtain any immigration status anywhere. Scores of stateless persons are children born into countries that refuse to treat them like kin, and they suffer when they are denied schooling, health care, jobs and even a home.

It is an urgent time to be talking about statelessness because the very act of making people stateless and declaring they are foreigners is used as a tool in troubling postcolonial contexts including the genocide of the Rohingya people in Myanmar, and the stripping of citizenship from millions of Muslims in Assam, India.

We must challenge the default position that we should necessarily trust those around us and the state in telling us who are members of our community. And we need to start conversations to find productive ways to welcome home our fellow citizens, and be critical about how a person is cast as a stranger, other and foreigner.

Jamie Chai Yun Liew is a lawyer based in Ottawa and the author of the novel Dandelion.

Source: We must not allow stateless people to be made outsiders

Impact of birth tourism on health caresystems in Calgary, Alberta

This is exactly the kind of detail that is needed for regions and hospitals that have high numbers of non-resident births.

Some highlights of the study from my perspective:

  • 102/227 patients were identified as birth tourist (45 percent)
  • 83% of patients stated they came to Canada with a Visitor Visa
  • Country of origin: Nigeria (25%), Middle East (18%) China (11%), and India (8%) and Mexico (6%), none from Western Europe or Australia
  • 77% stated that their primary reason to deliver their baby in Canada was for the the baby to be eligible for Canadian citizenship, while only 8% stated their reason to deliver in Canada was to access better health care
  • Almost a third of women had a known preexisting medical condition
  • 29 mothers and 17 newborns had unpaid invoices, $290,000 and $404,000 respectively at the time the report was written.

More kind of this detailed analysis by medical professionals and researchers is needed rather than the legal and policy analyses that diminish the issue (disclosure the researchers and I have been in contact over the past few years).

Hospitals where studies would be useful would be for the top ten hospitals with the largest percentage of non-resident births:

Funding should be provided for these kind of empirical studies rather than for more ideological studies such as the one underway by Megan Gaucher, Jamie Lieu and Amanda Cheong (Insight Grant 2021 Birth Tourism and Citizenship):

Background:  Birth  tourism  refers  to  non-resident  women  giving  birth  in  a  country  outside  of  their  own  in  order  to obtain  citizenship  and/or  healthcare  for  their  newborns. We  undertook  a  study  to  determine  the  extent  of  birth  tourism  in  Calgary,  the  characteristics  and  rationale  of  this  population,  and  the  fnancial  impact  on  the  healthcare  system.

Methods:  A  retrospective  analysis  of  102  women  identifed  through  a  Central Triage  system  as  birth  tourists  who delivered  in  Calgary  between  July  2019  and  November  2020  was  performed.  Primary  outcome  measures  were  mode of  delivery,  length  of  hospital  stay,  complications  or  readmissions  within  6  weeks  for  mother  or  baby,  and  NICU  stay for  baby.

Results:  Birth Tourists  were  most  commonly  from  Nigeria  (24.5%).  77%  of  Birth Tourists  stated  that  their  primary  reason  to  deliver  their  baby  in  Canada  was  for  newborn  Canadian  citizenship. The  average  time  from  arrival  in  Calgary  to the  EDD  was  87  days.  Nine  babies  required  stay  in  the  neonatal  intensive  care  unit  (NICU)  and  3  required  admission  to a  non  NICU  hospital  ward  in  frst  6  weeks  of  life,  including  2  sets  of  twins. The  overall  amount  owed  to  Alberta  Health Services  for  hospital  fees  for  this  time  period  is  approximately  $694  000.00.

Conclusion:  Birth Tourists  remain  a  complex  and  poorly  studied  group. The  process  of  Central Triage  did  help  suport  providers  in  standardizing  process  and  documentation  while  ensuring  that  communication  was  consistent. These  fndings  provide  preliminary  data  to  guide  targeted  public  health  and  policy  interventions  for  this  population.

Source: Impact of birth tourism on health care systems in Calgary, Alberta

ICYMI: Insight Grant 2021 Birth Tourism and #Citizenship – Activist or Academic?

Some background of possible interest to this grant.

My initial 2018 analysis (Hospital Stats Show Birth Tourism Rising in Major Cities) provoked rebuttals from Jamie Lieu and Megan Gaucher.

While part of their arguments concerned my interpretation of the data (largely addressed given the sharp drop in visitor visas covered in my Birth Tourism in Canada Dropped Sharply Once the Pandemic Began), the bulk of their arguments were on policy grounds where we disagree.

Ironically, we had submitted a joint-proposal in 2019 for funding research looking at the policy issues, but were unsuccessful. It has now been successfully resurrected with the original researchers but without my “contrarian” presence and thus may well lack balance given the common perspective of the researchers.

Their concern that “proposed measures risk being driven by polarizing narratives about borders and citizenship rather than by evidence” is somewhat ironic as they contest the best evidence that we have regarding the likely numbers of birth tourists.

As a whole, the proposal reinforces critiques of universities and academics not having a diversity of views and perspectives in their work:

Birth tourist is a term used for non-resident mothers (NRMs) who come to Canada with the sole purpose of giving birth so that their child has a claim to Canadian birthright citizenship.

“They are accused of undermining Canada’s jus soli citizenship laws and subsequently labelled ‘queue jumpers’ and ‘system cheaters,’” says Megan Gaucher. “While both completely legal and statistically low, birth tourism continues to be identified by political parties as an issue in need of remedy.”

Gaucher, an associate professor in the Department of Law and Legal Studies, has been awarded a five-year $223,328 SSHRC Insight grant for the project, “Mapping the Discursive and Institutional Landscape of ‘Birth Tourism’ and its Perceived Attack on Canadian Birthright Citizenship.”

“Proposed measures have focused almost exclusively on refusing automatic citizenship to children born on Canadian soil unless one of the parents is a Canadian citizen or permanent resident,” says Gaucher. “Calls for legislative action however, remain reliant on an incomplete picture of the prevalence of and motivations for engaging in birth tourism, the socio-legal structures that facilitate it and the implications current political and public discourse present for NRMs.”

The project will provide the first comprehensive mapping of the state of birth tourism in Canada. Gaucher — along with team members Jamie Chai Yun Liew (University of Ottawa), Y.Y. Chen (University of Ottawa) and Amanda Cheong (University of British Columbia) — will conduct interviews with NRMs and their family members, birth tourism industry insiders, health care practitioners, government officials and local residents.

These interviews will be complemented by an analysis of pre-existing government data, Parliamentary Hansard, birth tourism promotional materials and media coverage from mainstream and ethnic media. “Current conversations about birth tourism tend to rely on data from health facilities,” says Gaucher. “Our project will bring together experts in political science, law, health and sociology to critically interrogate how multiple socio-legal spaces are used to both criminalize and restrict access to NRMs and their future children.”

This study will explore how constructions of foreignness undermine the longstanding assumption that formal legal citizenship is an uncontested condition for membership to the Canadian state and explore how political and public discourse around birth tourism ultimately reproduces settler-colonial imaginaries of “good” familial citizens.

“As debate around birth tourism in Canada and the appropriate policy responses continue to unfold against a backdrop of knowledge gaps, proposed measures risk being driven by polarizing narratives about borders and citizenship rather than by evidence,” she says.

Source: Friday, June 18, 2021 in Department of Law and Legal Studies, News, Research
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Safe places [Safe Third Country Agreement Supreme Court case]

Bit unbalanced in terms of experts interviewed. Would be useful to have a dissenting view for contrast as there is room for debate on the SFCA:

The Safe Third Country Agreement with our Southern neighbour that compels would-be refugees to cross into Canada at unofficial border crossings was bound to end up before our Supreme Court at some point. Last month, the top court finally granted leave to review its constitutionality. The Federal Court initially ruled in 2020 that the agreement violated refugee claimants’ Charter rights by deporting those who arrived from the U.S. and had filed a claim in Canada in contravention of the STCA. The declaration of invalidity was suspended to give the government time to take action, and then the Federal Court of Appeal overturned the decision.

There are several key questions the Supreme Court must address now, says Janet Dench, executive director for the Canadian Council for Refugees, who brought the challenge along with several asylum claimants. She calls the Federal Court of Appeal ruling “disturbing,” having “left us with a sense that there is no real recourse for violations of refugees’ rights.”

She also expresses concern that a broader application of the Federal Court of Appeal’s ruling could affect other Section 15 Charter claims.

Indeed, part of the Council’s case hinges on the failure of the U.S. to adequately protect people fleeing gender-based persecution, which it says was exacerbated under former President Donald Trump’s administration. The Federal Court rendered its judgment based on Section 7 arguments, and did not consider Section 15 claims. Having overturned the Section 7 argument, the Federal Court of Appeal also did not need to look at Section 15.

Another issue is that the Federal Court of Appeal held that the plaintiffs were wrong to challenge the designation of the U.S. as a safe third country. Instead, it’s up to cabinet to regularly review the designation, and therefore it is cabinet’s decision that must be challenged.

“If this decision and analysis was to stand, then lawyers would constantly be asking what they are challenging,” says Dench. “Are they challenging that a regulation was put into force that disadvantages or violates certain people’s rights, or should they be challenging the fact that regulation hasn’t subsequently been set aside,” says Dench.

Jamie Chai Yun Liew, professor at the University of Ottawa, who has previously represented the Canadian Council for Refugees but is not involved in this matter, notes that the focus of the Federal Court decision was on the impact of the decision-making by those at the border implementing the STCA.

“There was a lot of social science, affidavit and first instance evidence presented to the court of the experiences of migrants who have been turned away at the border and their experiences,” Liew says. “One of the things that the [Federal Court] focused on was the immediate detention of people who were turned away at the border, and the risk of them not even having their refugee claim assessed at all by either country.”

Liew notes that the Federal Court of Appeal focused instead on “safety valves” that allowed for claimants to access a different assessment or protection before the decision leading to the harm that the applicants described, including federal review of the STCA.

“During the discovery process, the government was very resistant in sharing any information about the internal political system of how the Safe Third Country was reviewed, so there’s very little evidence on that,” Liew adds. “What evidence there is, publicly, doesn’t show that the government has done a very deep review of these kinds of things, despite increasing evidence that the United States is a hostile place for refugees, especially during the Trump administration.”

Despite the evidence of harms, Liew notes, the government’s unwillingness to come forward with information during the discovery process means the Supreme Court will be limited in its ability to examine what actually happened.

“It will be interesting to see how those on the bench absorb the evidence and what angles they take,” Liew says.

Liew hopes that the court ensures that Charter rights aren’t being trampled under the pretext that the so-called “safety valves” are available to refugee claimants. She notes that past ruling on immigration by the Supreme Court have raised questions around alternative remedies. On paper there are mechanisms, such as pre-removal risk assessments, whereby a person can apply to remain in Canada if they are at risk of physical harm in the event they get deported to their country. In reality, however, people have difficulty accessing these measures.

Audrey Macklin, professor and the Rebecca Cook Chair in Human Rights Law at the University of Toronto, says that Canada can neither directly violate the Charter rights of those seeing refugee protection, or indirectly, by returning them to a country that will violate fundamental human rights.

“We’re talking about arbitrary detention, separation of families, detention of children, substantive doctrines that deny women fleeing gender persecution, and so on,” says Macklin. “Procedurally, there is also an issue about the failure of the Canadian government to regularly monitor the United States for compliance with those fundamental human rights obligations.”

Macklin adds that the STCA is predicated on the notion that the U.S. is safe for people to seek refugee protection. Even if it was not when the agreement was signed and implemented, circumstances can change. The problem is that Canada has no procedure to scrutinize whether the U.S. continued to be a safe country, she says.

What’s more, Canada routinely evaluates the safety of other countries as part of refugee determination itself. It would hardly be an overstep for Canada to do the same with the U.S. Besides, there are provisions in the STCA allowing either country to suspend it for two six-month periods, or to terminate it with one year’s notice. “There’s nothing untoward about Canada doing that,” says Macklin.

Liew doesn’t think the court will strike down the whole Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. It’s not the legislation that is problematic so much as the Safe Third Country Agreement, which flows from provisions in the Act.

“My suspicion would be that they would suspend or ask the government to terminate the agreement that flows from the provision, and it wouldn’t be striking a provision from the legislation per se,” Liew says. “Or they could give the government that six-month window, as the Federal Court did, to get their act together and either review it or amend it, and that might be a way for the government to save face.”

Or the Supreme Court might find the violation so glaring that it suspends it right away, she says. But its history with immigration decisions shows a pattern of moving more cautiously.

Dench notes that because the situation in the United States can change from year to year, there isn’t an expectation that the Supreme Court will make findings of fact. Instead, it could provide a pathway for these kinds of matters to be brought to the courts for evaluation.

Dench also disputes that the situation in the U.S. is solely attributable to Trump’s policies. Since he left office, it’s not like there’s been a complete reversal of his border policies.

“We don’t expect an impartial analysis to say that all of the existing problems have been solved,” Dench says.

Ultimately, says Liew, the agreement has failed to live up to its promise. It hasn’t stopped people from coming to the border, though it has made it harder to do so safely. There are countless stories of claimants who lost fingers from frostbite at irregular crossings or at the quasi-official crossing facility at Roxham Road in Quebec.

Therefore, she would advise the government “to look at how people can access our official ports of entry and process them in a way that is humane and fits with our international law obligations.”

Macklin notes that the STCA was struck at the behest of Canada, given that we only have one border. And though it is a mechanism to put breaks on the flow of people who can reach Canada and make refugee claims, she also disputes the notion that it is intended to combat “asylum shopping.”

“In absolute and relative terms, the number of asylum seekers that Canada receives is trivial,” says Macklin. “If you were seeking refugee protection and you had a child with you, and you knew that the United States would rip you away from your child, do we call it asylum shopping because you say I can get to Canada, please let me do that?”

Source: Safe places

COVID-19 scrutiny has stopped some women headed to Canada to give birth, documents allege

While the article is unbalanced, only citing Jamie Liew who dismisses the importance of the issue and the data (Jamie and I continue our debate at Policy Options and elsewhere), good to know that officials are identifying women suspected of misrepresenting their purpose of travel.

While the ATIP under question pertains only to Abu Dhabi, would be interesting to have comparable reports from other main source countries of birth tourists particularly China.

As to the question of the numbers, have written extensively on the strengths and weaknesses of the CIHI numbers (far from perfect but more realistic than the StatsCan/vital stats dramatic understating).

2020 numbers, likely available mid-summer, will provide a good indication of the practice given that visitor visas have declined 96 percent post-COVID, in contrast to other temporary residents where the decline has been much less (international students: 32 percent, IMP and TFWP down by 14 percent, April to November 2020 compared to the same period in 2019).

IRCC work on linking health and immigration data does not appear to have advanced much given COVID-19:

Greater scrutiny of travellers, prompted by COVID-19, has yielded new instances of women from other countries coming to Canada with what officials say is an unspoken plan to deliver their baby here, documents obtained by the Star show.

Some observers have repeatedly cautioned that the practice controversially dubbed “birth tourism” — which is legal — is being overblown and that focus on it has been driven as much by racism as real concern.

The federal government, meanwhile, has said it is studying the issue in an effort to understand the scope of what is happening.

An August 2020 report, obtained through an access-to-information request, offers a look at some of the information the government is getting. 

It was prepared by Canadian government staff in Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates. It says that over a two-week period in June, airline staff, with support from Canada Border Services Agency liaison officers, “intercepted” prior-to-boarding 19 foreign nationals from the Middle East, who were all carrying temporary resident visas, because they were suspected of misrepresenting the purpose of travel.

The report suggests new restrictive citizenship measures in the United States, falling oil prices and economic vulnerability due to the pandemic could be driving more pregnant women from the region to seek to give birth in Canada.

All babies born in Canada receive automatic Canadian citizenship.

Language in the government document states: “While birth tourism is not illegal in Canada, it can undermine Canadians’ confidence in (the government’s) management of migration and citizenship programs.”

Observers, however, say the trend has been exaggerated and that critics are unfairly demonizing non-resident mothers. They note that, generally speaking, many of the foreign women giving birth in Canada are, in fact, not “birth tourists” but international students, migrant workers, foreign government personnel, those seeking to become permanent residents, as well as Canadians living abroad who have chosen to return to Canada to give birth.

“There isn’t enough contextualized data out there to know why people are giving birth in Canada as foreign residents,” said Jamie Liew, a law professor at the University of Ottawa.

“It’s not clear to me that it’s people just floating in and floating out.”

Under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, foreign nationals cannot be prevented from travelling to Canada to give birth. They can be, however, if they lie about the purpose of travel on their temporary resident visa application.

For its part, the Trudeau government says it is trying to understand the extent of the practice and is in the middle of collecting better data, including how many non-resident mothers are short-term visitors who come to Canada to give birth then leave. A spokesperson for Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada says the government’s analysis is expected sometime this year.

In some Canadian cities, unregulated for-profit businesses, including so-called “maternity hotels,” have emerged catering to non-resident expectant mothers.

In the Vancouver suburb of Richmond, B.C. — whose main hospital has seen the highest number of non-resident births in Canada outside Quebec, according to the federal government — the city council last year passed a motion urging Ottawa to end birthright citizenship altogether. Most non-resident mothers at that hospital list a permanent address in China, provincial records say.

There is wide discrepancy in the existing national data. The Canadian Institute for Health Information says the number of non-resident births in Canada (outside Quebec) has steadily climbed from 3,600 in 2017-18 to 4,400 in 2019-20, representing about one per cent of the 380,000 births in Canada each year. Data from Statistics Canada has previously shown that the number is only in the hundreds.

The report obtained by the Star says “COVID-19 travel restrictions have brought to light a number of birth-tourism related temporary resident visa applicants within IRCC Abu Dhabi’s caseload, as the restrictions have led to closer scrutiny of the purpose of travel at the time of boarding.”

According to the report, the purpose of travel most commonly cited at the time the 19 applied for their visas was “tourism” or “family visit.”

Five of the 19 travellers were women who had previously given birth in Canada and were travelling to give birth in Canada a second time. They were travelling with family members or other companions.

“Some foreign nationals are using their relationship to their children previously born in Canada to attempt to justify entry to Canada to give birth a second time,” the report states. Others cited medical needs of their Canadian-born child.

Ultimately, 18 of the 19 were not allowed to board and their visas were referred back to immigration offices in Abu Dhabi or Riyadh for review. The one traveller who was permitted to board was refused entry in Canada but eventually allowed in due, in part, to possible risk to her pregnancy.

The 18 who were denied boarding were allowed to make their case in writing in response to “procedural fairness letters.” Some acknowledged they had given birth in Canada on a previous trip but noted they had also visited family or done tourism.

“If a traveller visited family and also gave birth, it is harder to reach a finding of misrepresentation as the declared purpose of travel is not false, but incomplete,” the report says.

It is unclear how many of the 18, if any, were eventually allowed to travel to Canada.

The report noted that since the start of the pandemic travel restrictions, the Canadian immigration office in Abu Dhabi had received 30 online requests from individuals seeking an exemption to travel to Canada to allow them to give birth as a “medical procedure or treatment.” The requests for travel were all denied.

“Few, if any, of the above cases would have come to IRCC’s attention in the absence of the COVID-19 travel restrictions,” the report contends. “The considerable number of cases over a short period raises questions regarding the frequency with which residents of the Gulf region are travelling to Canada for birth tourism under normal circumstances, and remaining under the radar. Indeed, the present numbers might be even higher were it not for limited flight availability and hesitation among expecting parents to board a 14-hour flight during a pandemic.”

The report notes that the decision by the U.S. in early 2020 to stop issuing temporary visitor visas to foreign nationals believed to be travelling to the U.S. to give birth, along with increasing economic uncertainty in the region and falling oil prices “will increase push factors for birth tourism to Canada.”

Asked if the pattern cited in the summer report was continuing, a CBSA spokesperson said the agency does not comment on trends or fluctuations.

An IRCC spokesperson said in an email a person is not inadmissible nor can they be denied a visa solely on the grounds that they are pregnant or that they may give birth in Canada.

However, providing false information is considered misrepresentation and has “immigration consequences.”

“While these statistics indicate that birth tourism is not widespread, the Government of Canada recognizes the need to better understand the extent of this practice,” the email said.

Liew, the law professor, said she worries the government could be prematurely concluding that cases represent birth tourism or that birth tourism is on the rise.

“There is very little data out there that indicates this is a growing problem,” she said. “I would say it seems like a very benign problem in my estimation.”

Source: https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2021/01/27/covid-19-scrutiny-has-stopped-more-women-headed-to-canada-to-give-birth-documents-allege.html

‘They are just buying time’: Lawyers weigh feds’ appeal of judgment suspending Canada-U.S. asylum agreement

From the legal critics:

The Liberal government’s appeal of a recent “damning” Federal Court decision striking down Canada’s 16-year asylum agreement with the United States is disappointing and will likely end up before the Supreme Court, say lawyers and a Senator who once practiced refugee law.

Justice Ann Marie McDonald was “bang-on,” said Independent Senator Mobina Jaffer, when she found the Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) violates Section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights, which guarantees everyone “the right to life, liberty and security of the person.” In July, Justice McDonald ruled the agreement, which halts people entering Canada at official border crossings because they must instead claim asylum in the U.S., is “over-broad” and the risks of detention and loss of security of the person is “grossly disproportionate” to the administrative benefit of the agreement.

The B.C. Senator said during her 20 years practicing refugee law—before the 16-year-old agreement was brought into force—she worked on many cases where refugees crossed the U.S. border seeking asylum. None in government can be “blind or deaf to what is happening in the United States,” she said, where reports continue of parents being separated from their children and placed in cages, according to Human Rights Watch, which has called the practice a human rights violation.

Sen. Jaffer took issue with the government’s argument that ending the agreement would cause an uptick in claims and put Canada’s refugee system at risk, saying that fear was likely pushing its appeal.

“This is a fairly new thing we are doing [with the agreement]. I find it almost insulting to say we will be overwhelmed with applications… so we don’t need to follow Section 7, that’s how I see it,” she said, highlighting the contradiction in Canada’s experience compared to other nations. Before the pandemic, she travelled to Lebanon and Turkey, which each house millions of refugees, while Canada has seen 58,255 irregular crossings from the U.S. since the beginning of 2017.

“I just think they are buying time to continue the same system because they know they don’t have a strong case,” Sen. Jaffer said.

The evidence presented to Justice McDonald was “damning,” said Jamie Liew, an associate professor at the University of Ottawa, and it was the most evidence presented that Sharry Aiken, an associate law professor at Queen’s University, had seen in 30 years practicing and teaching immigration and refugee law.

“It is curious to me that the government has chosen to ignore all this evidence and instead find that there is still grounds in this agreement to operate as usual… to operate as if the U.S. is acting as an honest partner in meeting its obligations under the Refugee Convention, which it clearly isn’t,” said Prof. Liew.

The appeal means that the STCA is in effect indefinitely now, and a decision is likely years off. The Federal Court of Appeal doesn’t have “a great track record in recognizing the rights of refugees,” explained Prof. Liew, and the applicants would likely appeal an unfavourable ruling.

She and her University of Ottawa colleague Errol Mendes, a professor of constitutional law, both said they think the case is destined for the Supreme Court.

“The issues at stake are so complex, it may require a final court determining some critical issues not only relevant to this case but many other cases that involve the Charter and in particular Section 7,” Prof. Mendes said by email.

Errors in judge’s findings, feds say

The government took a month to appeal the July 22 ruling, and Public Safety Minister Bill Blair (Scarborough Southwest, Ont.) explained in a statement Aug. 21 it was because there are “important legal principles to be determined in this case” and it’s necessary to appeal ”to ensure clarity on the legal framework governing asylum law.”

Asked for more clarity on the legal groundings of that appeal, Mr. Blair’s spokesperson, Craig MacBride, said by email that the government is appealing the ruling because it believes there are errors in some of the key findings of fact and law.

“The decision suggests all asylum claimants who are ineligible under the Safe Third Country Agreement and turned back to the U.S. are automatically detained as a penalty,” he said. “This is not the case. The U.S. remains a party to the UN Refugee Convention.”

Prof. Mendes said he expects the government to attack a “crucial” part of the court decision, in which Justice McDonald said that with the agreement, the risks of detention and loss of security of the person “are grossly disproportional to the administrative benefits of the STCA,” and that the impact on a refugee of being found ineligible is “out of sync” with the objective of the legislation, and responsibility sharing between the countries “cannot be positively balanced against imprisonment or the deleterious effects of cruel and unusual detention conditions,” including solitary confinement.

The federal government may attack Justice McDonald’s assessment that the STCA’s main objective is in fact an administrative benefit of sharing responsibility for refugees, he suggested.

“Instead, they will claim that getting rid of it will destabilize the entire present refugee system in Canada, given that the present system with the STCA is already backlogged with those that are not caught by the STCA,” said Prof. Mendes, though he thinks this defence likely would not succeed. “The Court has said on the many cases that it would be undermining the Charter if all that [the] government had to do to violate Charter rights is to proclaim the administrative burdens that come from living up to them.”

Prof. Liew said she hopes the Supreme Court takes up the issue, especially the question of an “alternative remedy,” which she said is often a legal argument the government invokes when it comes to Charter challenges. In this case, she said the government argues there are other avenues open to refugee claimants, when in reality most aren’t aware of their rights and when turned back to the U.S. are immediately detained.

“Once a Charter right is infringed… can it be affected by what the government calls alternative remedies? I think that’s where I anticipate their argument will rest,” she said. “If you want to look at taking Charter right infringements seriously, we should be really looking at how it operates on the ground.”

The only Charter argument Prof. Mendes could imagine the government using is a point the government has already asserted: that the U.S. has a fair detention review system, which can allow for due process and release from detention.

The experience of one of the applicants in the case, Nedira Mustefa, directly challenged that claim. She was detained in the U.S. after trying to enter Canada and spent a week in solitary confinement, which Justice McDonald said meets the test that a foreign law would “shock the conscience.”

“So the government will argue theoretical fair detention review possibilities [versus] the ‘Trumpian era’ reality of harsh treatment of refugees and increased risk of deportation to countries where life, liberty, and security of the person is endangered,” said Prof. Mendes

“Here, the appeals court will have to factor into what I call real-time realities of the life of refugees in Trump’s America versus the theoretical due process safeguards under the STCA.”

That Justice McDonald declared the STCA invalid based on the treatment of a couple refugees could also be contested by the government, he added, but the Supreme Court has said in the past—in rulings on assisted dying or anti-prostitution laws—that if a process violates the Section 7 rights of even a few people, or a small number disproportionately, the law can still be struck down, he noted.

Political issues likely at play

Prof. Aiken called Mr. Blair’s rationale that legal principles are in play a “specious” argument, seeing the choice to appeal instead as a “very transparent commitment” to a Liberal political agenda to not only maintain, but extend, the STCA.

“It is a highly charged political issue and in my view it’s almost been served up as a kind of marker or proxy for a wider political discourse on refugees and border security in a way that completely distorts the impact and implications of this agreement,” she said.

“Every day it continues in effect is another day of refugee rights being violated.”

When the agreement was brought in following 9/11, Prof. Liew said it was in part to address backlogs at the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. There are more innovative ways to expedite that process and address policy problems than putting people at risk of returning to places where they could endure persecution or death, she said.

“I’m very perplexed, if we’re concerned about that policy rationale, why it has to be done with a heavy-handed manner in a way that’s totally ignorant to the dire situations that refugee claimants face in the U.S.,” she said, who stressed this is not a “temporary problem” unique to Trump’s America.

The Conservative Party supports the government’s decision to appeal, said immigration critic and MP Peter Kent (Thornhill, Ont.), but he expressed surprise it took so long. He said there are a number of “inconsistencies” in the ruling, which he also expects will ultimately make its way to the Supreme Court.

There are clearly issues with the agreement, said Mr. Kent, but those mainly lie in the “loophole” that those who don’t cross at official ports of entry don’t fall under the agreement.

Justice McDonald’s ruling is based on the specific experiences of three claimants, that he said are “exceptions to the broader context” of the agreement, which he called part of a “fair and compassionate and orderly” immigration system.

“There is the issue of those in the United States who fear and may have legitimate concerns that if they’re discovered in the United States, they will experience improper treatment, but the broader intent of the Safe Third Country Agreement addresses those like the overwhelming majority of illegal border crossers,” who he said had the economic means and visas to pass through the U.S. and enter the border improperly.

NDP MP Jenny Kwan (Vancouver East, B.C.), her party’s immigration critic, called the government’s decision “horrendous” and its rationale for appeal “nonsense.”

She said she sees it as the Liberals catering to a Conservative-leaning perspective on borders and a “backdoor way” to close them.

“Has our federal government completely set aside the need for Canada to do the right thing, abide by our international obligations, and to be on the right side of history? Is their politics and the gamesmanship in politics more important than the lives of people facing persecution?”

Source: ‘They are just buying time’: Lawyers weigh feds’ appeal of judgment suspending Canada-U.S. asylum agreement

Canada’s pandemic plans must guard against the rise of racism

Of course, public officials should consider all impacts of policies and programs on different segments of the population to reduce the incidence of disparities and discrimination. Equally, better and race-based data on COVID-19 is needed.

But government officials at all levels have taken pains to speak out against racist incidents against Asian Canadians and by and large, Canadian policies and programs have been relatively balanced with respect to their impact on citizens, permanent residents and even some groups of temporary residents such as international students.

It would appear that the issue lies more with temporary workers and some permanent residents, working or living in crowded condition, with many of these being visible minorities (e.g., meat packing plants, personal support workers etc). Clearly, better regulation and improved working conditions are needed for these groups.

As for the various and unacceptable attacks on Asian Canadians, people need to report them to the police, police need to follow-up on these attacks and lay charges as much as possible (and ensure more accurate data that would be captured in the annual hate crime statistics.

But having been involved in government support for anti-racism programming, I remain sceptical that these programs will ever reach those with strong racist or xenophobic views. Some people, unfortunately, are unreachable:

The COVID-19 pandemic has come with virulent anti-Asian racism. Fear has led to the use of the term “Chinese virus,” the revival of the slur “Chink,” the perpetuation of myths that Chinese people eat bats, an increase in violent attacks against Asians and unwarranted blame placed on Filipino workers for the spread of the virus. All these incidents of racism have happened in a span of eight weeks, leading to a public health concern: people who are feared and stigmatized may delay seeking care, increasing the vulnerability of that racialized population. And no one should have to fear violence when they step outside their door.

Canada’s pandemic plan needs to consider the fear that accompanies any new contagion. When a virus’s origin is traced to Asia, the plan must include not only an evaluation of whether its measures encourage anti-Asian sentiment but also strategies to mitigate racist perceptions that equate Asians with the virus.

Racism driven by fear of infectious disease is not new. During the SARS outbreak, the public became fearful of Asians. Earlier infectious disease epidemics were associated with specific ethnic groups, too: the bubonic plague was linked to the Chinese in 1900, and the 1993 hantavirus infection was dubbed the Navajo disease. Past episodes demonstrate that fear of foreigners can also spread beyond the context of disease to influence immigration policies. Historically, Canada has selectively admitted some racialized persons as cheap labour while excluding others to pacify or appease anxiety among the White population. Chinese workers were allowed in, in the 19th and 20th centuries, but had to pay a hefty tax; Sikhs on board the Komagata Maru were turned away with tragic results in 1914.

Border restrictions are among the many layers in Canada’s response to the current pandemic. Initially the border was closed to all foreign nationals except US citizens, but the government had to walk back this exception. Canada currently admits temporary foreign workers, international students and refugee claimants while barring entry to almost everyone else, including US citizens and even immediate family members of Canadian citizens and permanent residents, unless they are providing essential services.

It is too soon to tell whether border closures have been effective in stemming the spread of the disease. But early government data do not show Asian travellers at the top of the list of carriers. As of April 7, 42 percent of all non-resident travellers entering Canada who had COVID-19 were from Europe, and 35 percent were from Asia. As of April 17, 404 people travelling from the US had COVID-19, as opposed to 5 people from China.

The border is not completely shut, and the measures do not directly prohibit the entry of Asians, but that does not mean the restrictions affect everyone equally. As in the past, the inclusion and exclusion of persons is selective. The exclusion of non-essential persons may be aimed, in part, at reducing fear and anxiety in Canada, reinforcing the narrative that foreigners — Asians — are the primary vectors of the virus.

Temporary foreign workers and asylum seekers have filled labour needs in essential services, most notably in health care, agriculture and food processing, where they are risking their lives. Yet they are being blamed for outbreaks in their workplaces despite the fact that it is their working conditions that are responsible for the virus spreading. Reports of exploitation and abuse of temporary foreign workers are not new but still troubling. Cramped and crowded living and working conditions, low pay and lack of safety or protection gear, for example, are the direct result of their temporary immigration status. Outbreaks on farms and in meat packing plants have been blamed on persons of Filipino descent. These experiences should reignite efforts to create permanent pathways for immigration for those working in essential services, not only to reduce abuse and exploitation of workers but also to prevent the misunderstanding that it is foreign workers who are spreading disease.

Policy-makers have many factors to consider. It’s not easy to deal with a new, unknown and unpredictable harm. Still, public health officials should consider whether any restrictive measures used to protect the public may also promote racism, stigmatization and discrimination. Pandemic plans should also include strategies to shape an accurate public understanding of how the virus is transmitted and reduce unfounded fears that can stimulate racist assumptions and perceptions.

For Asian Canadians, until there is a more pointed effort to address racism in the official response to the pandemic, we know that no matter what we do, fear will permeate public reaction and manifest itself in harmful ways. We can put our lives at risk serving on the front lines in health care or in ensuring our food supply is stable, and one of us can even serve as Canada’s top doctor, but relying on racialized persons to be model immigrants should not be a strategy. The responsibility to address racism should be borne not by the people experiencing it but by those shaping law and policy.

Scientific data show racialized persons are more likely to die from COVID-19 than White people and that the difference may not be caused by pre-existing differences in wealth, health, education or living arrangements. It’s a good first step that some governments are collecting race-based data on the impact of the disease, but more action is required. All governments must acknowledge that how people perceive the spread of this virus can place a disproportionate burden on racialized persons, and that racialized people will experience the pandemic differently, whether they are Asian, Black, Indigenous or Latinx. Race-based analyses must be part of all public health measures in a pandemic.

Source: Canada’s pandemic plans must guard against the rise of racism