Regg Cohn: Justin Trudeau’s point man says he’s ‘not naive’ as he tackles Canada’s surging immigration numbers

Good profile and assessment:

Marc Miller is doing what no other immigration minister has done in recent history.

He’s letting fewer temporary residents come to Canada in the short term. While planning for more immigrants in future.

Barely a year after taking over the immigration and refugee portfolio, Miller is steering a controversial course correction to avert an unplanned and unmanageable surge in temporary residents. By capping overseas student visas, and dialing down foreign work permits, he is reasserting control over uncontrolled trend lines.

Miller says Ottawa will set temporary resident targets

Immigration Minister Marc Miller announces that for the first time, Canada will set targets for the number of new temporary resident arrivals to the country. The federal government plans to decrease the number of temporary residents to five per cent of the population over the next three years, down from the current 6.2 per cent. (March 21, 2024)

Inaction is no solution, Miller told the Democracy Forum at Toronto Metropolitan University.

If he hadn’t stepped in, the country faced “exponential” growth and “exploitative” conditions for vulnerable foreigners, while exacerbating the affordability fallout from a crowded housing market.

“It’s undeniable that the volume has caused an impact on affordability,” he told me and our co-host, Anna Triandafyllidou, the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration and Integration at TMU (Disclosure: I’m also a senior fellow at TMU’s Dais, which sponsors the Democracy Forum).

Miller is mindful of business becoming “addicted” to the “pitfalls” of cheap foreign labour. He is also wary of post-secondary campuses becoming addled and distorted by foreign students who pay extortionary tuitions for substandard educations in partnership with private “puppy mills” — his preferred ministerial malapropism for so-called diploma mills.

The minister is unusually candid for a politician caught in the middle of competing interests and conflicting impulses, navigating the recent ups and downs of immigration policy. In his previous portfolio, Miller served as the prime minister’s point person on Indigenous issues; now as before, he helms a ministry of complexity that requires humanity — from the campuses of Ontario to the refugee camps of the world, while navigating rival political camps in Ottawa.

If he hadn’t acted, “uncapped, we were seeing potential increases of the student numbers … to 1.4 million next year.”

But these distortions didn’t come out of nowhere. He blames “systemic underfunding, particularly in Ontario, of post-secondary education.”

The fallout isn’t just affordability but asylum problems. When foreign students are squeezed for high tuition, living in cramped quarters and getting sometimes “crappy” degrees, they increasingly resort to refugee claims — 10,000 over the last three years.

“We were in the process of creating our own home-generated asylum crisis, largely within the responsibility of the provinces,” Miller argued. It was time, “after a number of warnings, for provinces to act, to take responsibility over their education system.”

Why did it take so long?

Ottawa will “step in if the provinces don’t assume that jurisdiction and clean up some of the mess in their own kitchen,” he warned.

The federal minister is clearly frustrated by Ontario’s inattention and inaction. And he is irritated by “garbage” suggestions from Ontario that it was blindsided by his two-year cap on new international permits.

“It simply isn’t accurate,” he shot back. “There were a number of warnings that were issued quite publicly by me, but also … privately through our officials.”

While balancing federal-provincial jurisdictions on student visas, Miller must juggle the demands of business interests to tackle labour shortages, while also navigating the roadblocks to resettlement of foreign refugees. Refugee and immigration policy, like Canada’s foreign policy, is often driven by domestic and diaspora interests.

Miller acknowledges a program to help Palestinians fleeing the fighting in Gaza has been a “failure” by numbers — barely 14 have made it out, compared to fully 300,000 Ukrainian refugees now in Canada. But he says it’s unfair to compare the barriers erected at a border crossing — controlled by both Israel and Egypt — with the open channel from Ukraine’s western borders.

He’s not surprised that some are “pissed off” by the program’s “very limited success.” Yet no other country has gone as far as Canada in trying to help Gazans relocate.

“I don’t think there’s any just middle in any of those debates — there’s a lot of trauma, there’s a lot of hurt.”

But he remains optimistic that Canadians can strike a balance between competing interests at home and abroad, without falling into the polarized politics that now plague the U.S. and Europe. Canada’s major political parties, like most voters, understand that an aging population benefits from regular immigration targets rising to 500,000 people a year.

“I can’t deny the winds that are blowing against immigration,” he mused. “But we’ve generally been good as parties in avoiding a huge xenophobic debate on immigration.

“Frustration can be whipped up in many ways. Politicians do have responsibilities, and it would be terrible to have an election on the backs of some of the most vulnerable people in the world, but also some of the most vulnerable people in Canada. But I’m not naive to think that it can’t happen.”

Source: Justin Trudeau’s point man says he’s ‘not naive’ as he tackles Canada’s surging immigration numbers