Charte: Drainville répond aux critiques de ses collègues | Le Devoir

The debate has started within the PQ regarding the role or not of the proposed Charter in the election results:

Dès le lendemain de l’élection, le député de Lac-Saint-Jean, Alexandre Cloutier, est l’un de ceux qui ont affirmé que le PQ aurait dû « se concentrer sur ce qui faisait davantage consensus » plutôt que de s’acharner à vouloir adopter la charte dans son intégralité. Selon lui, le PQ aurait pu légiférer sur les signes ostentatoires en concluant un compromis avec la Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ).

Jean-François Lisée a pour sa part indiqué qu’il trouvait exagéré que la charte interdise le port de signes religieux ostentatoires dans les hôpitaux, les universités ainsi que dans les municipalités. Le député de Rosemont a aussi confié qu’une période de transition plus longue aurait été préférable pour mettre en place les mesures de la charte. Le PQ avait notamment prévu une période d’un an pour les employés de l’État et de cinq ans pour les fonctionnaires du milieu universitaire, médical et municipal.

Charte: Drainville répond aux critiques de ses collègues | Le Devoir.

Drainville, for his part, demonstrates his total ignorance of Canadian multiculturalism, and remains in at least a defensive if not denial mode:

Le modèle de multiculturalisme canadien préconise une forme de cohabitation côte à côte dans laquelle les différentes communautés vivent séparément. Il n’y a pas dans le multiculturalisme de volonté de construire une fondation commune. Nous croyons le fait que de définir clairement un espace où les différentes religions ne s’immiscent pas dans le rapport entre les citoyens et leur État est un gage d’égalité et de respect pour tout un chacun. L’État, comme une grande table où tous les citoyens sont invités à venir s’asseoir. Peu importe leurs différences de sexe, d’orientation sexuelle, d’origine, de croyance ou de non-croyance. L’interdiction du port de signes religieux pour les employés de l’État visait cet objectif. Tout le contraire d’exclure.

Évidemment, nous étions conscients que nous en demandions à certaines communautés plus qu’à d’autres. Nous en étions conscients et préoccupés ; d’où la création d’une période de transition d’un an pour tous les employés de l’État et jusqu’à cinq ans pour les employés du réseau de la santé, des municipalités, des cégeps et des universités.

La charte des valeurs, un premier bilan

Separatism was dealt a blow, but don’t think it was knocked out – The Globe and Mail

Good thoughtful commentary and advice by André Pratte of La Presse (but in the Globe):

That’s where the duty of the rest of Canada, the federal government and Quebec federalists begins. First and foremost, we should resist the temptation to put up the “Mission Accomplished” banner. Second, we have to get French-speaking Quebeckers more involved in national institutions, beginning with the Government of Canada. It is not good for either the province or the country that Quebec is so weakly represented in the federal cabinet as it has been in recent times. And finally, we need to constantly and intelligently promote federalism, so that Quebeckers not only reject independence but embrace the Canadian work-in-progress.

Separatism may not be a threat in the near future. But beware of the sleeping dragon. And in the meantime, we should be careful about the mutual indifference that has come to characterize the relationship between Quebec and the Rest of Canada. That indifference could surreptitiously lead to a de facto separation.

Separatism was dealt a blow, but don’t think it was knocked out – The Globe and Mail.

Don Macpherson of the Gazette reminds us of the risks of raising expectations and constitutional negotiations (Don Macpherson: Only federalists can awaken the sovereignty movement). ButDaniel Weinstock wants to reopen constitutional discussions, as they end up being more polarizing:

If on the other hand, political leaders in the ROC interpret this election (and perhaps also the last federal election, that saw the Quebec electorate reject the Bloc Québécois en masse for a federalist party) as giving rise to an historical opportunity, a main tendue inviting them to complete Canada’s coming to full self-consciousness as a multinational federation united by the political will to affirm the individual rights of all Canadians and the legitimate aspirations to self-determinations of all of its constituent polities (Quebec, to be sure, but also the First Nations with whom we share our land), then, perhaps, the right answer to the question with which I began this post is that the 2014 election will come to be seen as the moment at which the sovereignist movement died.

Now, I concede that there is not much political hay to be made for any party at this historical juncture in Canada in adopting, and in acting on, the latter interpretation. Some political leaders in the ROC are just as depressingly prone as are some of the political leaders in Quebec to give a great deal of weight in their political decision-making to the short-term electoral costs of standing up for minority rights. The mark of the true statesperson is however to look beyond the next election, (I think Kant said that) even if in doing so he or she is looked upon askance by voters.

The Ball is in ROC’s Court | In Due Course.

Conrad Black is equally wanting to stir things up:

Quebec is ready to deal

Philippe Couillard is in a secular charter mess of his own: Siddiqui | Toronto Star

While there is merit to Siddiqui’s points, there is a strong current, whether we like it or not, in Quebec that fears the “other.” Bouchard and Taylor recommended their laicisme ouvert in recognition of this reality. Let’s see the detailed proposal before being too critical:

Irony is that the premier-elect stands compromised on the very issue that Quebecers have soundly rejected — defeating not only the PQ government but the charter’s chief architect, Marois, in her own riding, and the five militantly pro-charter women she had backed it (including four Muslim and one Jewish), each full of contradictions and wild conspiracy theories against Muslims and Jews.

Had Couillard taken a principled position, he would now have had the golden opportunity to put an end to all the anti-Semitic, anti-Islamic and anti-Sikh nonsense that has been peddled in the name of secularism.

Another of his mistakes was to accept that hijab equals militancy. He formed a Liberal panel to study “fundamentalism,” including the radicalization of young people. To mitigate the proposal’s Islamophobic undercurrent, he said the panel would also tackle Christian fundamentalists who won’t have their children vaccinated. That’s a matter for public health authorities, as jihadism is for police, to tackle, not politicians pondering basic rights and freedoms.

The premier-elect made it worse Tuesday by elevating his internal party proposal into the broad official quest for consensus on the charter — “to prevent certain manifestations of fundamentalism.”

Philippe Couillard is in a secular charter mess of his own: Siddiqui | Toronto Star.

Le ministre Kenney appuie le projet de charte de Couillard | Charte de la laïcité

Federal reactions to Premier-elect Couillard’s proposed Chartre de laicité. Minister Kenney focussing on the proposed ban on receiving government services for women wearing the niqab/burqa, other federal leaders expressing general confidence that a reasonable approach will be taken without commenting on the specifics:

«J’ai toujours dit que ce serait inadmissible pour un fonctionnaire fédéral de traiter un client, un citoyen à visage couvert», a déclaré le ministre fédéral du Multiculturalisme.

M. Kenney dit n’avoir jamais entendu parler d’un tel cas au fédéral, mais qu’on lui avait rapporté que des personnes avaient prêté serment de citoyenneté canadienne le visage caché. Il affirme avoir ensuite publié une règle pour interdire cette pratique.

Le ministre de Stephen Harper avait dans le passé été cinglant envers le projet de charte des valeurs québécoises du gouvernement péquiste. Il avait même dit que le fédéral irait devant les tribunaux pour protéger les droits des minorités religieuses si la charte ne respectait pas les droits et libertés des citoyens.

Quant à savoir pourquoi l’interdiction du voile le choquait et non pas celle d’interdire le visage couvert, il a expliqué que l’usage pour les femmes musulmanes de cacher leur visage n’est pas une pratique religieuse, mais bien une «coutume culturelle».

Minister Kenney’s position evolved over time; initially, he appeared to give more weight to religious freedom when the niqab issue was first raised in the 2007-08 Quebec debates on reasonable accommodation (I cover this in chapter 5 of my book, Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism).

Le ministre Kenney appuie le projet de charte de Couillard | Stéphanie Marin | Charte de la laïcité.

Within the PQ, the start of some reflection regarding the Charter, and it will be interesting to see how they position themselves with respect to the upcoming Liberal version, and whether they use that to turn the page on what was a cynical and divisive election strategy:

Le problème qu’a posé la Charte des valeurs en campagne électorale est abordé de front dans un texte rendu public hier par Jean-François Lisée sur son blogue. Hier, le ministre sortant refusait de préciser sa pensée en entrevue; le texte suffit, a-t-il expliqué. Dans son texte, Lisée relève que les stratèges péquistes auraient pu centrer davantage la campagne sur les questions identitaires comme la Charte et la langue. Le projet de charte aurait été mieux accueilli avec un bouquet de mesures favorables à l’immigration. Surtout, la proposition aurait nécessité «un ensemble cohérent et plus attractif».

Accessoirement, comme l’ex-ministre Joseph Facal, Lisée estime aussi qu’il aurait fallu encadrer étroitement la sortie de Janette Bertrand en fin de campagne. Mme Marois, qui a louvoyé et dit que des femmes congédiées pour leur voile obtiendraient de l’aide du gouvernement pour se recaser dans le secteur privé, n’a pas aidé. «Une meilleure gestion, en amont, de la question des congédiements n’aurait certes pas nui non plus», observe Lisée.

Dans l’analyse la plus fine jusqu’ici des causes de la déroute péquiste de lundi, Lisée explique que les stratèges de la campagne péquiste, dont il ne faisait pas partie, prend-il soin de préciser, étaient convaincus que l’entrée en scène de Pierre Karl Péladeau allait attirer des sympathisants caquistes au PQ. Une «présomption raisonnable», observe Lisée.

Les langues se délient au PQ

Requiem pour le projet de pays, Trudeau’s legacy

The deep kind of reflection that is needed by the PQ following their implosion Monday, from such independentistes like Gérard Bouchard, Louise Beaudoin, Jean Dorion etc:

Un « cul-de-sac ». Une « impasse ». Un tournant « inquiétant pour l’avenir ». Tel est le verdict formulé par le sociologue et historien Gérard Bouchard, qui multiplie les métaphores alarmistes pour décrire la situation dans laquelle le Parti québécois s’est lui-même empêtré. « Pour moi, qui ai toujours été un souverainiste et un péquiste, la première impression c’est que le PQ va devoir se reconstruire, et en profondeur, a-t-il confié au Devoir. Le problème, c’est de savoir comment. Il devient de plus en plus clair que son article premier, que cette option sur la souveraineté, a du plomb dans l’aile et pour un bout de temps. »

À moins d’un revirement majeur, avertit cet architecte des pratiques d’accommodements culturels et penseur de l’identité québécoise, le Parti québécois pourrait bien avoir joué son rôle historique, et être bientôt remplacé par la Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ).

Celui qui a dirigé avec le philosophe Charles Taylor la Commission sur les accommodements raisonnables (2007-2008) estime que l’article 1 du programme péquiste voue, à terme, ce parti à l’impasse. « Je ne vois pas comment ce parti pourrait abolir cet article, tout en demeurant le PQ. Comment pourrait-il se reconstituer et redevenir le parti qu’il était, c’est-à-dire un parti dominant, en tablant sur cette plateforme-là ? Donc, on semble dans un cul-de-sac. »

Quite a contrast to the denial of Drainville, Lisée, Peladeau.

Requiem pour le projet de pays | Le Devoir.

Good piece by Andrew Cohen, with appropriate nuance on the meaning of the Quebec election results:

The longer view, shared by Trudeau and others, was that time would change things. That Canada is a post-modern exemplar of accommodation and generosity, however imperfect and unfinished, and Quebecers would come to see it that way. That, with growing self-confidence, they would think less of “demands” and more of dividends.

But there should be no triumphalism in English Canada today. We should not think independence is dead and that we have finally put Quebec “in its place” — unless, as Trudeau used to say, its place is in Canada.

Instead, we should respect the decency, sensibility and practicality of Quebecers who may not love Canada and, psychologically, have already left it. At the same time, we should recognize that Quebec has come to terms with Canada, at least for now, and we will carry on, together, in our uneasy peace. This is the reality of our society.

Column: Pierre Trudeau was right about Quebec.

Quebec Liberals vow their charter will be based on ‘consensus’

Will be interesting to see the Liberal version of the Charter and how the debate plays out but the fundamental premise, of ensuring this is consensus-based and does not discriminate against religious minorities in government, is welcome. While one can argue regarding the need for such a charter or not, likely necessary to help close the debate given the currents and fears in Quebec regarding accommodation:

“We will legislate on the issue, with the elements that form a consensus and on which we could have already acted,” Mr. Couillard said on Tuesday.

The Liberal charter would include measures to fight religious extremism, force Quebeckers to offer and receive government services with their faces uncovered, and propose a framework to settle demands for religious accommodation.

Liberals vow their charter will be based on ‘consensus’ – The Globe and Mail.

More commentary on Quebec elections

Starting with Gilles Duceppe, former leader of the Bloq québécois, the sovereignist party that imploded in the 2011 federal election:

Plusieurs parlent déjà de course au leadership, mais cela serait une grave erreur de tenter de choisir un sauveur sans se poser d’importantes questions sur les objectifs du parti, sans définir une stratégie claire et sans se demander si un changement de garde ne s’impose pas en considérant que le PQ a perdu beaucoup d’attrait auprès des jeunes.

Quelques observations au lendemain d’une défaite | Gilles Duceppe.

Justin Trudeau stating the obvious but what some pundits overlook:

En point de presse ce matin à Ottawa, M. Trudeau a soutenu qu’il y aura toujours des Québécois qui prôneront l’option souverainiste. Les fédéralistes feraient donc une erreur de croire que ce mouvement est à l’agonie.

« Il ne faut pas dire cela (que le mouvement souverainiste est mort). Il faut reconnaître qu’il y a des gens qui vont demeurer passionnément souverainistes.  Mais les Québécois se sont exprimés. Même une partie des Québécois souverainistes ont dit qu’ils veulent de la stabilité, qu’ils veulent une économie en santé d’abord et avant tout. J’ai confiance que c’est ce que nous allons avoir pour les prochaines années », a dit M. Trudeau.

Le mouvement souverainiste n’est pas mort, prévient Trudeau

Barbara Kay on the five lessons. Not sure that this is a “triumph” for PM Harper although he, along with other federal leaders, handled it well be staying out and letting the PQ implode on its own. But it is a relief to be spared national unity debates for 4 years, although some issues will continue to arise:

Could it be sweeter that Marois lost her own riding, and that she had to wait to the very last moment to know if she had won or lost, it was that close? Could it be more appropriate that Péladeau should have won his riding, so he has no excuse to walk away from the mess he created, and now must serve his four years with no power and no honour? He hasn’t a hope in hell of being awarded the leadership of the PQ. Gives new depth of meaning to the old saying, “hoist by his own petard.”

Five takeaways from a brutal Parti Québécois defeat

Another “takeaways” piece by Tu Thanh Ha in the Globe:

And in the quasi-referendum campaign that just ended, Quebeckers again sent a clear signal that they didn’t want to hear about the PQ’s raison d’être.

The PQ’s leadership is now open for contest but the problem of such contests is that they start with an audience of the converted, especially in an ideological party like the PQ.

The three pretenders’ eagerness to profess their sovereigntist credentials was necessary, but it struck outsiders as awkward – a reminder of the very reason why some voters are turned off by the PQ.

“The body wasn’t even cold,” veteran TV commentator Jean Lapierre quipped.

 Three reasons the PQ lost, and Couillard’s biggest challenge 

And an interesting eloge on Pauline Marois by Jean-François Lisée, former PQ Minister responsible for Montreal (where the PQ also had disastrous results) which may be tactical as he is one of the contenders to replace Marois:

Alors tu peux prendre tes quartiers de printemps avec le sentiment — non, pas le sentiment, la certitude — du devoir accompli. De la fidélité à tes convictions. Tu laisses derrière toi une équipe formidable. Trente députés que tu as choisis et qui t’ont choisie. Une base militante que tu as reformée et ressoudée. Malgré la défaite: le plus grand parti au Québec avec 90 000 membres et un financement populaire inégalé.

Il y a du ressort, dans cette défaite. Le ressort que tu as mis en nous. Il y aura beaucoup d’introspection à faire, dans les semaines et les mois qui viennent. Il y aura du découragement, des débats, des mauvaises humeurs. Puis le sens des recommencements, des consensus, des choix, de l’action.

Ce ne sera pas facile. Mais si nous avons le centième de ta sagesse et de ton courage, nous franchirons ces étapes en nous nourrissant de l’exemple que tu nous as donné toute ta vie durant.

Repose-toi, Pauline. Très chère Pauline. Tu l’as bien mérité. Nous t’emportons avec nous, tu fais partie de nous, dès maintenant et pour très longtemps.

Perhaps the necessary kind words before the PQ undertakes the serious reflection needed following its lowest share of the popular vote since 1970. And possible self-serving given his role in the campaign and related strategy.

Très chère Pauline

Quebec Election – Initial Reactions

Quite an evening last night, watching the QC election results. Apart from the famous Peladeau raised fist for independence miscalculation, this election hopefully marks the end of divisive identity politics as exemplified in the QC Charter of Values. The gambit clearly did not work in combination with the referendum uncertainty and even Premier Marois’ overall gracious concession speech still played to les Québécois de souche, rather than the more inclusive messages of Couillard and Legault.

Clearly, the PQ needs a period of serious internal reflection and introspection. The leading candidates to replace former Premier Marois will need to get over their Kubler-Ross denial phase quickly (Drainville, Lisée and Peladeau were awful last night preaching to the shrunken PQ base) and it will be interesting to see the how the relative positions of the PQ and the CAQ evolved over the next few years.

I would not go so far as Andrew Coyne or Chantal Hébert as saying the PQ’s raison d’être of independence is completely dead, but it certainly would appear to be on life support.

From Le Devoir, a few articles on the magnitude of the PQ defeat:

À son premier test électoral, le chef libéral a fait des gains dans presque toutes les régions du Québec. Il a peint en rouge toute la ville de Laval et a arraché deux circonscriptions au PQ sur l’île de Montréal, en plus de remporter des sièges dans le Centre-du-Québec et dans la région de Québec, notamment. Le Dr Gaétan Barrette, candidat vedette parachuté contre l’indépendante Fatima Houda-Pepin, a facilement remporté la circonscription de La Pinière, sur la Rive-Sud.

Philippe Couillard met le PQ K.-O.

Avant même que ne commence le dévoilement des votes dans les circonscriptions, plusieurs membres du personnel péquiste concédaient la victoire au Parti libéral. Un consensus se dégageait : la campagne menée par Pauline Marois avait été désastreuse et on se promettait un bilan aussi exhaustif que sévère. Une majorité d’entre eux espéraient à tout le moins une défaite honorable, mais jamais les stratèges, appuyés par des sondages quotidiens faits selon les règles de l’art, n’avaient prévu pareille dégelée.

Catastrophe au Parti québécois

More commentary on the significance of the elections will come in the next few days but for some of the initial commentary:

Au Parti québécois, cette défaite provoquera de douloureux questionnements. La formation fondée par René Lévesque devra remettre en question le virage identitaire pris au cours des dernières années, virage qui, pour des raisons strictement partisanes, a fait un tort considérable au Québec.

Encore plus difficile sera la réflexion sur la raison d’être du PQ, l’indépendance. Quel que soit l’aboutissement de cette introspection, les résultats d’hier devraient inciter les péquistes à abandonner la stratégie de l’équivoque au profit de celle de la clarté.

Les Québécois ont dit NON (André Pratte, La Presse)

And finally, who leads this decimated party? Because the knives are already out. Drainville, Lisée and Péladeau prefixed Marois’s farewell speech with what amounted to stump speeches. This pack of restless egos all come with their own baggage: Péladeau is a capitalist boogeyman who derailed the whole campaign by declaring his sovereignist credentials. Drainville designed and executed the whole charter gambit, then thoroughly bellyflopped. Lisée went along with both, because he thought Péladeau and the charter was the one-two punch that, to paraphrase the title of his own book, would deliver a K.O. to the opposition.

Macleans. (Martin Patriquin)

It is impossible to overstate what a watershed this is. For thirty years after the Quiet Revolution, Quebecers were told the choice before them was either special status, under whatever name, or separation. At times the two were so blurred in definition that each could be made out to be the other. But what was clear was that they weren’t the status quo. They were better, in all sorts of fantastic ways….

But in the years since then, and in particular since the Secession Reference and the Clarity Act, it has slowly been dawning on Quebecers: neither of these choices is actually available. The choice is the status quo or the status quo. The rest of Canada is simply unwilling to make any more constitutional concessions, and wouldn’t be able to deliver them if it did, so tied up in knots has the constitutional amending formula become. Ditto separation: even if the rest of Canada tried to be helpful, the negotiations would go nowhere.

And as that realization has begun to sunk in, another, equally startling, has begun to take hold: The status quo is not so bad. We are not oppressed. We are not impoverished. We are not miserable. As Mr. Couillard said during the campaign, “we are happy in Canada.” What a revelation!

Quebecers have not only just said no to separation, but yes to the 1982 Constitution (Andrew Coyne)

Over the past month, that self-imposed tone-deafness has led to a campaign of false notes, from the second-coming atmosphere that attended the recruitment of media mogul Pierre Karl Péladeau as a star candidate, to Marois’s end-of-campaign mea culpa that she spent too much time entertaining the twin notions of sovereignty and a winning referendum.

One of the PQ’s worst fears has long been that it would turn out to be the party of a single generation.

Over their short time in office, Marois and her team have done much to turn that fear into a self-fulfilling prophecy.

It has long been apparent that the so-called secularism charter that has been the signature initiative of the outgoing government repelled more young Quebecers than it attracted to the secessionist cause.

For the first time in its history, the PQ is more popular among older voters aged 55 and over than among any other age group.

Parti Québécois could be party of a single generation:  Chantal Hébert

Quebec Election Editorial Endorsements

Starting with a somewhat tortured editorial by Le Devoir favouring the PQ:

Cette campagne fut difficile pour la première ministre Marois, qui a commis des erreurs dont elle devra tirer des leçons. La réaction des électeurs sur l’enjeu référendaire ne peut être ignorée, tout comme sur la charte sur la laïcité. Sur ce plan, elle a payé pour sa décision de défendre de façon absolutiste ce projet sans écouter ce que pensaient les Québécois, y compris les membres de son parti.

Il est bien possible, si le Parti québécois est réélu, qu’il soit à nouveau minoritaire. La première ministre devra accepter cette situation et gouverner avec les autres partis en recherchant les consensus. Il y a des erreurs à ne pas répéter. Elle nous a dit en campagne que si elle était déterminée, elle savait par ailleurs écouter. Prenons cela comme un engagement.

Le choix du Devoir

André Pratte’s editorial in La Presse favour of the Parti liberal de Québec, citing three reasons: pour un Québec prospère, pour un Québec stable and pour un Québec accueillant

Trois raisons de voter libéral : économie – référendum – Charte | André Pratte.

The Montreal Gazette predictably endorses the Liberals:

A PQ government would continue to play the politics of division that it has pushed while in office, and in this campaign, by proceeding with its discriminatory values charter and repressive language legislation. And, if granted a majority, it would surely try to pick fights with Ottawa to manufacture “winning conditions” for another referendum. All this would be to the further detriment of a sagging provincial economy and fragile social fabric.

That reviving this economy would be the principal focus of a Liberal government, a government also dedicated to harmonious interculturalism and the playing of a constructive role in the Canadian federation, makes the election of a majority Liberal government the optimal outcome of Monday’s election.

Editorial: The Couillard Liberals deserve to govern

Why the PQ is losing Quebec’s election

Great piece by Paul Wells. Of course, polls are polls and we will see what will happen Monday evening:

The PQ has always been the party of hope when it was winning. (I know, anglophones never felt it that way, but the René Lévesque was a pure product of the Quiet Revolution, when Quebec left behind insularity and finger-pointing and tried to do great things in the world. Those of us who are too young to remember those days directly can get a taste of that spirit reading Rick Salutin’s classic play Les Canadiens (written “with an assist by Ken Dryden”), whose climax is set at the Forum on the night of Nov. 15, 1976; as the bewildered Habs play a winning game, they notice the crowd cheering at odd moments and realize the Forum’s scoreboard is showing election results as Lévesque’s PQ is elected to government for the first time. Salutin has said it’s a moment when Quebecers found new heroes. Whose hero is Pauline Marois?

While the PQ’s self-destructive campaign is the story of this election, I think too much commentary overlooks the contribution Philippe Couillard is making to his own success. And yet he’s making no secret of things. The biggest word on the side of his bus is ENSEMBLE, together. His ads are upbeat and explicitly inclusive in message:

Why the PQ is losing Quebec’s election.