Ipsos: Where is the US public on immigration?

Interesting overdue with historic data:

Immigration is a perennial and divisive issue in American politics. Our latest polling with NPR demonstrates just how true that is.

As the midterms approach, the misinformation and the heated political rhetoric surrounding immigration seem to be resonating with the public.

But why is that? How did we get here? In short, populism and the persistent feeling many Americans have that the system is broken are creating the political ingredients that drive some of this sentiment. This is our context.

That and more below in five charts, looking at immigration, nativism, and the politics of it all in the U.S.

  1. Immigration then and now. In the first part of the 21st century, immigrants are increasingly making up a larger portion of the total U.S. population. The late 19th century and early 20th century were the last time immigrants made up a similar share of the U.S. population. Nativism grew in prominence then, just as it does now.immigration over time
  2. Who is America? Even as immigrants are making up a larger portion of Americans, fewer Americans feel immigrants are an important part of American identity. This is true regardless of party. Independents and Republicans saw the most notable drop over the past four years, though the dip among Democrats is also significant.Who is America
  3. System remains broken. Despite a new presidential administration, a pandemic, a recession, and inflation, all these things haven’t swayed the fundamental context Americans feel the country exists within–the system is broken. Populism underpins this moment.System is broken
  4. Invasion? The populist currents running through the public frame how people feel about borders and their security. Right now, many Americans feel that the U.S. is experiencing an invasion at the southern border. Half of Hispanics and a majority of white respondents feel this way. Though, this opinion is most pronounced among Republicans.Populism
  5. Not a monolith. Hispanic Americans, many of whom report experiencing xenophobic comments, are split on whether it is more important to help immigrants escape poverty and violence and find success in the U.S. or secure America’s borders. Partisanship drives opinion here as it does for the general public. A tale of two Americas—one Red, the other one Blue.Not a monolith

Immigration is a culture war topic that brings out some of our most divisive rhetoric and tendencies. Populism and nativism are the cultural currents framing this topic and this moment. This is not new in American politics.

Immigration is an issue that is unlikely to fade away anytime soon.

Source: Where is the public on immigration?

New Zealand temporarily changes immigration rules to hire extra workers

Of note, the geographic distinctions:

New Zealand will make temporary changes to its immigration rules seeking to hire thousands of extra workers to plug a labor shortage, Immigration Minister Michael Wood said on Sunday.

Wood said the government was aiming at temporarily doubling numbers under the working holiday visa scheme.

The visa scheme allows people to enter and work from New Zealand for a period of up to 12 months, or sometimes even more, if they’re from select countries like the UK or Canada.

By throwing open more working holiday visa slots, New Zealand is hoping for 12,000 extra workers over the year.

“These measures are about providing immediate relief to those businesses hardest hit by the global worker shortage,” Wood said in a statement.

New Zealand announces measures to plug labor shortage

Michael Wood said there would be relaxation of wage rules for skilled migrants in key sectors like aged care, construction, infrastructure, meat processing, seafood and adventure tourism so  these businesses are slowly able to build necessary skills in the country.

Wood announced a temporary extension of working holiday visas by six months and an opportunity for those who previously held the visa but didn’t travel to New Zealand because of COVID.

“COVID brought the world to a standstill,” Wood said, adding that a workers’ crunch was being felt most by New Zealand’s hospitality and tourism sectors that traditionally rely on international workers.

While COVID had a major impact on international travel around the world, New Zealand’s response was unusually draconian by global standards. The isolated and remote islands closed their borders almost entirely during the pandemic, hoping to keep the virus out altogether, but ultimately failed in this goal. It finally reopened on July 31 this year.

Unemployment rate at record low, wages high

New Zealand’s unemployment rate remains at record lows, at around 3.3% in the second quarter which runs from April until June, according to Statistics New Zealand.

Annual growth in private-sector wages increased at the same time to 3.4% in the second quarter, their most rapid increase in 14 years.

The Reserve Bank of New Zealand last week lifted the official cash rate by 50 basis points to 3.0% in a seventh straight hike to rein in inflation.

Source: New Zealand temporarily changes immigration rules to hire extra workers

Sarkonak: Why Canadian universities are blocking able-bodied white men from some positions

Affirmative action debates, Canadian version. From softer preference to hard requirement. Not a fan of hard quotas as softer approaches can be effective without raising concerns, valid or not, about qualifications and merit.

And will the government move to hard quotas in public service hiring and the employment equity act?

People should not be barred from jobs because of their skin colour, or their gender. We call that “discrimination” — and it’s generally considered a bad thing. It’s also bad that universities across Canada are refusing to hire white men for various research positions, simply because they’re white, male and don’t claim to have any disabilities.

That’s right: the federally funded Canada Research Chair program, which doles out roughly $300 million every year to 2,000 academics, adheres to an identity quota system. Universities risk losing funding for positions if they haven’t hired the designated number of research chairs by 2029 in each “identity category” (women, visible minorities, Indigenous people and people with disabilities). As a result, some resumes are going straight into the trash.

I wish I was exaggerating. Being not white, male or able-bodied was a requirement for the University of British Columbia’s 2022 research chair job postings in food science and quantum computing. A mathematics department job posting for a research chair in computational cell biology specifically says that the “selection will be restricted to members of the following designated groups: women, visible minorities (members of groups that are racially categorized), persons with disabilities and Indigenous peoples.” 

Similar requirements were listed for the University of Toronto’s positions in managementeducationdentistryengineering and medicine. Queen’s University only wants women for geotechnical engineeringnuclear waste storage and applied artificial intelligenceWestern University doesn’t care about the researcher’s area of study in one opening, but requires that the candidate have a disability. A McGill posting prefers those who say they have a disability or are Indigenous. 

There are 78 schools in the Canada Research Chair program. Just Google “CRC” and any university’s name to look for more.

The Canada Research Chair program is doing this because of a Federal Court order that requires research appointments to reflect the Canadian population by 2029. It’s just following the law. Personally, I don’t think equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) should require exclusion, but alas. 

There’s a bigger picture to all this. The Canada Research Chair program is one of many under the nation’s three federal research funding agencies, which spend a combined $3 billion every year to advance our knowledge in health, science and the humanities.

They support numerous research positions, student jobs, academic awards and grants. Per their “Tri-Agency EDI Action Plan,” they’ve been tasked since 2018 with making students and researchers “representative of the Canadian population.” Universities, in their agreements to receive federal funding, must agree to promote “equitable practices.” 

At a glance, you’d think this means simply making sure that procedures are fair to everyone, regardless of background. But the Canada Research Chair program shows this can mean dismissing applicants outright if the quotas (or “equity targets”) haven’t been met. Good intentions appear to have paved the way to mandated discrimination.

Values attestations are making their way into job applications as well. A University of Ottawa job posting for a research chair in green chemistry — that is, the study of chemical reactions — requires a demonstrated history of incorporating EDI and a statement about doing so. Researchers should be free to talk about their values, including those who don’t agree with EDI. Academic freedom is supposed to allow for diverse ideas. Yet in this case, only one way of thinking is eligible. 

You might wonder if any professors oppose this kind of thing. Perhaps, but if promotions, funding and teaching positions are increasingly tied to their embrace of EDI, there’s a pretty big incentive to say nothing. Professors have families to feed, after all.

Those who have publicly dared to question these openly discriminatory practices haven’t been answered. During question period in the House of Commons on March 29, Bloc Québécois MP Martin Champoux raised concernsover the Canada Research Chair hiring exclusions at Laval University, and asked if the government agreed that exclusion is “not the way to go.” 

Reading from prepared notes, Andy Fillmore, the Liberal parliamentary secretary to the minister of democratic institutions, blamed former prime minister Stephen Harper’s government and assured the member that the current government is “committed to providing the resources and tools our scientists need to bring tangible benefits to Canadians’ health, environment, communities and economy,” which “will make Canada a leader in innovation.”

Although Fillmore refused to answer the question, it’s quite possible we’re headed for more mandatory diversity. The government used similar language in its bill to change the Broadcasting Act, Bill C-11, which would require media to “reflect” the viewpoints of the population. 

The problem isn’t that these ideas exist; the problem is that they’re being used to deny opportunities to people because of the body they were born in. When inclusion turns into active exclusion, it isn’t inclusion anymore.

Source: Sarkonak: Why Canadian universities are blocking able-bodied white men from some positions

Almost half of Canadians report a strong sense of belonging to their local community: GSS results for visible minorities and immigrants

Summaries I found more interesting, with overall sense of belonging stronger than not visible minority or Indigenous for most groups, as is the case for immigrants.

Further analysis needed why some groups have a stronger sense of belonging than Korean, Chinese and Southeast Asians and look forward to future work by StatsCan and others:

Sense of belonging to a local community varies among racialized groups

The proportion of people reporting a strong sense of belonging to a local community differed across racialized groups. For example, South Asian (59%), Filipino (57%), Arab (54%), and Black (51%) Canadians were more likely to have a strong sense of belonging to their local community, compared with those who did not belong to a racialized group and were not Indigenous (46%). 

On the other hand, Korean (24%), Chinese (36%), and Southeast Asian (38%) Canadians were less likely to have a strong sense of belonging to their local community. This finding is consistent with previous research, suggesting that some racialized groups are more likely to have a strong sense of belonging to their local community. More in-depth analyses are necessary to further understand this variation.

Immigrants are more likely to have a strong sense of belonging to their local community

Compared with those born in Canada (46%), recent immigrants—i.e., immigrants who arrived in the past five years (50%)—and those who arrived in Canada more than five years ago (48%) were more likely to have a strong sense of belonging to their local community. Despite the unique economic and social challenges they experienced during the pandemic, immigrants may nonetheless settle in regions where they receive support from immigrant settlement organizations or cultural community groups. 

This report found that social, economic, and demographic factors were associated with having a strong sense of belonging to a local community. Future research using the Canadian Social Survey will track this and other indicators in the Quality of Life Framework through the pandemic recovery period and examine how these factors and others relate to each other.

Source: Almost half of Canadians report a strong sense of belonging to their local community

Feds probe ‘disturbing’ tweets by consultant on government-funded anti-racism project

One of the things I learned when working under the Conservative government was to ensure we checked social media posts of those in leadership positions in groups applying for G&C funding. We learned this the hard way when political staffers would flag particularly egregious or overly ideological postings, thus removing the proposal from being considered.

And of course, this needs to be applied broadly and consistently across organizations and funding requests:

The federal diversity minister says he’s taking action over “disturbing” tweets by a senior consultant on an anti-racism project that received $133,000 from his department.

Ahmed Hussen has asked Canadian Heritage to “look closely at the situation” after what he called “unacceptable behaviour” by Laith Marouf, a senior consultant involved in the government-funded project to combat racism in broadcasting.

Marouf’s Twitter account is private but a screenshot posted online shows a number of tweets with his photo and name.

One tweet said: “You know all those loud mouthed bags of human feces, aka the Jewish White Supremacists; when we liberate Palestine and they have to go back to where they come from, they will return to being low voiced bitches of thier (sic) Christian/Secular White Supremacist Masters.”

Marouf declined requests for comment, but when asked about the tweet, a lawyer acting for Marouf asked for his client’s tweets to be quoted “verbatim” and distinguished between Marouf’s “clear reference to ‘Jewish white supremacists,’” and Jews or Jewish people in general.

Marouf does not harbour “any animus toward the Jewish faith as a collective group,” lawyer Stephen Ellis said in an email.

Last year, the Community Media Advocacy Centre received a $133,800 Heritage Department grant to build an anti-racism strategy for Canadian broadcasting.

Marouf is listed as a senior consultant on CMAC’s website and is quoted saying that CMAC is “excited to launch” the “Building an Anti-Racism Strategy for Canadian Broadcasting: Conversation & Convergence Initiative” with funding support from Heritage’s anti-racism action program.

He expressed gratitude to “Canadian Heritage for their partnership and trust imposed on us,” saying that CMAC commits to “ensuring the successful and responsible execution of the project.”

Hussen, who is based in the Heritage Department, said in a statement: “We condemn this unacceptable behaviour by an individual working in an organization dedicated to fighting racism and discrimination.”

“Our position is clear — antisemitism and any form of hate have no place in Canada. That is why I have asked Canadian Heritage to look closely at the situation involving disturbing comments made by the individual in question. We will address this with the organization accordingly, as this clearly goes against our government’s values,” Hussen added.

CMAC did not respond to a request for comment.

Irwin Cotler, a former Liberal justice minister who was appointed as Canada’s special envoy on antisemitism by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, said Marouf’s tweet referring to “loud mouthed bags of human feces” was “beyond the pale.”

Cotler said he plans to speak to officials working in the Heritage department on combating racism about the issue.

Shimon Koffler Fogel, president and CEO of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, said Canadians “should be appalled” by his tweets.

“Canadian Heritage must review its oversight policies to ensure Canadian taxpayer dollars are provided to groups committed to cherished Canadian values and to combating racism, hate, and discrimination,” he said.

Source: Feds probe ‘disturbing’ tweets by consultant on government-funded anti-racism project

Pain in Children is Often Ignored. For Children of Color, It’s Even Worse.

Of note, likely similar in Canada:

Judith McClellan, a social worker who lives in Salisbury, N.C., knows what it’s like to see her child in pain. Her daughter Kyarra, 15, has sickle cell disease, an inherited red blood cell disorder that most commonly affects Black people and frequently causes pain so excruciating that emergency opioids are necessary. When she was younger, Ms. McClellan said, Kyarra would describe the pain — caused by blockages in blood vessels — as feeling “like a butcher’s knife stabbing me 1,000 times in the same spot.”

During times of distress, Ms. McClellan said, “the protocol is we go to the nearest hospital” to receive powerful pain medications that will mitigate Kyarra’s discomfort until the crisis has passed. But because the McClellans, who are Black, live an hour and a half away from Kyarra’s primary hematologist, they often find themselves at emergency departments with medical staff who don’t know them and who often doubt Kyarra’s pain.

“If she says she has a pain level of eight — because she’s not screaming and hollering — they question, ‘Are you sure it’s an eight? Or are you making it an eight to get more pain medication?,’” Ms. McClellan said. “Sometimes I think they think she’s seeking drugs.”

Dr. Andrew Campbell, director of the Comprehensive Sickle Cell Disease Program at Children’s National Hospital in Washington, D.C., said that health care providers who don’t understand a condition like sickle cell disease, where pain is the hallmark feature, often mislabel Black children, particularly teenagers, as “drug seekers” or “opioid abusers.” There is also a “potential layer of racism” that can lead to that characterization, he added.

Last year, at a UNC hospital emergency department in Chapel Hill, N.C., a doctor reported Ms. McClellan to Child Protective Services because he was concerned about the fact that Kyarra had received 30 opioid prescriptions from 9 different doctors in North Carolina in the past year. That was too many, in his opinion. Ms. McClellan said that when she explained to the doctor that Kyarra’s prescriptions were necessary and in accordance with prescribing guidelines, he said, “If you’re not hiding anything, this will all work out.”

When asked about the incident, Alan Wolf, a spokesman for UNC Health, said that “hospital providers are obligated under North Carolina law to report suspected child neglect or abuse.”

In the end, the agency decided not to pursue the report, Ms. McClellan said, because “it didn’t meet the qualifications for abuse and neglect.”

Dr. Emily Hartford, an assistant professor in pediatric emergency medicine at the University of Washington who studies how differences in care can affect children, said that Kyarra’s experience is part of “a theme we’re starting to see over and over in the literature.”

In June, for instance, Dr. Hartford and her colleagues published a study in the journal Academic Emergency Medicine that analyzed the medical records of 833 12- to 16-year-olds who visited the Seattle Children’s hospital emergency department for migraine treatment between 2016 and 2020. They found that the children who were Black, Asian, Hispanic or who preferred to speak in a language other than English were less likely than white children to receive strong intravenous pain-relieving medications, despite reporting similar pain levels.

This jibes with past research, Dr. Hartford said, which has found that when children of color visit emergency departments for issues like bone fractures or appendicitis, for example, they are less likely than white children to be given appropriate pain medications, like opioids. Many studies have also found similar variations in pain treatment among adults of color.

“We would like there to be no differences by ethnicity and languages,” Dr. Hartford added. But “we have to uncover them as the first step to addressing them.”

Pain is subjective, hard to measure and often invisible. And in children — even more so than in adults — it is frequently misunderstoodundertreated and dismissed, as research has shown.

But in children of color, treatment can be worse. Dr. Ron Wyatt, a senior fellow at the Institute for Healthcare Improvement who is based in Madison, Ala., noted that false beliefs about biological differences between Black people and white people — dating back to slavery — have had lasting effects on how people of color are treated in medical settings.

As part of an often-cited study published in 2016 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, for instance, researchers from the University of Virginia surveyed 222 white medical residents and students and found that more than a third of them believed that Black people had physically thicker skin than white people did. And about 7 percent believed that Black people’s nerve endings were less sensitive than white people’s. The participants with such erroneous beliefs also made less accurate pain treatment recommendations, the study authors found.

Dr. Lisa Cooper, a professor of medicine at Johns Hopkins University and director of its Center for Health Equity, has found in her own research that the more implicit (or unconscious) biaswhite physicians have, the more poorly they communicate with Black patients.

One of her studies found that white doctors dominated conversations more with Black patients than they did with white patients, making it far more likely that Black patients’ concerns would go unheard and their conditions and pain would go undertreated. “It’s definitely a safety issue,” Dr. Cooper said.

Dr. Cristina Gonzalez, a professor of medicine at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York City who teaches physicians how to recognize and manage their implicit biases, said she remembered one instance years ago when a young Hispanic patient came into the hospital complaining of severe pain. A staff member said, “I don’t think he is really in pain.” He was eventually diagnosed with a gallbladder infection, ‌Dr. Gonzalez said, but those doubts could have delayed his treatment and caused damage‌ that could have been life-threatening.

“Delaying care has significant health downstream effects,” she said.

Experts emphasized that the onus should not be on patients to improve their own care. In recent years, there has been a push by researchershospitals and lawmakers to help health care providers become more aware of their biases — which everyone has — and to change their behavior accordingly. But “those are things that take time,” Dr. Wyatt said. In the meantime, these strategies may help parents at the hospital:

Keep records. Write down your child’s medications, symptoms and pediatrician’s contact information. Then, give the staff this information, which will help them assess what type of care your child needs faster. This is particularly helpful if your child has a chronic condition and is taking medication regularly.

Get to know the hospital staff. Vanessa Finch, of Fort Lauderdale, Fl., whose son Kahleeb Beckett died at age 24 during a sickle cell crisis at the hospital, said that when Kahleeb was young, she found ways to connect with the hospital workers. “I volunteered. I kicked it with the social workers. I stayed in those doctors’ faces,” she said. “That makes a difference.” She discovered that when the medical staff felt a more personal connection to her son, who was Black, they were more empathetic to his pain.

Try to alleviate your child’s anxiety. Studies show that anxiety and pain are intricately interwoven and some surprisingly simple tactics can help to reduce anxiety and lessen perceptions of pain. These may include having your child imagine a favorite place, listening to a guided imagery exercise or offering distractions, like music or a video. You can use these strategies while waiting for treatment.

Take deep breaths. “We know that parents’ distress about their child’s pain in the E.D. really impacts how their child experiences pain and how they respond to treatment,” said Emily Law, an author of the recent study on migraine treatment in adolescents and an associate professor of anesthesiology and pain medicine at the University of Washington. So do what you can to stay calm, whether that involves taking deep breaths or stepping out of the exam room to call a friend for support.

If necessary, file a complaint. If you feel that your child hasn’t been treated appropriately, ask to speak with a hospital social worker or write a complaint to the hospital to hold them accountable.

Source: Pain in Children is Often Ignored. For Children of Color, It’s Even Worse.

Le français sera-t-il bientôt une langue parmi d’autres en Ontario ?

Likely given immigration patterns:

Les derniers chiffres du recensement 2021 ont de quoi faire craindre la minorisation accentuée de la communauté francophone en Ontario. Bien que le nombre de francophones demeure relativement stable, la proportion de francophones (Première langue officielle parlée), par rapport à la population générale, ne fait que baisser, passant de 3,8 % en 2016 à 3,4 % en 2021 — ce qui représente la plus forte baisse depuis 2001.

À cet effet, déjà, plusieurs signes montrent une reconfiguration du régime linguistique canadien. Pendant que l’on tergiverse encore sur les nécessités du renforcement du français au sein de la Loi sur les langues officielles, aucune politique conséquente n’est mise en place en immigration.

On peine toujours autant à délivrer les visas aux étudiants francophones intéressés à venir séjourner au pays. Aucune mesure musclée ne vient encadrer et promouvoir l’immigration francophone à l’extérieur du Québec. Aucun plan n’est réalisé pour attirer ces derniers, comme en témoignent les statistiques sur la provenance des nouveaux immigrants (2016-2021).

Le dernier recensement nous apprend que 80,6 % des immigrants « choisissent » l’anglais comme première langue officielle parlée. Mais jusqu’à quel point ce choix n’est-il pas prévisible lorsqu’on constate qu’aucun effort n’a été consenti par le gouvernement pour atteindre le quart du seuil minimal d’immigration francophone internationale souhaité par la Fédération des communautés francophones et acadienne du Canada (FCFA) et plusieurs autres acteurs du monde francophone au Canada ? Cette baisse importante du prorata de francophones par rapport à la population générale en Ontario doit être analysée pour ce qu’elle est : le résultat d’une politique ratée des instances fédérale et provinciale.

Si le recensement montre bien que les francophones vieillissent et que c’est là un des facteurs explicatifs de la baisse de leur poids démographique au Canada, cette tendance n’est pourtant pas nouvelle. Elle est observable depuis des décennies, et le plan du ministre Dion (2003) cherchait déjà à en contrer les effets.

Malheureusement, les dernières données montrent au contraire que l’attractivité du français est en perte de vitesse partout au Canada. Là où cette langue est minoritaire, le français tend de plus en plus à n’être perçu que comme une langue de communication, un outil, et de moins en moins comme un vecteur culturel, en Ontario notamment.

S’il fallait encore s’en convaincre, on peut percevoir dans les résultats de ce recensement la sortie du régime de dualité linguistique traditionnelle (anglais-français) et l’entrée de plain-pied dans un régime pluraliste où le français (hors Québec) semble de plus en plus qu’une langue parmi d’autres.

Seulement 1,3 % des ménages ontariens parlent régulièrement le français à la maison ; seulement 1,9 % parlent le français et l’anglais à égalité. Et 0,1 % des ménages parlent régulièrement le français et une langue tierce, contre 18,8 % l’anglais et une langue tierce. Un lent mais profond glissement s’opère du français vers l’anglais et les langues tierces (qui représentent désormais 8 % des langues parlées régulièrement au foyer).

La langue française et ses cultures francophones semblent ainsi de plus en plus déliées l’une de l’autre et ont de plus en plus de mal à s’incarner dans des milieux concrets. Cela a pour effet de fragiliser la transmission du français et la force de ses institutions francophones, notamment scolaires (de la petite enfance à l’Université). Faut-il rappeler le saccage du fait français à l’Université Laurentienne ?

Ces statistiques ne reflètent-elles pas la place véritable que l’on souhaite donner au français dans l’espace canadien ? Une place malheureusement de plus en plus symbolique qui témoigne, d’une part, des exigences d’un marché du travail anglo-dominant et, de l’autre, du manque de volonté politique du gouvernement fédéral à assurer la pérennité et le développement des communautés francophones au pays. Le temps est désormais aux solutions audacieuses.

Source: Le français sera-t-il bienitôt une langue parmi d’autres en Ontario ?

COVID-19 Immigration Effects – June 2022 update

My latest monthly update.

June numbers reflect a gradual but uneven opening across the suite of immigration-related programs compared to April and May.

The number of TR2PR transitions increased slightly compared to May but remained significantly below the latter half of 2021, again suggesting a decreased “inventory” and/or a conscious government decision to redress the balance and address backlogs.

While TRs/TFWP remained largely stable compared to May, the number of TRs/IMP climbed dramatically for Canadian Interests and the frustrating unclear categories of “other IMP participants” and “not stated.”

International students, applications and permits, continue to reflect normal seasonal patterns.

While last month, I thought that citizenship looked on track to continue whittling away at the backlog of close 400,000 (as if July 4), this appears unlikely at IRCC has been averaging about 30,000 per month in 2022.

The number of Ukrainians arriving in Canada, mainly under the Canada-Ukraine authorization for emergency travel remains significant, but has declined to only about one-third of all visitor visas in June compared to one-half in April and May, while overall numbers have declined somewhat and remain below pre-pandemic levels.

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Yakabuski: Official bilingualism is officially dead in Canada

Overly dramatic header but as we see in initial reactions in Quebec, recent action/inaction by the federal government, and the ever increasing gap between immigration to English Canada compared to Quebec, the trendline is not encouraging:

Statistics Canada surely did not time the release of language data from the 2021 Census to coincide with the launch of an election campaign in Quebec. But its publication of findings that confirm the decline of French within the province and across Canada are sure to light a fuse on the campaign trail as Premier François Legault calls for Ottawa to cede more powers to Quebec.

Neither did the federal agency likely consider the optics of releasing its report on the heels of the Aug. 15 Fête nationale de l’Acadie, the annual celebration of francophones in Atlantic Canada that marks the 1755 expulsion of thousands of their ancestors from the region by the British. Many ended up in Louisiana, where the French-language is today spoken by only a tiny minority of their descendants.

In May, as he revealed plans to seek full control over immigration policy if his Coalition Avenir Québec wins the Oct. 3 election, Mr. Legault warned that Quebec runs the risk of becoming another Louisiana without the ability to choose its own immigrants, including those who come to Quebec through the federal family reunification program. “It is a question of survival for our nation,” he said then.

Statistics Canada’s Wednesday report, showing that more newcomers to Quebec are using English as their first official language, will only serve to buttress Mr. Legault’s argument. The proportion of Quebeckers who primarily spoke English rose to 13 per cent in 2021 from 12 per cent in 2016, topping the one-million mark for the first time. The share who spoke predominantly French at home fell to 77.5 per cent from 79 per cent, despite extensive government efforts to “francize” new immigrants.

More than 70 per cent of Quebeckers who speak English as their first official language live on the Island of Montreal or in the suburban Montérégie region. The concentration of English speakers in and around the Quebec metropolis has long created linguistic tensions. Protecting Montreal’s “French face” is seen as imperative by most francophone Quebeckers, but many allophone newcomers to the city still gravitate toward English, sometimes even after attending French public schools.

And as Montreal goes, many fear, so goes the province. Which is why Bill 96 – the law adopted by Mr. Legault’s government in June that caps enrolment in English-language junior colleges among dozens of other measures aimed at protecting French – is seen by many francophones as a strict minimum.

Across Canada, French has been on the decline for decades despite Liberal prime minister Pierre Trudeau’s government adoption of the Official Languages Act in 1969. In 1971, French was the first official language spoken by 27.2 per cent of Canadians. By 2016, the proportion had declined to 22.2 per cent. In 2021, it fell again to 21.4 per cent. Where will it stand in 2026? You don’t need a PhD to figure it out.

The dream of a bilingual Canada d’un océan à l’autre may never have been more than that. But the reduction of French to folkloric status everywhere outside Quebec and in pockets of New Brunswick and Northern Ontario is the writing on the wall. Between 2016 and 2021, the proportion of the population speaking French at home declined in every region of the country except Yukon, where it rose to 2.6 per cent from 2.4 per cent. In New Brunswick, Canada’s only officially bilingual province, the share speaking French at home fell to 26.4 per cent from 28 per cent.

It may be fashionable among English-Canadian elites to enrol their kids in French immersion classes. But anemic rates of bilingualism hors Quebec and New Brunswick speak for themselves. Outside Quebec, Canadians who claimed an ability to conduct a conversation in both official languages dropped to 9.5 per cent from 9.8 per cent and down from a peak of 10.1 per cent two decades ago.

Even the federal public service, which once aspired to set an example, no longer prioritizes Canada’s official languages equally. In May, a Radio-Canada report showed that francophones are underrepresented in the upper echelons of the federal bureaucracy. Now, there is a push to waive French-English bilingualism requirements if applicants speak an Indigenous language or aspire to.

Removing barriers to career advancement faced by Indigenous people in Canada is a legitimate objective. But francophones argue it should not mean the diminution of the status of French within the public service. They worry that the appointment of Mary Simon as Governor-General, despite her inability to speak French, paves the way for more such nominations. They are not wrong to worry.

The latest census figures will exacerbate feelings of linguistic insecurity among francophone Quebeckers in particular. There will be consequences. We may witness a few of them on the campaign trail.

Source: Official bilingualism is officially dead in Canada

Tremblay: Le sang de Salman Rushdie

From Le Devoir film critic Odile Tremblay:

« Quand la superstition entre par la porte, le bon sens se sauve par la fenêtre », écrivait Salman Rushdie dans Les versets sataniques.

Ce livre, qui lui valut en 1989 la fatwa de l’anathème en Iran par la voix de l’ayatollah Khomeini appelant à son assassinat, le déchirera jusqu’au tombeau.

Survivra ? Survivra pas ? On aura suivi en quelques jours avec horreur la nouvelle de son assaut par un jeune Américain d’origine libanaise (dix coups de couteau) lors d’une de ses conférences dans l’État de New York, puis l’hospitalisation, l’évolution de son état de santé. L’écrivain indo-britannique s’en sort, mais risque de perdre un œil. Son cou, son bras, son foie sont en piteux état. Il parle un peu, plaisante ; trait d’héroïsme. On imagine sans peine les mois, les années de physio et de thérapies qui l’attendent avant le retour à un certain équilibre physique et psychologique. Philippe Lançon, l’auteur de l’immortel Lambeau, en a su quelque chose, lui qui traversa les affres de la réadaptation après avoir été grièvement blessé lors du massacre islamiste chez Charlie Hebdo.

Espérons que l’attentat contre Rushdie ne sera pas qu’un fait divers décrié par les grands de ce monde (pas tous) puis effacé au profit d’un nouveau scandale. En Iran, des fondamentalistes se réjouissent de son sort. C’est lui qui conservera le vrai pouvoir magique des mots.

Je l’avais interviewé il y a dix ans au Festival de Toronto, quand un film avait été tiré de son roman Les enfants de minuit. Il se disait lassé de revenir sur cette fatwa, qui fit de lui longtemps un reclus, un homme traqué. Dix ans d’escorte policière. Dix ans de fuites et de repaires secrets. Des autodafés du livre, des manifestations sanglantes, le meurtre du traducteur japonais des Versets sataniques, la peur et les cris étaient les jalons de son parcours. Puis vint une accalmie. « Il n’y a que les journalistes pour me demander si ma vie est encore en danger », s’irritait-il en 2012 d’un sourcil hérissé. Salman Rushdie se déclarait heureux depuis une décennie, enfin sorti de cette galère. Pensez-vous… On lui prédit d’autres gardes du corps, de nouvelles retraites. Il était déjà un symbole. Aujourd’hui… Un mythe sanglant.

Depuis l’attentat, tout le monde s’arrache ces Versets sataniques en version numérique. Dans les librairies, c’est la rupture de stock. Les lecteurs trouveront-ils sa prose difficile d’accès ? Près de 35 ans après son lancement, dans un monde où la facilité intellectuelle domine, l’œuvre d’un auteur exigeant et complexe risque d’en égarer plusieurs. Cette dérive-là, l’attentat contre Salman Rushdie nous la rappelle tristement aussi.

Ce roman, une brique touffue de 600 pages, ne tient pourtant pas de la provocation frontale. Tissé d’intrigues multiples sur les mille fléaux du monde, il aborde entre autres l’exode et l’exil, le racisme et la violence policière. Mais en quelques pages, au cours d’un épisode rêvé, le prophète Mahomet, sous le nom de Mahound, prenait des libertés face au dogme officiel. Un imam venait dévorer son peuple. Une jeune fille invitait des pèlerins à traverser à pied la mer d’Arabie, sur la foi du miracle. Rien pour appeler à la guerre sainte. Les imams qui hurlaient le plus fort au blasphème n’avaient guère lu le livre avant de sonner l’hallali, mais le titre du roman faisait déjà scandale.

Les écrivains, les journalistes, les artistes, champions de la liberté d’expression, sont des cibles à travers le monde, en Chine comme en Russie, au Moyen-Orient et ailleurs. Mais ils ne sont pas les uniques victimes de la barbarie. Des personnes parfois sans histoire se font blesser ou tuer pour des motifs religieux, politiques, pour leur couleur, leur genre, leur orientation sexuelle, un regard de travers, un territoire à soumettre par les armes ou parce qu’elles passaient dans le coin. Quant à l’intolérance, comment la résumer aux seules dérives islamiques ? Sur les réseaux sociaux, dans les rues, dans une Amérique déchirée et armée, l’obscurantisme et la pulsion de mort ravagent de concert les esprits.

Rushdie, écrivain athée de culture musulmane, me l’affirmait en substance : la bataille pour la liberté d’attaquer la religion a d’autres moteurs que le combat touchant les crimes raciaux, puisqu’elle touche au monde des idées. Reste que l’extrémisme à pourfendre naît sur bien des terrains, enfourchant les idées et les croyances comme les pulsions discriminatoires de tous acabits, des enjeux sanitaires, des mirages trumpiens, des rêves d’appartenance. La religion fanatisée constitue un vecteur de haine rouge, mais les motifs de polarisation violente sont devenus si nombreux et parfois si futiles qu’on n’aura jamais assez d’écrivains, même incompris, même ensanglantés, pour dénoncer la bêtise humaine qui fleurit partout.

Source: Le sang de Salman Rushdie