Le Bureau de la liberté de religion se tiendra loin de la Charte

Bit of a tempest in a teapot as the federal government through Minister Kenney has already been clear on the federal position.

Le Bureau de la liberté de religion se tiendra loin de la Charte | JOËL-DENIS BELLAVANCE | Politique canadienne.

Quebec Values Charter – Quebec Liberal Party internal discussions

Slow news day for the Quebec Values Charter so ongoing coverage on Fatima Houda-Pepin and her debates within the Liberal Party of Quebec, following yesterday’s Fatima Houda-Pepin: une intellectuelle solitaire | Denis Lessard | Politique québécoise:

Fatima Houda-Pepin est «prête à collaborer» | DENIS LESSARD | Politique québécoise

Houda-Pepin attendue de pied ferme au PLQ

WHEN DOES CRITICISM OF ISLAM BECOME ISLAMOPHOBIA? | Pandaemonium

Good opinion piece by Kenan Malik on trying to provide some criteria for distinguishing between legitimate public debate and discussion and when this crosses over into islamophobia. Similar discussions and criteria take place with respect to criticism of Israeli policies and antisemitism:

Much of the problem arises from the way that the debate about Islam is filtered through the lens of the ‘clash of civilizations’, the claim that there is a fundamental civilizational difference between Islam and the West that will, in the words of Samuel Huntingdon, the American political scientist who popularized the term, set the ‘battle lines of the future’, unleashing a war ‘far more fundamental’ than any ignited by ‘differences among political ideologies and political regimes’. The ‘clash of civilizations’ is a threadbare argument, but it is part of a genuine academic debate. It is also the frame through which the ‘otherness’ of Muslims is established, a frame within which both popular discussion and the arguments of the bigots, including tellingly those of Islamists, have developed.

The academic arguments need challenging. So do popular perceptions, and the arguments of the bigots, too. The academic debate is clearly distinct from the popular discourse which in turn is separate from the claims of the bigots. Yet not only does each shade into the other, but the academic debate also provides the intellectual foundation for both the popular discussion and for the arguments of the bigots.

WHEN DOES CRITICISM OF ISLAM BECOME ISLAMOPHOBIA? | Pandaemonium.

Fatima Houda-Pepin: une intellectuelle solitaire | Denis Lessard | Politique québécoise

A good profile on Fatima Houda-Pepin, the Quebec Liberal Party member of the national assembly that has taken throughout her political career a strong position against fundamentalism, particularly islamic fundamentalism. Having been on a study tour with her and others of the Dutch experience with integration and diversity, have a lot of respect for her experience and understanding of the issues:

Fatima Houda-Pepin: une intellectuelle solitaire | Denis Lessard | Politique québécoise.

And some other articles on her relations within the Liberal party:

Sortie de Fatima Houda-Pepin – Là où va le Québec | Le Devoir

Fatima Houda-Pepin invitée à revenir au PLQ | Katia Gagnon | Politique québécoise

The third party in Quebec, the CAQ, after saying they would accept a candidate wearing a chador (the Iranian garment covering the body but not the face), have reversed their position:

Tchador: François Legault fait marche arrière | Martin Ouellet | Politique québécoise

The most sensible commentary was by Graeme Hamilton in The National Post, noting just how hypothetical and unlikely this possibility would be:

The obsession with the chador brings to mind the absurd code of living adopted in 2007 by the small town of Hérouxville, Que., laying down the law against a host of imagined threats posed by newcomers. Among other things, the code declared that it is forbidden to stone women, burn them alive or throw acid on them, that alcohol and dancing are permitted and that “the only time you may mask or cover your face is during Halloween.”

True, there have been no public stonings in Hérouxville since the code was adopted. For that, its authors must be proud. Similarly, if the dust ever settles over the PQ values charter, Ms. Marois will be able to look out at a chador-free National Assembly and pat herself on the back.

Graeme Hamilton : Charter of values causes big fuss over a hypothetical candidate wearing an obscure cloak

‘You are as equal as anyone’ | Toronto Star

An alternate “welcome to Canada and Canadian citizenship” speech by Haroon Siddiqui of The Star, with the classic liberal emphasis on the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and human rights (as part of the changes introduced along with Discover Canada, the 2010 citizenship guide and test, the Charter was no longer handed out at citizenship ceremonies, replaced by a pamphlet emphasizing the role of the Crown):

Respect that Canada is a Christian-majority nation. But know that it is not a Christian country. Canada has no official religion. All faiths are equal. Canada has no official culture, either. So be free to practise your faith, if you so choose, and live your culture as fully as you like — within the rule of law.

The rule of law is what binds all Canadians together, new and old, the foreign-born and the Canadian-born. The Charter of Rights and Freedoms is our common holy parchment.

Canada wants you to succeed. The more you succeed, the more successful Canada becomes.

i‘You are as equal as anyone’ | Toronto Star.

Laïcité – La libérale Houda-Pepin fustige la position de son parti

Not surprising, eventually she would speak up against some elements of the Liberal Party of Quebec, in this case allowing the chador  (which covers everything but the face) in the unlikely event that a Liberal Party candidate wears the chador. A very strong political statement that bears reading:

« Suis-je encore dans le Parti libéral dont les élites politiques et intellectuelles se sont relayées pendant un siècle, pour mener un combat courageux pour la séparation de l’Église et de l’État au Québec ? Suis-je encore au Parti libéral d’Adélard Godbout qui a accordé aux Québécoises le droit de vote et d’éligibilité des femmes, un droit gagné de haute lutte par les suffragettes et les militantes libérales ? Suis-je encore au Parti libéral du même Adélard Godbout qui a institué l’école obligatoire forçant les parents de toutes les régions du Québec à scolariser leurs enfants, garçons et filles ? » ajoute la députée.

Puis, elle enfonce le clou : « Suis-je encore au Parti libéral du Québec de la Révolution tranquille qui a fait élire la première femme députée à l’Assemblée législative, Marie-Claire Kirkland, qui a mis fin à la tutelle des femmes en faisant adopter la Loi sur la capacité juridique de la femme mariée ? »

« Quand on connaît la signification du tchador et de sa variante afghane, le tchadri, comment peut-on justifier l’acceptation d’un tel symbole dans ce haut lieu de notre démocratie qu’est l’Assemblée nationale ? » poursuit-elle.

Laïcité – La libérale Houda-Pepin fustige la position de son parti | Le Devoir.

And the leader of the Liberal Party of Quebec Philippe Couillard threatens to exclude her from the Liberal caucus for not following the Party’s position. It strikes me a bit extreme as she wanted to draw the line at the chador, and remained silent on the general party opposition to the Bill:

Philippe Couillard envisage d’exclure Fatima Houda-Pepin | Denis Lessard | Politique québécoise

And in other Charter related news, CAQ “flexibility” or weakness on principles became clearer with their willingness to expand the scope of the Bill in the education sector:

Charte des valeurs: la CAQ propose un compromis sur l’éducation | Paul Journet | Politique québécoise

And an editorial in The Globe on the decision by Montreal’s Jewish Hospital will not apply for a temporary exemption from the Charter should it become law, but rather ignore it and dare the province to take it to court. About one-third of its employees wear religious symbols:

“The Jewish” has been around since 1934, and has grown into one of Montreal’s leading hospitals. For decades, it has successfully offered medical excellence to patients of all faiths and none, along with some facilities making allowance for religious Jews – such as kosher food. There is no good reason for it to turn itself into something different.

The PQ’s cynical Values Charter is clearly unconstitutional, solves no real-world problem, and is designed only to curry favour with xenophobic voters. It directly targets one of anglophone Montreal’s most important institutions, and all of the province’s religious and ethnic minorities. The Jewish General Hospital is an outstanding example of freedom of religion co-existing with excellent, non-discriminatory health care for all Quebeckers – which appears to be precisely why the PQ has it in its sights.

Hospital is right to ignore the Charter of Values 

Charte: Round up

In terms of the internal dynamic within the CAQ, a reminder that, given their rural base, and that the PQ is targeting rural voters, has many members close to the PQ position on the Charter:

Charte: des caquistes ont déjà été proches de la position péquiste | DENIS LESSARD | Politique québécoise.

An unfortunate example of Godwin’s law when a Parti liberal de Quebec member of the national assembly made an allusion to Nazi prohibitions in talking about the Charter. Xenophobic yes, exclusionary yes, but Godwin’s law applies: if one makes a Nazi comparison, one has lost the argument:

Fournier se défend d’avoir tissé un lien entre la charte et le nazisme | Martin Ouellet | Politique québécoise

And a “réplique” to Daniel Turp on his casualness in the use of the notwithstanding clause to permit the Charter by Jean-Pierre Proulx, noting that:

Par un étonnant retour des choses, c’est aujourd’hui cette même mouvance laïque qui propose de recourir à une clause dérogatoire. Même si on veut la noyer, comme le fait le professeur Turp, dans une clause générale, la liberté qui sera en fait visée est celle et uniquement celle de la liberté de conscience et de religion. Il vaudrait mieux le dire clairement, même si c’est très gênant.

Ce sera en effet très embarrassant face à l’opinion internationale. Car, non seulement provoquera-t-on ici une crise politique (renouvelable tous les cinq ans !), mais il faudra tôt ou tard faire face à la contestation qui sera faite de cette clause devant le Comité des droits de l’homme des Nations unies. Et ici, sa réprobation ne soulève guère de doute. En effet, il y a une dizaine d’années, ce même Comité a statué que les privilèges accordés aux seuls catholiques et protestants par l’article 93 de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 étaient, malgré leur inscription dans la Constitution canadienne, discriminatoires.

C’est ce même comité qui, rappelons-le, a aussi condamné Québec pour avoir interdit l’affichage bilingue dans la loi 101 et pour y avoir ajouté une clause dérogatoire après s’être fait condamner par la Cour suprême du Canada. Et Québec a reculé.

Devant un mur, il est généralement préférable de reculer et de trouver une autre issue.

La réplique › Charte et clause dérogatoire – Une clause dérogatoire élèverait un autre mur | Le Devoir

Shoestring Ethnic Publications Say They Need Federal Cash, Ads: Survey » The Epoch Times

No surprise that ethnic media is also sharing some of the general challenges of the industry.

Shoestring Ethnic Publications Say They Need Federal Cash, Ads: Survey » The Epoch Times.

Theresa May must not further erode Britons’ rights to citizenship

An opinion piece in the Guardian by Matthew Gibney on removal of citizenship rights for suspected terrorists. Given there has been some talk in Canadian circles as well of similar measures, of interest. While the people that have been stripped of their citizenship are “not nice people”, the question of due process and the rule of law is an important one, although I would not be as absolutist of the right of citizenship in such cases.

Theresa May must not further erode Britons’ rights to citizenship | Matthew Gibney | Comment is free | The Guardian.

Quebec’s Tea Party Moment – NYTimes.com

While their is ongoing debate within Quebec and Canada about the degree to which criticism of the Charter within Canada is helpful or not to Quebec debates (conventional wisdom is that it falls into the PQ strategy of increasing the contrast and polarization between Quebec and Canada), an article in the New York Times, by Maclean’s analyst Martin Patriquin, (Patriquin has been consistent in his views for a long time), raises the stakes somewhat:

In catering to this white, populist rural vote, the left-of-center Parti Québécois has seemingly ventured into Tea Party territory. Janette Bertrand, the 88-year-old leader of a pro-charter group, recently told a newspaper that she would be “scared” to be served by a veiled doctor, because Muslims let women “die faster.” She wasn’t joking.

Anti-immigrant sentiment exists across Canada. Yet Quebec is the only province with a political party willing to exploit that sentiment for political gain. Will it work? Probably not, if only because winning any future referendum on Quebec’s separation from Canada would mean putting the question to each and every Quebecer — including the very people the Parti Québécois is scaring and scapegoating today.

Quebec’s Tea Party Moment – NYTimes.com.

Sure enough, the Quebec Minister responsible for the Bill felt compelled to respond to the critique , reverting to the time-honoured technique of attacking the messenger:

«Or ce n’est pas du journalisme, a commenté Bernard Drainville. C’est de l’opinion. D’ailleurs, M. Patriquin n’en est pas à ses premières frasques. Il a déjà dit que la corruption faisait partie de l’ADN des Québécois», a-t-il rappelé au sujet de ce qu’avait publié le magazine anglophone Maclean’s, en 2010. (an ironic reference, given the current hearings on corruption in Quebec’s construction industry)

La Charte des valeurs, digne du Tea Party? Bof! répond Drainville | Michel Corbeil | Politique

And in minor Charter news, François Legault, the leader of the CAQ distances itself from the comments mentioned yesterday by the former leader of its predecessor, the ADQ, cited yesterday («L’islam, une religion de violence», selon le fondateur de l’ADQ), reflecting how Quebec discussions on multiculturalism and interculturalism have evolved over the years:

Charte: François Legault se distancie de Jean Allaire | Denis Lessard | Politique québécoise

And the Liberal Party of Quebec, while considering legislation limiting the wearing of the niqab or burqa (Le PLQ prépare un projet de loi contre l’intégrisme religious), nevertheless is open – at least in theory – to potential LPQ candidates wearing the chador (in practice, hard to see how any candidate wearing a chador would be nominated a candidate, let alone win, but the party is being consistent that the dividing line is being able to see the face):

PLQ: les candidates portant le tchador seront bienvenues | Jocelyne Richer | Politique québécoise

And lastly, Lysiane Gagnon on the PQ political strategy:

If it wins a majority, Premier Pauline Marois’s government will unfold the second part of the strategy, hoping that its identity legislation will inflame the political climate, provoke an angry backlash in the rest of Canada and eventually push a majority of francophones to react by voting Yes to another sovereignty referendum. The sovereigntists will argue that “English Canada” and the federal government are imposing values alien to Quebec (multiculturalism, for instance) and depriving Quebec of the right to adopt the policies it needs for its cultural survival.

 PQ’s charter madness has a method