Andray Domise: The deterioration of data is robbing marginalized communities of their voice

2019/02/11 Leave a comment

The Globe’s ongoing series on Canadian data gaps is welcome and continues to draw attention to the gaps. As someone who relies on various data sources, particularly the Census, I find these concerns reasonable when it comes to health outcomes, incarceration rates, foreclosure data, children’s aid, police checks.

I am less convince, however, in some of the other areas. We do collect race-based data (visible minorities) in the Census which has finer gradations than the US Census (11 categories compared to 5 in the US). Census data allows analysis of participation and unemployment rates, average and median income, low-income, highest level of educational achievement, areas of study, employment in the public sector (federal, provincial, municipal, healthcare, education, social services, police) and whether in more senior or support positions.

In education, as I have argued earlier (Karen Robson: Why won’t Canada collect data on race and student success?), we actually have good data in terms of the outcomes of the different visible minority groups and the absence of comparable data to the TDSB data from other school boards is more a “nice-to-have” than necessary (see my analysis of education outcomes Education fields of study and economic outcomes).

Researchers and others will always want more data. How this gets priorized and implemented requires some choices given resource implications. In the meantime, researchers should explore creative ways of teasing out the insights from existing data sources:

The Institute for Policy Studies released a study last month on median wealth in American households, and the findings were unsettling, if unsurprising. While the inflation-adjusted median wealth of white families in the United States had grown from US$110,160 to US$146,984 over the past three decades, it had hardly increased at all for Hispanic families (US$4,289 to US$6,591), and dropped by roughly half for Black families (US$7,323 to US$3,557). By 2082, the study concluded that, should current trends hold, the Black family will have a median net worth of zero.

I posted excerpts from the study online, and an acquaintance of mine asked how Black families in Canada compared with their U.S. counterparts. I had no idea, I said. In Canada, we don’t collect, study and distribute such information.

This has long been a point of frustration. When I was a financial planner in a previous life, I often found myself having to debunk misconceptions about the ever-shrinking middle class. One of the more pernicious narratives was the long-term effects of the 2008 financial crisis, which, more than a decade later, many still erroneously blame on irresponsible, low-income “deadbeat borrowers.”

A 2010 study conducted by the American Sociological Review, I would note, found that banks not only targeted low-income areas for risky and complicated subprime loans, but denied traditional loans to qualified Black and Hispanic applicants, effectively creating a segregated class of borrowers who were disproportionately impacted when the interest on those loans skyrocketed.

A slew of follow-up studies in the United States eventually spurred federal investigations, which found that lenders did engage in discriminatory and predatory practices. One of the worst offenders, Wells Fargo, was hit with a US$175-million judgment in 2012 for saddling non-white borrowers with higher interest and worse deals on their mortgages than their white peers of similar credit standing.

Without publicly available municipal census metropolitan data, federally legislated land data and foreclosure information from private oversight agencies, not only could banks have gotten away with enriching themselves through illegal lending practices, there would have been no counternarrative to the myth that broke borrowers of colour collapsed the global economy.

And equivalent data, available and freely usable for such comprehensive studies, does not exist in Canada.

Not so long ago, the collection of race-specific data was seen as unseemly at best, and targeting at worst. That data was often used as a cudgel by police forces to stereotype marginalized communities, and often there was no counternarrative offered. But now, with data analysis having become essential to the global economy and our political systems, everything boils down to the numbers. Geopolitics are being tilted and societies are being reshaped by information asymmetries. Avoiding discussions about race has effectively left policy-makers wandering blindfolded through a forest, at the expense of communities of colour.

Our federal and provincial governments, for instance, have responded to increasing conversation about racialized state-sanctioned violence and discrimination by declining to quantify the problem. Even as policing agencies across the country tout the value of street checks as a tool for preventing and solving crime, data on their efficacy have typically not been studied nor reviewed by independently operated and funded oversight agencies. In Edmonton’s case, the police service funded a study in which the dataset was described as “contaminated” by officers’ subjective evaluations; in Vancouver, the data was only released to the public after a Freedom of Information request. Meanwhile, in Ontario, a report by a provincial judge declared it bluntly: “There is little to no evidence that a random, unfocused collection of identifying information has benefits that outweigh the social cost of the practice.”

While Canadians thank the heavens we don’t experience the statistically proven dysfunctions in the United States’ health, financial and public-safety systems, that gratitude is rooted in ignorance. We know that south of the border, Black mothers are three times as likely to die during childbirth as their white peers, but Canadians have no way to understand the scale of the Indigenous child-welfare crisis beyond the blunt sum of Indigenous children being funnelled into the children’s aid system. We have no aggregated national data on maternal (or even infant) mortality rates among specific ethnic groups, preventing Ottawa from creating targeted health policy. We have no comprehensive data on sexual-health practices among teens and young adults, which effectively granted the Ontario government carte blanche to roll back the sex-education curriculum by 20 years.

Time and again, marginalized communities have had to rely on an irregular flow of data to validate our stories and lived experiences – forced to marshal math in support of our stories that broader Canadian society too often dismisses as hysterics. Canada’s data deficiencies are not merely problems of public policy: They reflect an unacceptable level of neglect that’s become an obstacle to our ability to advocate for ourselves.

Source: The deterioration of data is robbing marginalized communities of their voice

The related Globe article: How Canada’s racial data gaps can be hazardous to your health

 

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Diversity Votes — February By-elections: Matching Census Data with Ethnic Media Coverage (31 January to 8 February 2019)

2019/02/11 Leave a comment

For background data on the riding demographic, economic, social and political characteristics, see: February By-elections: Matching Census Data with Ethnic Media Coverage (1-18 January 2019). 

Note: While Chinese in the chart of ethnic media coverage refers to written media, Cantonese and Mandarin to broadcast oral media, I generally summarize all three as Chinese media except where indicated. 

Ethnic Media Coverage

The ongoing focus on Burnaby South continued, with more articles commenting on the risks to  Jagmeet Singh’s leadership of the NDP should he not win the by-election in both Punjabi and Chinese (Chinese, Cantonese and Mandarin) media. Overall, coverage increased slightly to 25 articles compared to 18 the previous week (earlier weeks had 41 and 97 articles) .

Media coverage was roughly evenly split between Punjabi (44 percent) and 40 percent in Chinese media. 

In addition to the risks to Jagmeet Singh’s leadership, NDP fund-raising difficulties were covered as well as the Party’s poor prospects in Outremont based on polling data in Punjabi media. Singh’s universal pharmacare plan received coverage but was largely drowned out by stories concerning the risks to his leadership.

Stories covered in Chinese media included the risks to Singh’s leadership, that former Liberal candidate Karen Wang would not run as an independent (and noting her pregnancy), the visit of Andrew Scheer and his criticism of how the Liberals have handled the dispute with China over the requested extradition of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou, and that NDP leader Singh appeared to be in the dark regarding the change in his caucus’s position on the legitimacy of Venezualan leader Maduro. 

The all candidates meeting for Burnaby South was covered in both Punjabi and Chinese media, with the latter noting the “fiery debate.”

Korean media coverage focussed on the visit to Burnaby South of Conservative leader Scheer and the formal launch of Conservative candidate Jay Shin, who is of Korean descent. Scheer’s visit was also covered in Chinese media but curiously not in Punjabi or South Asian English media. An article in Arabic media focussed on the importance of Outremont to both Liberals and the NDP, as well as Quebec ridings overall to the Liberal re-election plans.

Five commentary pieces in Punjabi media appeared this past week. Three of these focussed on the electoral prospects of Singh and the NDP, with two highlighting the risks to his leadership and the generally poor prospects of the NDP. One noted that Singh’s prospects had improved given the controversial remarks of former Liberal candidate Karen Wang while another one criticized those who circulate fake news and rumours regarding Singh. Tarek Fatah’s previously published critique of ethnic voting (The Bankruptcy of Ethnic Vote Banks) was reprinted in English in the Punjabi media.

In general election coverage, the government’s announcement of measures to reduce foreign interference in the federal election continued to receive considerable coverage. Other stories of interest included former NDP leader Mulcair’s comments regarding the possible shift of NDP voters to the Green Party, and questions surrounding the controversial $300,000 fundraiser by Brampton area MP Raj Grewal in both Punjabi and Chinese media. Cantonese media covered the Conservative plans to assist candidates in their communication skills.

See the MIREMS blog for some of the stories being covered: MIREMS blog.

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Blogging break 7-10 Feb

2019/02/07 Leave a comment

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Toronto’s Africentric school draws consistent praise — so why is enrolment flagging?

2019/02/06 Leave a comment

Interesting to have more information regarding the lack of interest:

When the recess bell rings at Toronto’s Africentric Alternative School, kindergartners file out of a classroom and past a bulletin board with their latest class project on full display.

In it, the five-year-olds were asked to list and explain, “the best part of me.” A quick scan of the board reveals the most common answer, which make up about half of the responses: “I love my hair.”

The answer isn’t surprising to longtime students at the school, which began accepting applications 10 years ago this month.

“They encourage us to love ourselves,” said Grade 8 student Kyeron Banton, who started at the school in September 2009.

“I can walk out, wherever I am, no matter who’s around me, confident in my skin and confident in who I am,” she added.

‘2nd home’ to students

The Africentric Alternative School is one of 19 alternative elementary schools run by the Toronto District School Board. It operates in a wing of the Sheppard Public School, but unlike its neighbour, the curriculum includes a focus on the perspectives, experiences and histories of people of African descent.

It is the only public school of its kind in Canada.

During their time at the school, students learn about African contributions to science and mathematics, and the history of black people in Canada.

In the school’s hallways, posters of Oscar Peterson, Viola Desmond and Colin Kaepernick dominate the walls. Its music room is filled with dozens of African drums and steel pans, which come alive in a rich medley during music class.

Michelle Hughes, who has sent all three of her children to the school, credits the teachers and curriculum for boosting their self-confidence while making her life easier as well.

Hughes enrolled her oldest daughter in 2009, after she experiencing racist bullying at her previous school.

“One thing I don’t have to worry about here is the racism,” she said. “That’s one less thing off my plate.”

Andwele Osbourne James, a boisterous and outgoing Grade 5 student, turns serious when asked about what the school means to him.

“This could be like my second home,” he said. “Students around here are really helpful. They might not be my real siblings but they treat me like it.”

Enrolment struggling after 10 years

Despite glowing reviews from students, graduates and parents, enrolment at the school appears to be declining as it approaches its 10th anniversary this September.

The school has also been dogged by funding challenges and critiques around its vision and mandate.

For the current year, a record-low 107 students attend the Africentric Alternative School, down from a high of 202 in 2012 and 128 in its inaugural year.

The TDSB says fluctuations in enrolment are common at alternative schools, which can generate buzz in their first few years of existence before interest sometimes tapers off. The board also does not provide busing service to its alternative schools.

Principal Luther Brown, who is entering his second year leading the school, says its mission remains as vital and ambitious as it was 10 years ago.

“A lot of people are afraid of the idea of racism and racists. It is a fact that we live in a society that projects a lot of that,” Brown said.

He moves around the school with what might be described as a gentle but unmistakable authority.

“The hope is that [the students] become truly productive citizens who are proud of themselves, who know who they are, who are not afraid to meet the variety of injustices that will come their way,” Brown explained.

While the reasons for flagging enrolment are complex, some parents point to the school’s location near Downsview Park as a major hurdle for families. Students attend the school from as far away as Pickering and Mississauga.

Go wider with Africentric lessons?

Parent Paul Osbourne, who lives in Scarborough, said other areas in the city would benefit from similar schools.

“It has been a huge barrier for those from around the city that want to access the learning,” Osbourne said. “If the model is successful, we should be trying to replicate it in as many spaces and places across the city that we can.”

The TDSB says there are no current plans to open more Africentric schools, but people at the school say the school’s progressive curriculum could instead be better incorporated across the board.

Doing so could help students of all backgrounds feel represented and included in the classroom, they say.

“It’s important, not only black culture, but Indigenous, all the minorities who are not being represented well, they should be learned about so people that come from that can have self-confidence,” said Sekou Osbourne James, a graduate who now attends high school in Scarborough.

Over the next 10 years, Brown says he’d like to see more Africentric schools open around the city, along with a transformation of the TDSB’s standard curriculum to better account for Toronto’s diversity.

At his own school, the goals is to reverse sagging enrolment and have multiple classes at each grade level, and to keep pushing for a more progressive, inclusive learning.

“This could be your lab school, this could be where you test things out,” he said.

Source: Toronto’s Africentric school draws consistent praise — so why is enrolment flagging?

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MP says feds stall promise to act on anti-black racism one year after Trudeau pledge

2019/02/06 Leave a comment

Money was in the 2018 budget so it appears the issue is more with respect to implementation. Given the previous hollowing out of the multiculturalism program and the time needed to rebuild capacity, not that surprising expect perhaps to MPs and stakeholders:

Federal efforts to address systemic issues affecting black Canadians appear to have stalled one year after the prime minister made it an issue, says the head of Parliament’s black caucus as he put words to simmering frustrations with the slow pace of change.

It was a year ago that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called for action to ensure equal opportunity and treatment for the more than one million black Canadians to address the “very real and unique challenges that black Canadians face,” including anti-black racism.

The cross-party caucus chairman, Greg Fergus, a Liberal MP from Quebec, described Sunday how the words were the culmination of a long lobbying effort that included politicians from different parties, political assistants and grassroots organizations.

Fergus said he thought the speech would mark a change in how the federal government interacted with black communities.

Instead, he said, the bureaucracy, which moves the machinery of government, doesn’t seem to have responded.

“I thought once you get the prime minister saying it, the whole system responds. But I have discovered how mistaken I was,” Fergus said during a panel discussion at a national summit Sunday.

“If there is not buy-in from the public service — if the public service, the machinery of government is not reflective of the diversity of the country, and doesn’t see that the black community is an important community that you want to deal with — it’s like Astroturf … it exists on the top but there are no roots.”

The two-day National Black Canadians Summit, which was the second one organized by former governor general Michaelle Jean’s foundation, kicked off Saturday.

The first summit laid out areas where the federal government needed to prioritize for work or strengthen efforts.

This time around, the aim is to connect different groups to mobilize the voices of the 1.2 million black Canadians to effectively lobby politicians as the country lurches towards a federal election in the fall.

Fergus’s comments put into focus frustrations voiced during the summit about federal efforts under the banner of the United Nations’ International Decade for People of African Descent, which requires governments to address systemic barriers in laws, services and housing, for instance, for black communities.

Fergus suggested his experience over the last year shows that lobbying isn’t a one-time event, but a constant push.

The Liberals have promised $19 million over five years for mental health and youth programs for black communities, and $23 million more over two years that included money for a broader anti-racism strategy, as part of its efforts.

The election is a chance to amplify the voices of black Canadians, said Richard Picart from the Federation of Black Canadians.

“This community, my community, is becoming more active politically,” he said.

“It’s becoming more difficult to ignore the black elephant in the room.”

A lobby day is planned for Monday where dozens of representatives attending the summit will meet with cabinet ministers and MPs to put forward specific asks and put black voices into the political conversation.

“The message is nothing can happen without us. We’re in. We are in and we need to be considered,” Jean said.

“We’re saying here we are and you need to listen to what we are bringing to the conversation.”

The federal government has been able to hire more blacks into the public service, but once in, they don’t seem to rise to the upper ranks, said Liza Daniel, a founding member of the Federal Black Employees Caucus.

She said the employees caucus is finalizing a report about a gathering in Ottawa last month, where participants talked about ways to improve the system for black civil servants.

Source: MP says feds stall promise to act on anti-black racism one year after Trudeau pledge

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Australia: Melbourne gets nod for $1mn ethno specific aged care

2019/02/05 Leave a comment

Have seen some of these initiatives in the Canadian context for language (second language fluency can decline), community and food choice reasons:

Indian community members joined local politicians and aged care providers recently at the launch of Planning Permits for an ethno specific, Indian aged care facility in Melbourne. The Australian Federal Government has approved a $1 million dollar grant towards the 108-bed facility in the south-eastern suburb of Noble Park.

According to Petra Neelman, Executive Director of MiCare (Formerly Dutch Care), the facility will ensure availability and access to linguistic and cultural needs, social activities and food choices for the residents. The plans include four prayer rooms, a vegetarian kitchen and a 300-seat capacity community hall among other culturally sensitive features.

Years of persistence in attempts to provision aged care services from an ethno specific Indian perspective finally saw some promising development with this launch. As all the dignitaries that attended the event pointed out, the credit for this exciting development goes to community leader and Multicultural Ambassador Vasan Srinivasan, who worked persistently to bring the plans to fruition.

Alan Tudge MP, Minister for Cities, Urban Infrastructure and Population, commended Vasan for his persistence in spearheading projects that included the development of the Museum India in Dandenong, where the aged care facility launch was held.

‘Energiser Bunny’ and ‘Organiser Extraordinaire’ were the terms used to describe Vasan as the Minister acknowledged his hard work in negotiating with both the Federal and State Governments in relation to the proposed facility.

According to the Minister, ethno specific services provide enhanced connectedness and mental wellbeing for older people from diverse backgrounds. He thanked everyone involved for getting this up and running and officially declared the planning approvals as completed.

Roz Blades, Mayor, City of Dandenong, joined the Minister in launching the plans along with Neil Angus, Shadow Minister for Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs and Matt Fregon, Member for Mount Waverley.

Despite the melting heat, the event was well attended by multicultural leaders, community representatives and local media. MC Aneka and Swati admirably kept their cool through the entire event as they invited the dignitaries to say a few words.

Rakesh Malhotra (Consul General of India in Melbourne), Dr Dinesh Parekh (Artistic Director of Museum India) and Dr Sharad Gupta (President of FIAV) also addressed the audience briefly. A traditional Indian wrap and flowers were presented to all the dignitaries.

A light vegetarian meal was served after the event.

Speaking to the guests post event, Vasan Srinivasan shared his experience of the challenges that were faced and the multiple attempts made before reaching this stage of approval.

He is optimistic that the combination of MiCare’s experience of working with ethnic backgrounds, Federal and State Government funding and community support will ensure the realisation of this project. “As the population of Indians in Melbourne continues to grow it is imperative that the community has access to ethno specific aged care in order to age and live well,” said Vasan.

According to him, availability of an ethno-specific and multicultural aged care, bilingual workforce and health educators will play a pivotal role in promoting healthy ageing and community capacity building.

Source: Melbourne gets nod for $1bn ethno specific aged care

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Why the media loves the white racist story

2019/02/04 Leave a comment

Thoughtful discussion on how sometimes the focus on the individual provides a means to avoid some of the more uncomfortable discussions regarding systemic barriers:

Racism isn’t new and will not go away. What is new is the interest in pointing it out and calling out its perpetrators through both mainstream and social media. Especially white racists. What explains the need to do this? And why do incidents go viral so quickly?

Take for instance the case of Nick Sandmann, a white teenager from Kentucky whose picture and video many will have now seen. In a video, Sandmann is standing across from Native American demonstrator, Nathan Phillips, who is holding a rawhide drum. Sandmann is smiling or smirking at Phillips. From the videos, we don’t know which it is.

What we do know is that Sandmann has been widely condemned for disrespecting Phillips. Sandmann was wearing a Make America Great Again (MAGA) cap. And many people believe wearing the MAGA cap proves that Sandmann is a racist.

Maybe, as everyone seems loathe to do, instead of asking whether Sandmann is a racist or not, we might ask another question: Why is there so much interest in this story?

Why are so many people interested in pointing out and shaming individual white racists? There have been dozens of these events highlighted on social and mainstream media this year. Here are a few of the incidents that went viral and sparked outrage: a video of Fort McMurray teens mocking Indigenous dance, another of a North Carolina woman’s racist rant and the racist tirade against a Muslim family at the Toronto Ferry Terminal.

Why are people less interested in calling out the systems that prime them to act in racist ways and foster lifelong inequities.

Easy targets

We think the reason lies in the fact that by pointing out other individual racists, people can feel good about themselves without actually doing very much. In this way, individuals do not need to question how they must change their lives to create the more just society they say they want.

White people can feel good about themselves because, unlike what is claimed about Sandmann, they probably aren’t overtly racist.

These days most people are not overtly or publicly racist. And being labelled a racist can lead to social stigma. The individual (who may or may not be white) racist and their story, however, provides easy answers and easy targets.

Structural racism and colonization are not seen as the problem. It also allows people to ignore broader trends, such as the recent rise of hate crimes. Instead the focus is often on the spectacle of the incident and the problem is pinned on just one individual or a group of individuals.

In the Sandmann case, many see the problem as the individual racist, not the context that created the MAGA movement.

Ignored in the process of labelling people racists and shaming them is that the shaming fails to condemn actions. Instead, it focuses on a single person. Condemning people gives them little room to change, grow or learn from their mistakes. Humility is needed on all sides.

The move to innocence

Pointing out and condemning individuals for their racism is popular because it exemplifies what scholars Eve Tuck and Wayne Yang would call a “move to innocence.” Moves to innocence are the rhetorical moves that people use to distance themselves from genocide and colonization.

Those who have privilege and power can just tell themselves that they are one of the “good ones” because they aren’t racist like the people in the videos.

In pointing out others as racist, people don’t then have to ask themselves difficult questions about their own privilege or do the work of fostering social humility. Those of the dominant society don’t have to think about the ways that they benefit from slavery, colonialism and land theft.

They don’t have to think about pipelines and stolen land. They don’t have to think. They can just point.

If we want to move forward, we need to stop taking an aggressive punitive approach to individual racism. This only divides the right and the left. No side is “innocent” when it comes to discrimination or colonization.

Source: Why the media loves the white racist story 

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Dialogue de sourds sur la laïcité

2019/02/04 Leave a comment

Good discussion regarding the two different forms of liberalism: in English Canada, the state should not involve itself in value conflicts between individuals (as long as no violation of the law or adverse impact on the rights of others) and in Quebec, that the state can play a more proactive role in imposing liberal values:

« Alors que le premier modèle véhicule l’idée que l’État ne doit pas s’immiscer dans des conflits de valeurs entre individus, dans le second, l’État doit être proactif pour imposer les valeurs libérales auprès des individus », détaille Luc Turgeon.

Au Québec, un citoyen qui défend des valeurs sociales libérales est plus prompt à appuyer des restrictions au port de signes religieux. Dans le reste du Canada, un citoyen qui défend ces mêmes valeurs est plus susceptible de s’opposer à toute restriction touchant le port de symboles religieux.

C’est la conclusion, à la fois étonnante et instructive, à laquelle en sont venus quatre politologues canadiens dans le cadre d’un projet de recherche lancé en 2014 dans la foulée du débat entourant la charte des valeurs du Parti québécoiset dont les résultats seront publiés prochainement dans le Canadian Journal of Political Science.

« On a testé les mêmes valeurs [appui à l’égalité homme-femme, au droit à l’avortement, à la légalisation de l’euthanasie, entre autres], on a posé les mêmes questions dans un sondage et ça prédit de façon diamétralement opposée la relation qu’entretiennent les deux communautés avec les symboles religieux », résume Antoine Bilodeau, professeur de science politique à l’Université Concordia à Montréal.

Ainsi, contrairement aux idées reçues, ce n’est pas un sentiment de xénophobie, une insécurité culturelle ou encore un niveau de religiosité plus faible qui expliquerait pourquoi l’appui à ces restrictions est plus fort au Québec qu’ailleurs au pays.

« Ce qui explique au bout du compte cette différence, c’est le fait qu’être socialement libéral au Québec et dans le reste du Canada a des effets opposés », poursuit Luc Turgeon, professeur de science politique à l’Université d’Ottawa.

Un vaste sondage

Les conclusions des chercheurs — qui signent l’article « A Tale of Two Liberalisms ? Attitudes toward Minority Religious Symbols in Quebec and Canada » conjointement avec les politologues Stephen White de l’Université Carleton à Ottawa et Ailsa Henderson de l’Université d’Édimbourg au Royaume-Uni — reposent sur des données issues d’un sondage en ligne réalisé par la firme Léger pour le compte des chercheurs et auquel ont participé 6400 Canadiens en janvier et février 2014.

Ce sondage mesurait l’appui des répondants à trois scénarios de restriction au port de symboles religieux chez les groupes minoritaires. Résultats ? L’appui aux interdictions était systématiquement plus élevé chez les Québécois.

Ainsi, 74 % des Québécois appuyaient le bannissement de signes religieux pour les policiers contre 45 % dans le reste du Canada ; 59 % des Québécois soutenaient l’interdiction pour les enseignants du réseau public, contre 29 % pour les autres Canadiens ; et 37 % des Québécois étaient d’accord avec une proscription pour les élèves des écoles publiques, contre 20 % pour les autres Canadiens.

L’enquête évaluait également l’adhésion des répondants à différentes valeurs libérales (égalité homme-femme, droit à l’avortement, légalisation de l’euthanasie, légalisation de la prostitution), mesurait leur sentiment à l’égard de l’immigrationet de la diversité ethnoculturelle et quantifiait l’importance de la religion dans leur vie.

Deux libéralismes

En analysant ces données, les quatre chercheurs ont été en mesure de conclureque le seul facteur expliquant cette différence en ce qui a trait au soutien aux restrictions est la relation qu’entretiennent les deux communautés aux valeurs libérales, des effets opposés qui s’expliquent par le fait que deux types de libéralisme se sont développés au pays au cours des trente dernières années.

Pendant que dans le reste du Canada un discours axé sur le libéralisme multiculturel a pris racine, au Québec, un libéralisme des lumières, inspiré par le modèle français, a gagné en influence.

« Alors que le premier modèle véhicule l’idée que l’État ne doit pas s’immiscer dans des conflits de valeurs entre individus, dans le second, l’État doit être proactif pour imposer les valeurs libérales auprès des individus », détaille Luc Turgeon.

Certes, la xénophobie peut mener à une volonté de restreindre les symboles des minorités religieuses dans l’espace public. « Mais ce facteur-là est aussi important au Québec que dans le reste du pays », précise Antoine Bilodeau.

Et c’est précisément là que réside l’essentiel de l’incompréhension entre le Québec et le reste du Canada dans ce fastidieux débat. « Dans la dynamique canadienne-anglaise, l’essentiel des gens qui veulent restreindre les symboles religieux, ce sont des gens qui sont mal à l’aise avec la diversité ethnoculturelle, alors qu’au Québec, ce n’est pas seulement ça », explique Antoine Bilodeau.

« Mais dans leur prisme de compréhension du monde, si tu veux restreindre les symboles religieux, la seule raison qui peut exister, c’est l’intolérance », pointe-t-il.

UNE ALLIANCE CONTRE NATURE À L’ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE

L’appui à la charte des valeurs reposait sur une « alliance insolite » (« strange bedfellows ») entre conservateurs nationalistes(« conservative nationalists ») et partisans d’un libéralisme des lumières (« liberal nationalists »), avancent les quatre universitaires.

Une idée — inspirée des travaux de Jocelyn Maclure, professeur de philosophie à l’Université Laval — que les chercheurs ont étayée dans un autre article, intitulé « Strange Bedfellows ? Attitudes toward Minority and Majority Religious Symbols in the Public Sphere », publié dans la revue Politics and Religion en 2018.

Une coalition contre nature dont le point de rupture se situe au niveau de la place réservée au crucifix à l’Assemblée nationale. « On se disait que ceux qui étaient pour la charte et pour le retrait du crucifix à l’Assemblée nationale (« liberal nationalists ») ne le faisaient pas pour les mêmes raisons que ceux qui étaient pour la charte, mais contre le retrait du crucifix (« conservative nationalists ») », explique Luc Turgeon.

Incidemment, les travaux des chercheurs ont permis de démontrer que les Québécois qui se sont prononcés en faveur de la charte, mais contre le retrait du crucifix avaient des attitudes plus négatives envers les minorités et l’immigration et avaient un sentiment de menace culturelle plus fort que ceux qui étaient contre la Charte.

« Mais ceux qui étaient pour la charte et pour le retrait du crucifix n’avaient pas une attitude plus négative par rapport aux minorités culturelles et aux gens issus de l’immigration. Ce sont des gens qui, du point de vue du libéralisme social, sont plus progressistes que les gens qui étaient contre la charte », remarque Luc Turgeon.

Alors que le débat sur le port de signes religieux est sur le point de rejaillir à l’Assemblée nationale, la question du crucifix risque encore de soulever les passions.

« Si l’opinion publique n’a pas changé par rapport à ce qu’elle était en 2014, ce sera un grand défi pour le gouvernement caquiste de régler la question du crucifix, relève Antoine Bilodeau. C’est un enjeu au potentiel de division énorme, en raison de sa sensibilité, mais aussi parce qu’il définit la ligne de démarcation, presque à parts égales, entre les deux groupes qui forment cette coalition. »

Filed under Interculturalisme, Multiculturalism Tagged with , , , ,

Fewer street checks in Halifax but black people still more likely to be stopped

2019/02/04 Leave a comment

Good municipal level data:

Halifax Regional Police are performing fewer street checks but new numbers released by the force show that visible minorities, especially black people, are still more likely to be stopped by an officer.

The data shows street checks dropped by 28 per cent between 2017 and 2018, part of a continuous decline since 2012.

Despite that decrease, a CBC News analysis of the data found black people were four times more likely to be street checked than white people in 2017 and 2018.

People identified by police as Arab or West Asian were nearly three times more likely to be street checked.

The figures “are alarming in the sense that they’re very high,” said Michael Kempa, chair of criminology at the University of Ottawa.

“It’s not a morally good thing. But they’re consistent with the numbers right across the country.”

In Halifax, police checks can take one of two forms: a face-to-face interaction between police and an individual or group, or observations made at a distance. The figures released by police don’t differentiate between the two.

Checks are recorded with details such as age, gender, location, reason and ethnicity.

CBC’s analysis was based on 4,579 people who were street checked a single time by police between Jan. 1, 2017 and Dec. 31, 2018.

Kempa said similar studies from other Canadian cities have shown visible minorities are street checked at three to four times the rate of whites. ​

“Looking at [CBC’s] statistical analysis, you made conservative assumptions in your data,” he said. “So if anything, you’re underestimating slightly.”

‘Still the target’

Ashley Taylor, who’s black and works as a support worker for African-Nova Scotian high school students, said street checks make him feel like “an enemy.”

He said he believes he draws police attention attention because he’s black, wears his hair in dreadlocks and drives a Mercedes Coupe. His job as a social worker often takes him to higher-crime areas of the city.

CBC News interviewed Taylor in January 2017 when a different CBC analysis showed black people were 3.2 times more likely to be street checked than whites between 2005 and 2016.

At that time, Taylor said he was being street checked approximately three times a year. Since then, Taylor said he’s been street checked maybe once.

“The frequency [of street checks] might have changed, but the stats are still the same,” he said. “I guess we’re still the target.”

Following CBC’s street check coverage in 2017, the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission hired criminologist Scot Wortley from the University of Toronto to study how street checks impact visible minority populations in Halifax.

His study is scheduled for release on March 27.

The Halifax Regional Police said it would not grant any interviews before the report’s release.

“Out of respect for Dr. Wortley’s process, we are not commenting on issues related to street checks,” said spokesperson Const. John MacLeod.

Fear of complaints

Kempa attributes the overall decline in street checks to a number of factors.

“Street checks … have really leapt into the public consciousness. People have become sensitized to it and aware that there’s something not quite right going on there. They’re more adamant about pushing their rights with police officers,” he said.

Individual officers may be less likely to stop and question citizens because they’re worried about complaints being filed against them, said Kempa.

“They’re tending to pull back a little bit in engaging the public at all, most especially with a formal street check.”

Taylor’s experiences with street checks have left him hyper-vigilant when he’s behind the wheel. He said he switched from driving a white car to a black one to “blend in and stay under the radar.”

If he notices a police car around, Taylor assumes he’s being followed.

“Is that me thinking, that I guess, I’m losing my mind?” he said.

“It’s not. It’s just something that, you know, your sixth sense takes over, and those are the things that you feel while you’re driving … It just feels like it’s very tough sometimes to be who you just want to be.”

Source: Fewer street checks in Halifax but black people still more likely to be stopped

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Diversity Votes — February By-elections: Matching Census Data with Ethnic Media Coverage (24-30 January 2019)

2019/02/04 Leave a comment

For background data on the riding demographic, economic, social and political characteristics, see: February By-elections: Matching Census Data with Ethnic Media Coverage (1-18 January 2019).

Ethnic Media Coverage

The absence of controversy in Burnaby South following previous weeks resulted in fewer articles in the ethnic media, with again the focus being on Burnaby South, with only 18 articles compared to 41 and 97 in previous weeks .

Media coverage was overwhelmingly in Punjabi (50 percent) and 27.8 percent in Chinese, Cantonese and Mandarin language media. Punjabi media covered the belated resignation of Liberal MP Di Iorio (Saint-Léonard-Saint-Michel). Chinese media covered the opening of the campaign office of PPC candidate Laura-Lynn Thompson and the nomination of James Seale in Outremont.

NDP leader and candidate Singh’s focus on affordable housing received widespread coverage in Punjabi media and was the focus of the one article in Korean media, with no coverage in Chinese media. The one article in Urdu media referenced immigration as an issue given Singh’s pledge to end the Safe Third Country Agreement with the USA and the number of asylum seekers.

In terms of commentary (including analysis and opinion pieces), Punjabi and South Asian English media predominated with two items apiece and Chinese one. 

Three pieces were neutral in tone while an editorial in Punjabi media was sharply critical of “cheap minority politics and the cry for Canadian values.” In Chinese media, one commentary accused the mainstream media of “deliberately alienating ethnic groups from each other” in terms of how they characterized criticism of former Liberal candidate Karen Wang’s divisive remarks on WeChat.

In general election coverage, the government’s announcement of measures to reduce foreign interference in the federal election received widespread coverage in virtually all languages. 

Other stories include the PPC having raised $300,000 was covered in Gujarati media and former Liberal candidate Wendy Yuan having “jumped ship” to seek the nomination for the Conservatives in Steveston Richmond East (she had previously run for the Liberals in Vancouver Kingsway in 2008 and 2001 and had sought the nomination in Steveston Richmond East in 2015).

See the MIREMS blog for some of the stories being covered: MIREMS blog.

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