Keller: Justin Trudeau has the power to fix one of his biggest political problems. Joe Biden isn’t so lucky

Not as easy as portrayed but definitely compared to the USA:

….Mr. Biden and Democrats want to address this. This year, after Senate Democrats gave in to long-standing Republican demands and agreed to a tough border bill, the President said he would gladly sign it the minute it hit his desk.

Former president Donald Trump responded by ordering Republicans to kill the bill. He wants disorder at the border.

And Canada?

Our immigration surge – a mix of low-wage temporary foreign workers, schools peddling visas to aspiring low-wage workers, and refugee claimants arriving as alleged tourists from countries such as Mexico – is having effects similar to those in the U.S. Similar, but bigger.

On the one hand, GDP is higher than it would have been. But GDP per person has been shrinking since 2022. A country with a history of lagging productivity is lagging more than ever. Each piece of pie is getting smaller.

And population growth has been so large and fast that rental housing vacancies are at a record low, and heading lower. Rents are very high relative to wages, and unlikely to moderate any time soon. Ditto housing prices. Voters have noticed.

Mr. Biden can’t fix his immigration problem because Mr. Trump’s congressional minions won’t let him.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, in contrast, has all the tools to rewrite the story he authored.

Most of what needs doing – downsizing but up-skilling the student visa program; eliminating temporary foreign work visas outside of agriculture and high-wage jobs; reimposing visa requirements on countries such as Mexico; returning permanent immigration to a focus on skilled immigrants – is up to the executive in the Canadian system.

If he wants to, the PM can make like Nike, and Just Do It.

Source: Justin Trudeau has the power to fix one of his biggest political problems. Joe Biden isn’t so lucky

Lisée | Le remède imaginaire [immigration]

Blast from the past, still relevant, perhaps even more so, along with commentary on the French language commissioner’s comments on how francisation will never match demand, particularly given the large number of temporary workers and students (the latter likely to decline sharply given tougher French language requirements:

Il a fait son apparition dans le débat public en 2011, cosignant un ouvrage choquant. Le malotru utilisait des chiffres probants pour crever un dogme. Le livre s’intitulait Le remède imaginaire (Boréal). Le dogme qu’il trucidait était celui de l’immigration comme solution à la pénurie de main-d’oeuvre et au vieillissement de la population et comme levier pour l’enrichissement. Les études existantes, osait-il affirmer contre l’avis unanime des gouvernements, du patronat et d’associations de gauche, démontrent que ce n’est tout simplement pas le cas. L’immigration peut avoir d’autres vertus, mais pas celles-là.

Treize ans plus tard, les constats des auteurs Benoît Dubreuil et Guillaume Marois ont fini par percoler dans le débat public, même si les zones de résistance perdurent. L’économiste Pierre Fortin a mis à jour le consensus scientifique dans ses propres publications, y compris dans un rapport de 2022 pour le gouvernement de la Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ). Il vient d’ailleurs de surenchérir. Analysant les dernières données disponibles des pays du G9 et de quatre provinces canadiennes, il conclut dans cette étude que « l’immigration contribue surtout à modifier la répartition de la pénurie entre secteurs de l’économie, mais qu’elle ne produit pas de réduction globale significative de la rareté de la main-d’oeuvre. Dans les cas étudiés, elle paraît au contraire l’avoir aggravée ». Ouch !

Benoît Dubreuil est un récidiviste. Désormais commissaire québécois à la langue française, il a utilisé le même outil — sa maîtrise des chiffres — pour dégonfler une autre baudruche : l’efficacité de la francisation pour renverser le déclin du français. « On a accumulé un passif, a-t-il expliqué, dans le sens où les gens qui sont arrivés au cours des dernières années, même si on voulait avoir des classes de francisation pour tout le monde, on n’y arriverait pas. Et même si on avait des classes de francisation, il faudrait avoir des incitatifs financiers beaucoup plus forts pour amener les gens à s’inscrire et pour amener les gens à y mettre un nombre d’heures conséquent. » 

On a beau doubler, tripler, quintupler les budgets de francisation, la cible est simplement inatteignable. C’est comme vouloir mettre le lac Saint-Jean en bouteille. On peut, comme le fait la ministre de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, Christine Fréchette, proclamer qu’on fait des progrès considérables, le niveau du lac ne bouge pas, et les rivières continuent de s’y déverser.

« Une majorité d’immigrants temporaires [ne parlant pas français] ne s’inscrivent pas aux cours de Francisation Québec, et ceux qui y obtiennent une place n’y consacrent pas suffisamment de temps pour dépasser le niveau débutant », dit Dubreuil. Le gouvernement de la CAQ a l’impression d’avoir frappé deux grands coups en exigeant l’obtention d’un niveau 4 (sur 12) pour renouveler les permis de travail après trois ans et d’un niveau 5 pour les étudiants en fin de premier cycle de McGill et de Concordia venant de l’extérieur du Québec.

« Moi, a dit Dubreuil devant les journalistes mercredi, un diplômé qui a un niveau 5, je ne l’embauche pas, OK ? Puis, je connais quand même pas mal l’apprentissage des langues, là. On ne peut pas prendre la personne puis la mettre dans une réunion de travail, on ne peut pas la mettre ici dans la salle puis penser que la personne va comprendre ce qui se passe. » On ne peut pas non plus l’inviter à souper. Le niveau 8, pour lui, devrait être visé « de façon générale pour assurer une intégration sociale ».

On est loin du compte, car l’afflux de travailleurs temporaires, calcule-t-il, a un impact majeur sur l’augmentation de l’utilisation de l’anglais au travail. Entre 2011 et 2023, le nombre de salariés utilisant principalement l’anglais a bondi de 40 %. C’est sans précédent, explique-t-il (mais il semble oublier la Conquête, puis l’afflux de loyalistes fuyant la révolution américaine). Reste que son évaluation est en deçà de la réalité, car il n’a pas les données pour les arrivées de 2024. Et c’est évidemment concentré à Montréal, où le gain anglophone est le plus fort et crée une spirale de l’anglicisation de l’immigration.

« La plupart des gens qui ne parlent pas français au Québec sont en immersion anglaise. Donc, si vous arrivez, vous connaissez bien l’anglais, vous êtes en immersion anglaise à temps plein et vous faites du français trois, quatre, cinq heures par semaine. Si je reviens vous voir un an, deux ans, trois ans plus tard, quelle va être votre langue forte ? Celle que vous allez privilégier dans un environnement comme celui de Montréal où, dans les faits, il n’y a pas beaucoup de contraintes à l’utilisation d’une langue plutôt que l’autre ? » La langue de Shakespeare, évidemment. 

C’est donc, je le suppose, pour sortir les décideurs de leur torpeur qu’il a évalué la somme que tous les intervenants — gouvernement, entreprises, immigrants — devraient investir pour franciser correctement les immigrants temporaires arrivés avant la fin de 2023 : près de 13 milliards de dollars. Or, cette somme n’inclut ni le coût de francisation des résidents permanents qui ne parlent pas le français, ni celui des 32 % d’Anglo-Québécois qui ne le parlent toujours pas près d’un demi-siècle après l’adoption de la loi 101, ni celui des 25 % d’allophones qui ne le parlent pas non plus, ni même celui des immigrants temporaires arrivés après le 31 décembre 2023.

On peut certes mieux franciser des immigrants qui ont fait l’effort, avant de venir ici, d’acquérir des bases. Mais sinon, la francisation comme solution au déclin linguistique est un mirage. Une inaccessible étoile. Un fantasme dont la réitération rituelle par le patronat, ainsi que par les élus libéraux et solidaires, fait écran au réel et laisse place à la dégradation de la situation.

Je ne doute pas un instant de la volonté de François Legault et de plusieurs membres de son équipe de laisser en héritage la fin du déclin. Et il est indubitable que plusieurs des mesures annoncées depuis six ans sont courageuses, inédites et structurantes. J’ai bon espoir que le plan que déposera bientôt le ministre de la Langue française, Jean-François Roberge, inclura des éléments positifs.

Mais c’est le drame de ce gouvernement d’avoir simultanément présidé, d’abord par inconscience — il n’a pas vu venir la hausse des immigrants temporaires —, ensuite par laxisme — il fut informé de la perte de contrôle dès 2021 —, à ce grand phénomène d’anglicisation de l’ère moderne. Réagissant jeudi au dépôt du rapport, la ministre Fréchette a invité Ottawa à « sortir de sa bulle » en ce qui concerne l’inégale répartition géographique des demandeurs d’asile. Bien. Mais au sujet de l’impact anglicisant des immigrants temporaires, elle semblait confortablement campée dans la sienne.

Source: Chronique | Le remède imaginaire

Douglas Todd: Record population growth ‘massive problem’ for housing in B.C

No real surprise but nevertheless of note:

The statisticians describe the unprecedented number of people streaming into B.C., while the province’s mayors explain how difficult and costly it is to try to house everyone.

A special housing meeting of the Union of B.C. Municipalities heard this week that B.C.’s population has jumped like never before — and that more than 600,000 new dwellings are needed just to get back to supply and demand ratios similar to a couple of decades ago.

“All of our growth is international,” said Brett Wilmer, B.C.’s director of statistics. B.C.’s population would basically remain flat, Wilmer said, if it weren’t for the dramatic hikes it has experienced in permanent residents, and especially of foreign students and guest workers.

More than 80 per cent of B.C. newcomers are moving to Metro Vancouver, Victoria, the Fraser Valley and the Central Okanagan, said Wilmer.

While B.C.’s population expanded by a near-record three per cent last year, an economist for the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Braden Batch, said new housing supply is not matching outsized demand.

“Population growth has put real strain on the housing system. It’s a massive problem,” said Batch, adding new dwellings would have to be built 2.5 times faster to keep up.

The hundreds of mayors, councillors and urban planners attending the UBCM housing summit were told that B.C.’s population will grow by almost one million in the next eight years.

Batch’s charts showed that, under current scenarios, B.C. is set to have a housing shortfall of 610,000 units by 2030.

That prompted the director of Simon Fraser University’s Cities Program, Andy Yan, to say: “We’re going out to offer the Canadian dream to people around the world, but we seem to be OK throwing them into a housing nightmare.”

B.C.’s mayors described how hard it is to get developers to build affordable new housing. They also warned it is costly for taxpayers to provide the transit, sewer systems, schools and medical care to support prodigious population growth.

During a panel titled “Housing the Next Million British Columbians,” five mayors from across the province expressed decidedly mixed feelings about the way B.C. Premier David Eby and Housing Minister Ravi Kahlon last year pushed through sweeping legislation to respond to dramatic urban population growth.

While some mayors complained they weren’t consulted, the B.C. government is now requiring municipalities to allow between three and six units per lot in virtually all low-density residential neighbourhoods, plus highrises near the transit hubs of 31 towns and cities.

Despite some mayors expressing cautious support for Victoria’s plan, they nevertheless said they didn’t think it would improve affordability.

Instead, the mayors described the high cost of supporting more people in more congested neighbourhoods, and expressed dissatisfaction about overstretched staff, loss of green space, parking debacles and a dire shortage of construction workers.

Burnaby Mayor Mike Hurley said it will cost taxpayers an average of $1 million to upgrade a typical 100-metre row of detached houses to provide the infrastructure for four- and six-plexes.

“I’m also not sure we have the workforce, the tradespeople, to do it,” said Hurley, remarking that “hopefully half of the those million more people who are arriving will be in the housing construction industry.”

Both Hurley and Richmond Mayor Malcolm Brodie said the NDP’s push for multi-unit housing throughout cities is creating chaos for their long-range community plans, which have emphasized high density around SkyTrain lines and certain town centres.

“The densification we’ve done is really stark,” said Hurley, referring to massive new skyscraper clusters Burnaby has encouraged at Metrotown, Brentwood and Lougheed town centres.

Citing Richmond’s much-praised Steveston, a community with detached homes on small lots on the south arm of the Fraser River, Brodie argued the B.C. government’s mass upzoning scheme “will destroy a fine neighbourhood.”

None of the five mayors on the “Housing the Next Million British Columbians” panel believed that efforts to increase housing supply will actually lead to affordable dwellings for middle-class and other families.

In recent years, Brodie said, Richmond “has built 50 per cent more housing units than the population has grown. But prices have still gone up by 60 per cent. It simply does not follow that supply reduces prices.”

Bluntly, the mayor of Burnaby added: “The idea that supply will lead to affordability is an absolute fallacy.”

Although speakers agreed projections about the future are hard to get right, Hurley suggested it’s possible development could slow down.

That echoed Wilmer, who told delegates the huge spike in foreign students and guest workers approved by Ottawa in the past two years should “drop back to historical levels this year and next.”

Such non-permanent residents put the most pressure on rental costs, which are at record highs in Metro Vancouver.

While Victoria Mayor Marianne Alto talked about how accommodating vigorous population growth means her city “can only go up, up, and only go in-fill,” Janice Morrison, the mayor of 11,000-resident Nelson, lamented the inevitable “loss of urban green spaces, which is a big reason a lot of people move to smaller cities.”

Richmond’s mayor disagreed over parking with Nathan Pachal, the mayor of the City of Langley. Saying it costs $90,000 to create one parking space, Pachal supported the NDP’s plan to drastically reduce off-street parking for new multi-unit housing buildings. But Brodie said it will create a parking nightmare.

Meanwhile, Nanaimo Mayor Leonard Krog was among those expressing guarded support for the provincial government’s aggressive “good intention” to provide shelter to more people through blanket upzoning.

Like some others, however, Krog suggested the strongest hope for creating more units, especially of the affordable kind, lies in government-subsidized housing — especially from the national government, which he said got out of housing incentives 30 years ago.

All in all, the mayors called firmly on the federal Liberals to show more common sense. That means, they said, Ottawa must be more pragmatic in aligning its international migration targets with the ability to provide housing for all.

Source: Douglas Todd: Record population growth ‘massive problem’ for housing in B.C

Campaign to crack down on fake immigration lawyers aims to protect newcomers from ‘scam artists’

Perennial problem:

Newcomers to Canada often turn to lawyers to help them navigate the ins and outs of the immigration system. But increasingly, in Montreal, people posing as immigration lawyers are taking advantage of immigrants and refugees, which can cause serious problems.

The Montreal Bar is investigating a growing number of allegations of people posing as immigration lawyers, leading it to warn newcomers to be vigilant.

“The impact and the consequences are quite significant,” said David Ettedgui, president of the Montreal Bar. That’s why the bar has launched an awareness campaign to “prevent people from falling victim to these scam artists,” he said.

In 2022, nearly 40 per cent of the bar’s investigations into the illegal practice of the profession of law were related to immigration, up from 13 per cent in 2018, Ettedgui said.

The fake lawyers often approach their victims on social media and can end up costing victims hundreds or thousands of dollars.

“They’ll go to their victims, say that they are lawyers, take on their files and if they do it at all, most often it’ll be poorly done,” Ettedgui said.

The bar’s campaign will reach people online and through community groups with links to new immigrants and refugees. It aims to raise awareness about the risks and help prevent newcomers from falling into a trap. It includes links to verify a lawyer’s credentials and information about where to file complaints…

Source: Campaign to crack down on fake immigration lawyers aims to protect newcomers from ‘scam artists’

La langue ne peut pas être le critère principal dans la répartition des demandeurs d’asile, dit Québec

A noter. Quick rebuke to proposal from the French Language Commissioner:

Le critère de la langue ne peut pas être le facteur principal dans la répartition des demandeurs d’asile à travers le Canada, selon le gouvernement caquiste. Si ce dernier souhaite toujours voir davantage de ces immigrants se diriger vers d’autres provinces, cela doit d’abord se faire « sur une base volontaire », a indiqué jeudi la ministre de l’Immigration, Christine Fréchette.

L’élue du gouvernement de François Legault réagissait ainsi au plus récent rapport du commissaire à la langue française, Benoît Dubreuil, qui recommandait mercredi que la maîtrise de la langue française devienne un critère dans la répartition des demandeurs d’asile. Dans ce scénario, les demandeurs qui ne parlent pas français seraient redirigés vers le reste du Canada.

« Il y a exactement une année, le fédéral avait mis en place un système pour faire en sorte de donner de l’oxygène au Québec, pour faire en sorte de répartir l’ensemble des demandeurs d’asile davantage en Ontario et dans les provinces atlantiques », a rappelé jeudi la ministre Fréchette en mêlée de presse avec son collègue à la Langue française, Jean-François Roberge. « Nous, on demande de reprendre cette approche-là et de faire en sorte que, sur une base volontaire, les demandeurs d’asile soient [redirigés]. »

Interrogée sur le critère de la langue française, Mme Fréchette a répété qu’elle demandait « au fédéral d’agir sur une base volontaire pour la répartition des demandeurs d’asile ». « Les moyens qu’il utilisera pour le faire, c’est à sa discrétion », a-t-elle ajouté.

À Ottawa, le ministre fédéral de l’Immigration, Marc Miller, n’a pas attendu pour rejeter les propositions du commissaire à la langue française. En réponse à une question du député de Lac-Saint-Jean, le bloquiste Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, il a soutenu que « déporter des gens qui ne parlent pas le français au [reste du] Canada » serait « un geste illégal, immoral, qui manquerait d’humanité ».

La langue parlée « ne devrait pas être le critère principal », a-t-il poursuivi lorsqu’interrogé directement sur la recommandation du commissaire Dubreuil.

Ottawa doit « sortir de sa bulle »

Au début de l’année, le premier ministre François Legault avait envoyé une lettre à son homologue fédéral, Justin Trudeau, pour exiger que les demandeurs d’asile, qui arrivent en grande partie par l’aéroport Montréal-Trudeau, soient mieux répartis à travers le Canada. « On a une situation qui est critique au Québec », a dit jeudi Mme Fréchette, tout en demandant à Ottawa de « sortir de sa bulle ».

Or, depuis, rien. Bien que le ministre Miller ait assuré jeudi travailler pour « répartir le fardeau que porte le Québec ».

Au Salon bleu, jeudi, le chef du Parti québécois, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, a accusé le gouvernement caquiste d’être « responsable du pire déclin linguistique de notre histoire ». Son collègue député Pascal Bérubé a accusé la ministre Fréchette de ne pas vouloir « froisser son homologue fédéral ». Comme le commissaire à la langue française, la formation souverainiste appuie l’idée d’une répartition basée sur la langue. « C’est une bonne proposition », a dit M. Bérubé, porte-parole péquiste en matière d’immigration.

En réponse à M. St-Pierre Plamondon, le ministre Roberge a rappelé que son gouvernement travaillait à un « réveil national » sur la langue française. « Ça prend du culot pour […] demander un réveil national quand on dort à ce point-là sur cet enjeu-là », a répliqué le chef péquiste, avant d’être rappelé à l’ordre par la présidente de l’Assemblée nationale pour l’utilisation du mot non parlementaire « culot ».

S’il appuie le commissaire à la langue française sur la nécessité d’une meilleure répartition des demandeurs d’asile, Québec solidaire souhaite, comme la Coalition avenir Québec, que ces transferts se fassent de manière « volontaire ». « On ne mettra pas du monde qui ne veut pas aller ailleurs dans un autobus. De toute façon, on ne peut pas faire ça », a soutenu le porte-parole solidaire en matière d’immigration, Guillaume Cliche-Rivard.

« Du moment où ça va être volontaire, ça ne sera pas inhumain. Du moment où les gens vont être consentants », a-t-il ajouté.

Le Parti libéral du Québec, lui, ne voit pas les choses du même oeil que le commissaire Dubreuil. « Si les immigrants veulent rester de façon permanente, on doit mettre en place des programmes qui leur permettront d’apprendre le français. On ne peut pas se mettre à la porte et dire : “Vous ne parlez pas français, on vous refuse l’accès” », a soutenu le chef intérimaire du parti, Marc Tanguay.

Source: La langue ne peut pas être le critère principal dans la répartition des demandeurs d’asile, dit Québec

Yakabuski: Australia’s centre-left Labor government points the way for Canada’s Liberals on immigration

Lots more to Australian changes but this is one of the major ones, with lessons for the current Canadian government:

…In December, the current Labor government headed by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese slammed on the brakes. It unveiled a plan to “reform Australia’s broken migration system” and “bring migration back to sustainable levels.” Net migration will be reduced to 375,000 this year and to 250,000 in 2024-25.

“People my age in my city and anyone younger right now think that owning their own home is a pipe dream. They can’t get into a rental,” said Clare O’Neil, Australia’s 43-year-old Home Affairs Minister and a Melbourne MP. “[W]e’ve got a housing crisis in our country that is not being helped by what is a very large migration intake.”

While Australia’s centre-left federal government has finally moved – however reluctantly – to fix a “broken” immigration system, Canada’s is still in denial. Liberal Immigration Minister Marc Miller last month announced a 35-per-cent reduction in student visas this year. But that timid move was typical of a government that still refuses to admit its immigration-policy mistakes.

Mr. Miller has not taken any action to reduce the number of temporary foreign worker visas Ottawa hands out. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has insisted his government has no intention of scrapping its plan to increase the number of new permanent residents Canada accepts to 500,000 in 2025, from 485,000 this year, 341,000 in 2019 and 272,000 in 2015.

In short, the Liberals still seem wedded to Big Canada, despite its increasingly obvious pitfalls.

Source: Australia’s centre-left Labor government points the way for Canada’s Liberals on immigration

Mahboubi: The other immigration problem: Too much talent is leaving Canada

More commentary on emigration and the apparent churn we have between arrivals and departures:

The Statistics Canada paper also draws attention to the challenges immigrants encounter, extending beyond economic integration to encompass factors such as family dynamics and considerations, cultural adaptation, and the political, economic, or cultural conditions of their country of origin. Furthermore, the study highlights the phenomenon of transnationalism, where immigrants maintain ties in multiple countries. Some immigrants may plan to emigrate from Canada as part of a strategic migration approach. Not all these circumstances are easy for Canadian policy makers to address.

Other circumstances, however, are well within Canadian policy makers’ scope. Canadian living standards are stagnating. Weak capital investment is hurting productivity and incomes. Canadian businesses tend to stay small. Canadian governments rely relatively heavily on personal income taxes, with high rates that apply at relatively low income levels – not an approach that signals to talented people that Canada is the place for them. Tax reform and other changes that mitigated these problems would make Canada more attractive to everyone – immigrants and Canadian-born alike.

Paying attention to which immigrants are likeliest to leave, and why, can help Canada improve its ability to attract and retain talent. We may be able to refine our selection criteria to raise the proportion of talented, entrepreneurial immigrants who stay in Canada. We can make it easier for immigrants with specialized skills, in health care for example, to work in their professions. Moreover, addressing factors such as high taxes and regulations that stifle entrepreneurship can help Canada retain more immigrants and retain more Canadian-born talent – a win for everyone.

Parisa Mahboubi is a senior policy analyst at the C.D. Howe Institute, where William Robson serves as CEO.

Source: The other immigration problem: Too much talent is leaving Canada

Non-binding Commons vote calls for feds to revise immigration quota

Interesting that the NDP didn’t vote with the Liberals:

A call from the Bloc Quebecois to revise current immigration quotas within 100 days was approved in a non-binding vote in the House of Commons, reported Blacklock’s Reporter.

MPs voted 173 -150 in favour of the Bloc’s motion, with only the Liberals standing against the idea.

“Canadians basically strongly disagree with the immigration policies of what is left of this government,” said Bloc Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet.

The motion asked that cabinet meet with premiers “to consult them on their respective integration capacities” and “table in the House within 100 days a plan for revising federal immigration targets in 2024 based on the integration capacity.”

Canada currently has an annual quota of 500,000 immigrants.

“This used to be a Quebec thing,” said Blanchet. “People used to say Quebeckers were against immigration because they were racists. Now people in Toronto are saying they are having problems managing the volume of immigrants.”

The quota is in addition to 227,000 annual permits for temporary foreign workers and 983,000 foreign students.

“We are so focused on numbers and so keen to open everything up that people who came here as asylum seekers are sleeping in the streets of Montreal without housing,” said Blanchet. “This is the most obvious example of the government’s heartless failure.”

Immigration Minister Marc Miller countered there’s no choice but to maintain current quotas.

“The main reason is we need newcomers as much as they need us,” he said. “Immigration is crucial to expand our labour force, to ensure our economy prospers and to guarantee the quality of the social services Canadians depend on. Faced with an aging population, we need qualified and talented newcomers to ensure our future economic prosperity.”

Source: Non-binding Commons vote calls for feds to revise immigration quota

John Ivison: Warnings about too many international students were clear. The Liberals ignored them

Says it all:

…Miller has since reduced the number of international student visas by 35 per cent to around 364,000 and plans to limit the number of hours they can legally work to around 20. But that is the response of a government taking action after finding the stable empty and the horse long gone.

If Miller really wants to fix the problem, he should block students from working at all off campus and should make clear to everyone that there is only one route to permanent residency: that is, through the comprehensive ranking system that awards points based on skills, education, language ability and work experience. That way Canada will get the best and brightest through the front door.

To be clear, foreign workers and students are not to blame for all the housing market’s woes. Land costs and development charges have risen tenfold in the past two decades. Mortgage interest costs were up 30 per cent last year. All of these things operate independently of what is going on with the arrival of non-residents.

But as has been noted by innumerable experts, you can’t add a million-and-a-half people and only build 300,000 new homes.

It’s clear that the minister responsible was warned there would be unintended consequences to messing with the student program’s integrity — and there were.

There is a reason why Pierre Poilievre owns the housing issue, even after the Liberals have purloined some of his ideas.

That is because the Liberals are viewed as being culpable for creating the mess we’re in. Judging by Fraser’s testimony, they deserve the discredit.

source: John Ivison: Warnings about too many international students were clear. The Liberals ignored them

Wells: The end of the high-value economy [immigration aspects]

The usual insightful and acerbic Paul Wells:

….We are going to go on a bit of a stroll today, so before I go further I should emphasize that I see nothing wrong with students from anywhere taking jobs as baristas or dog walkers. I think jobs at pubs or with Uber are a valuable part of the international student experience, and I congratulate Edvoy for their success in connecting young people with Canada’s community colleges and its gig-worker economy. 

But surely all this is useful context for the news that Sean Fraser was told in 2022, while he was immigration minister, that removing the 20-hour weekly cap on work international students could perform would “detract from the primary study goal of international students… circumvent the temporary foreign worker programs and give rise to further program integrity concerns with the international student program.” With that information in hand, Fraser took the 20-hour cap off anyway.

That’s because Fraser attached more value to the first thing the memo said, which was that increasing hours worked would help alleviate labour shortages. In other words, immediate post-COVID Canada was a place where the big problem was the limited number of people available to work. Bringing in more international students was a quick way to address that, and letting them work nearly full-time would help too. 

Ontario became Ground Zero for the rapid increase in enrolment for college students. That’s because Ontario premier Doug Ford was transfixed with what he called a “historic labour shortage” and eager to attract more people to the province — from other provinces, from outside Canada, seriously, wherever. I was told at the time that when Ford and Justin Trudeau met soon after the 2022 elections in Ontario and Quebec returned the incumbents, the PM bonded with Ford by complaining about Quebec’s François Legault behind Legault’s back, because Legault was still trying to limit immigration while Ford wanted the roof blown off. 

A certain creative laxity in international-student visa distribution permitted the overlap between Ford’s interests, Trudeau’s and those of Ontario’s community colleges: Ford could address his labour shortage, at least at the lower end of the skills ladder (I assume international students are often highly skilled and eager to increase their human capital, but in the meantime they’re dog walkers). Trudeau could goose the economy during a shaky period when a lot of people were worried about the prospects of recession. And Ontario’s colleges could enjoy a revenue bonanza, at a time when most other sources of funding for Ontario higher education are capped. Alex Usher’s been covering that part all along….

Source: The end of the high-value economy