Ottawa «resserre l’étau» pour les simples visiteurs qui demandent l’asile, dit Marc Miller 

Another overdue move:

Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC) « a pris plusieurs mesures pour resserrer l’étau à l’interne » face à une hausse des demandes d’asile faites par des ressortissants étrangers arrivés au pays avec des visas de visiteur, affirme le ministre Marc Miller, assurant que d’autres actions viendront.

« Il y a du travail, il y a un certain resserrement de l’étau à faire additionnels », a-t-il dit au cours d’une récente entrevue avec La Presse canadienne.

M. Miller a indiqué que le ministère dont il est responsable effectue déjà des ajustements en raison d’une « flambée » de cas où des visas « notamment de l’Inde ou du Bangladesh » ont été utilisés.

« Ce n’est pas la façon de faire si on prétend venir ici pour voyager ou peu importe la raison, donc il y a du travail à l’interne qui se fait à ce niveau-là », a lancé l’élu montréalais durant l’entretien accordé dans son bureau de la colline du Parlement.

De plus en plus de ressortissants étrangers réclament l’asile après avoir mis les pieds au Canada au moyen d’un visa de visiteur. Leur nombre mensuel a quintuplé d’avril 2023 à avril 2024, a rapporté le quotidien La Presse plus tôt ce mois-ci.

IRCC a fourni à La Presse canadienne des données montrant que le nombre de personnes détenant un « visa de résident temporaire » ou « visa de visiteur » et ayant demandé l’asile au Canada est effectivement passé de 1815 à 10 170.

Le ministère a précisé que, « au moment de la demande, tous les demandeurs de statut de résident temporaire doivent convaincre un agent qu’ils ont des liens suffisants avec leur pays d’origine, notamment en ce qui concerne leur situation familiale et économique, et qu’ils quitteront le Canada à l’expiration de leur statut ».

« Certains résidents temporaires viennent au Canada en tant que véritables visiteurs, étudiants ou travailleurs et choisissent ensuite de demander l’asile en raison de l’évolution de la situation dans leur pays d’origine », a-t-on ajouté.

Or, en parlant de l’afflux de demandeurs d’asile constaté depuis plusieurs années — peu importe la façon dont ils arrivent au Canada — le ministre Miller a soutenu que « ça ne peut pas continuer face au volume qu’on voit ».

Un nouveau comité a été créé pour se pencher sur cette tendance, de même que sur la répartition interprovinciale des demandeurs d’asile, et doit effectuer des travaux au courant de l’été.

Source: Ottawa «resserre l’étau» pour les simples visiteurs qui demandent l’asile, dit Marc Miller

Québec va accepter moins de demandes de réunification familiale

To note, likely will push more to other provinces:

Exhorté d’augmenter le nombre de personnes pouvant obtenir à terme la résidence permanente dans la catégorie du regroupement familial, Québec limitera plutôt en amont le nombre de demandes qu’il traite. Selon un décret publié dans La Gazette officielle, un maximum de 13 000 demandes de parrainage, reçues selon le principe du premier arrivé, premier servi, pourront être traitées au cours des deux prochaines années, soit environ deux fois moins que la moyenne annuelle de 2022 et 2023.

« Toutes les demandes reçues après l’atteinte du nombre maximal de demandes seront retournées […] sans que les frais d’examen ne soient encaissés », écrit sur son site le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI).

Cette décision survient alors que les gouvernements fédéral et provincial sont pressés de toutes parts, y compris à coups de poursuites judiciaires, de réduire les délais de traitement des dossiers — qui sont de 34 mois pour faire venir un époux au Québec, comparativement à 24 mois dans le reste du Canada — et de diminuer l’inventaire de 40 000 personnes en attente. Des avocats en immigration et des groupes de soutien aux familles dénoncent cette solution, qui ne fait que changer le problème de place.

« Une mesure comme ça, c’est loin d’aider les familles », déplore Laurianne Lachapelle, militante du groupe de soutien Québec réunifié qui a déposé il y a pratiquement deux ans déjà une demande pour parrainer son conjoint, qui est guatémaltèque. « Je trouve ça extrêmement désolant, alors qu’on essaie justement d’avoir la collaboration de la ministre [de l’Immigration du Québec], Christine Fréchette. »

D’abord déposées à Immigration Canada, les demandes sont ensuite soumises au MIFI, pour l’obtention du certificat de sélection du Québec (CSQ), avant de retourner dans la pile du gouvernement fédéral. Mme Lachapelle croit que le refus du MIFI de traiter des dossiers et d’octroyer des CSQ entraînera carrément la fermeture des dossiers par Ottawa. « Ça fait longtemps qu’on dénonce cette injustice dans une catégorie d’immigration humanitaire, et c’est de la mauvaise foi de faire une mesure qui va encore plus augmenter les délais. C’est déjà difficile d’être séparé d’un membre de sa famille pour un an, imaginez trois-quatre ans de plus. C’est ignoble. »…

Source: Québec va accepter moins de demandes de réunification familiale

COVID-19 Immigration Effects – April 2024 update

Highlights

Permanent Residents increased as did percentage of TR2PR to 62 percent of all Permanent Residents. 

Asylum claimants stable at about 16,000 per month.

Study permit applications flat following last month’s drop due to announced caps. Study permit web interests has also been declining on a year-over-year basis. 

While IMP numbers have declined, TFWP numbers have increased reflecting seasonal agriculture workers and those under LMIAs.

Slide 3 has the overall numbers and change.

https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/canadian-immigration-tracker-key-slides-april-2024pdf/269927425

Jain: Canada’s governments have failed to maintain the integrity of our immigration system

I used to brag at international conferences about how well Canada integrates immigrants, and how no mainstream Canadian political party is opposed to immigration. But an anti-immigrant sentiment is now on the rise – and I believe this is because federal and provincial governments across party lines have failed in terms of “program integrity,” to borrow government buzzwords.

….Perhaps the greatest failure in terms of program integrity relates to representatives. In 2019, during the review period for the second attempt at regulating non-lawyer immigration consultant representatives, the Liberal government decided to allow for a third attempt. With a federal election looming at the time, this may have been because of a perception that immigration consultants could influence outcomes in Ontario’s politically crucial 905 region. There are about 12,000 immigration consultants compared with about 2,000 immigration lawyers, so it’s no exaggeration to say that they have a major impact on our system; some falsely promise a guaranteed pathway to permanent residency for international students. There have been countless stories in the media about such consultants selling jobs and assisting with fake refugee claims. Their cost to our system is enormous, in terms of unmerited application filings, as well as frivolous and expensive tribunal and court appeals.

Sadly, while temporary residents are being blamed for hospital wait times and a lack of affordable housing, they are often victimized first by immigration consultants in their own communities and then by government policies, such as the one currently being considered to limit coveted postgraduate work permits by linking them to areas in which there are labour shortages.

Then again, maybe the immigration consultants will be proven right if the government chooses to solve the crisis with the ultimate program-integrity capitulation: a blanket amnesty. Consider this CBC headline from last month: “One way to decrease temporary residents is to make them permanent, minister suggests.”

If our immigration system is losing integrity – along with public confidence – then governments have themselves to blame.

Ravi Jain is an Ontario-based immigration lawyer at Jain Immigration Law. He has served as the national chair of the Canadian Bar Association Immigration Section and as a president of the Canadian Immigration Lawyers Association.

Source: Canada’s governments have failed to maintain the integrity of our immigration system

Why the health-care sector is hiring temporary foreign workers like never before

Of note. More justifiable than fast food service workers and managers:

Persistent staffing shortages in the health-care sector across Canada in the wake of the pandemic have led some organizations, including some provincial government agencies, to increasingly call upon temporary foreign workers to fill positions in clinics, hospitals and senior care facilities across the country.

While health-care still represents a small fraction of the overall temporary foreign worker program, federal data analyzed by CBC News shows the government greenlighted the hiring of 4,336 health-care workers last year — up from 447 such positions in 2018. Health-care occupations represented roughly two per cent of the total temporary foreign worker positions that were approved in 2023.

A large share of that growth was driven by an uptick in approvals of nurse aides, orderlies and patient service associates. There were 2,514 such approvals last year, up from just 16 in 2018.

But employers have also turned to the program to fill other positions, such as nurses (612 positions approved, up from 65 in 2018) and family doctors (216 positions approved, up from 72 in 2018).

“I think this is another example of the overall health-care workforce crisis,” said Ivy Bourgeault, who leads the Canadian Health Workforce Network, a network of researchers who study issues facing health workers. She said staffing shortages driven by burnout and attrition have employers turning to increasingly novel means to bring in new workers.

The uptick in health-care hiring is reflected in the number of positions approved through labour market impact assessments (LMIAs), which employers need to prove there’s no one in Canada available to take a job before they can hire a temporary foreign worker. …

Source: Why the health-care sector is hiring temporary foreign workers like never before

Big majority of Canadian Gen Z, millennials support values-testing immigrants: poll

No easy approaches to value testing, ranging from defining the values, managing, implementing, monitoring and enforcing them. The valid general interest in common values generally breaks down when specifics are discussed beyond the general respect for the rule of law, the constitutional order and respect for others. And terminology becomes an issue: “barbaric cultural practices” versus stating which practices like FGM are against the law; one inflames, the other informs.:

Gen Z and millennials are split on whether Canada’s aggressive immigration targets are good for the country, and 70 per cent say the government should be ensuring new arrivals “share common Canadian values,” such as respect for minority groups, according to a new Postmedia-Leger poll.

Since 2021, Canada has been aiming for an intake of 500,000 new Canadians each year and the government plans to keep this steady until 2026. But only 11 per cent of Canadians aged 18 to 39 say this is overall a good thing, while 34 per cent say it is generally good for the country but has also created some problems.

Twenty per cent say it has created more problems than benefits, while 19 per cent say it is overall a bad thing. Atlantic Canadians are more likely to be skeptical of the higher immigration levels, while people in B.C., and the Prairies are more likely to favour it.

“The attitudes are shifting a little bit with respect to immigration. I think it’s actually becoming a little easier for people to start to raise the concern about immigration, because it’s not necessarily about the people coming into the country, but it’s the country’s ability to support the people coming in,” said Leger vice-president Andrew Enns.

Women are more likely to say the current immigration levels are generally good for Canada, at 38 per cent, compared to 31 per cent for men. Men are more likely to say it has created more problems than benefits, at 24 per cent, compared to 17 per cent for women.

Canadians are seeing the effects of the government’s intentional increase of permanent residents, but also a largely unanticipated cohort of millions of temporary immigrants who arrived through student visas and the temporary worker program, said Mikal Skuterud, a labour economist at the University of Waterloo.

“I think most Canadians understand that the absorptive capacity may be pushed a bit. We might be pushing up against it too much in the past couple of years. And there’s concerns around that,” said Skuterud….

Source: Big majority of Canadian Gen Z, millennials support values-testing immigrants: poll

Douglas Todd: Canada should warn guest worker, student applicants they’re taking a big gamble

Good comments by Kurland, Skuterud and Lee:

….Their plight is the direct fault of Ottawa, say migration specialists.

“Over the past four years the number of people with temporary status in Canada has skyrocketed” because of an executive decision from the office of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, says Richard Kurland, a Vancouver immigration lawyer.

“So there is now a chicken in the python problem,” he said.

“People with study permits, and then post-graduate work permits, who can’t qualify for permanent resident status face taking an airplane ride home in shame and poverty. Or they’ll find a way to stay.”

Kurland expects to see “increasing trends of marriages of convenience, refugee claims and applications for humanitarian and compassionate relief.”

A sign of what’s to come might have already arisen at Seneca College in Toronto, where asylum claims from international students increased from 300 in 2022 to almost 700 in 2023. At Kitchener’s Conestoga College, claims jumped from 106 to 450 during that same period.

University of Waterloo economics professor Mikal Skuterud, a specialist in labour, said “lots of non-permanent residents in Canada are seeing their permits expire and the government is worried that large numbers have no intention of leaving the country.”

The Liberal government created the predicament a few years ago, said Skuterud, when it signalled to the world, particularly those with low skills, the easiest way to become a citizen of Canada is to show up as a temporary resident.

“For migrants, Canada’s immigrant selection system now looks like a lottery, in which a work or study permit is the ticket. That’s a big problem. And it wasn’t like this before 2021.”

The Liberal government made the mistake of dismantling the country’s skills-based immigration system because of a “post-pandemic obsession with labour shortages, which is economic nonsense fuelled by corporate Canada,” Skuterud said.

George Lee, an immigration lawyer in Burnaby, said the “federal government created this problem: They’ve brought in too many people. The government wanted to address labour shortages. But now they say,  ‘It’s too much!’ In effect the government is blaming itself.”

Last week, StatCan reported 2.8 million temporary residents in Canada, comprising a record 6.8 per cent of the population. That’s up from 3.5 per cent two years ago.

More than one million are foreign students, most with work permits. Others are classified as “temporary foreign workers” or “international mobility” workers. Another 360,000 are asylum claimants.

In light of Immigration Minister Marc Miller promising this spring to reduce the number of study visas, partly in response to the pressure on housing prices and social services, Kurland said Canada should warn would-be migrants they’re taking a big gamble.

“They now face a loss of their significant investment in time and money. The problem is that the majority of people are unaware that every (newcomer) takes the risk that Canada’s immigration regulations may be changed at any time,” said Kurland, who publishes the newsletter, Lexbase, which previously reported on how Canada’s border services are better tracking when people actually exit the country.

Canada’s problem with an influx of temporary residents is different from what’s facing the U.S. and Europe. Those regions have experienced waves of millions of undocumented migrants. But, for the most part, Canada has explicitly welcomed the record flow of newcomers, most of whom are unskilled.

Skuterud questions the immigration minister’s May announcement that he would like to reduce the number of temporary residents in Canada simply by turning them into permanent residents, particularly through the provinces’ so-called nominee programs.

“The irony of all this is that the government is providing more ad hoc openings to permanent residency to relieve the bulging non-permanent population.” It’s thereby “inadvertently” encouraging more people to start in Canada on a temporary basis with the dream of staying forever, he said.

The surge of temporary residents has not only exacerbated Canada’s housing crisis, Skuterud said rapid population growth, almost entirely from international migration, correlates with Canadian wages staying stagnant.

Lee, who came to Canada on a study visa from China in 1992, supports Canada’s efforts to bring high numbers of international students to the country, saying they’re primed to become engaged citizens since they have learned the culture, to speak English or French, and have developed Canadian-based job skills.

The problem, Lee said, is that when Ottawa tried to address a perceived labour shortage, it went too far and embraced too many newcomers at once. “We need a more balanced approach.”

Kurland suggests Ottawa adopt a “consumer protection” model to more honestly process people who want to move to Canada.

Canada’s immigration department, he said, should ask people who apply online for temporary residency: “If you are planning to possibly immigrate to Canada, do you acknowledge that your plan may fail if Canada immigration law and regulations were to change?”

Skuterud offers a different way forward. He says Ottawa has recently been over-promoting a “two-step immigration” scheme that pushes aspiring immigrants to first enter the country on a temporary basis.

He would like the government to return to emphasizing the more traditional economic-class pathway to permanent resident status, which relied on a transparent, above-board ranking system to select candidates.

Source: Douglas Todd: Canada should warn guest worker, student applicants they’re taking a big gamble

Des milliers de cours en francisation compromis

A noter (despite the Canada-Quebec accord generous funding):

De nouvelles règles budgétaires sèment la consternation auprès des organismes en francisation. Alors que les besoins ont grimpé en flèche dans les dernières années, ils disent ne plus pouvoir accueillir de nouveaux étudiants l’automne prochain. « Un problème créé par le fédéral », selon Québec.

« C’est beaucoup de personnes qu’on ne sera pas capables de franciser l’année prochaine », déplore Carl Ouellet, le président de l’Association québécoise du personnel de direction des écoles (AQPDE). Ce dernier évalue que « des milliers » d’étudiants en francisation seront touchés.

Interpellé par Le Devoir, le gouvernement se défend en invoquant « la pression exercée par l’immigration temporaire sur les services publics ».

« On consacre déjà plusieurs ressources de notre réseau de l’éducation afin de franciser les nouveaux arrivants, et ces ressources ont augmenté de façon très importante », a indiqué par écrit le cabinet du ministre de l’Éducation, Bernard Drainville.

De 2019 à 2024, le budget de la francisation est passé de 69 à 104 millions de dollars, et le gouvernement a décidé que la hausse allait s’arrêter là, explique-t-on. « On reconnaît tous que c’est important […], mais on doit aussi respecter notre capacité de payer. Les demandeurs d’asile ne sont évidemment pas à blâmer, c’est un problème créé par le fédéral », signale le cabinet.

Or selon Carl Ouellet de l’AQPDE, en plus de priver les immigrants de cours, la décision du gouvernement fait en sorte que les centres de services scolaires (CSS) qui font de la francisation ne seront pas payés pour des cours qu’ils ont déjà donnés depuis deux ans.

Au Québec, 40 % des cours de francisation sont prodigués par les CSS par l’entremise de ce qu’on appelle la formation aux adultes. Près de 21 000 personnes y étaient inscrites ce printemps à temps plein ou à temps partiel. Le reste des cours sont offerts dans des universités, des cégeps ou des organismes communautaires.

Moins de places

Les CSS reçoivent chaque année des subventions en fonction du nombre d’étudiants des années précédentes. Or le ministère de l’Éducation du Québec a revu sa méthode de calcul des subventions, ce qui crée un trou majeur dans leurs budgets.

« Je ne vais pas pouvoir prendre de nouveaux étudiants à la rentrée », se désole le directeur d’un centre de francisation qui a demandé l’anonymat pour ménager ses relations avec le ministère. Dans son CSS, la coupe correspond à plus de 10 % du budget et à une baisse de 25 % du nombre de places disponibles pour les étudiants. « Je vais engager moins d’enseignants et je vais diminuer la cadence », dit-il.

Pour l’Association montréalaise des directions d’établissement scolaire, c’est tout simplement illogique. « C’est renversant ! Ça va complètement dans l’autre sens que [celui du] discours politique qu’on entend », avance sa présidente, Kathleen Legault.

Le gouvernement du Québec table en bonne partie sur une meilleure offre en francisation pour contrer le déclin du français au Québec. Son plan d’action présenté en avril prévoyait des investissements de 320 millions de dollars afin d’améliorer l’usage du français chez les travailleurs étrangers.

Des risques pour le reste de la formation aux adultes ?

Dans ses échanges avec les CSS ces derniers jours, le ministère de l’Éducation du Québec montre du doigt le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI). Il avance que le MIFI ne lui a pas transféré suffisamment de fonds cette année pour compenser la hausse des demandes.

« Le maintien de l’enveloppe financière est en fonction de celle transférée par le MIFI pour la francisation », écrit-il dans une communication écrite aux responsables de la francisation des CSS dont Le Devoir a obtenu copie.

Le ministère invite ensuite les CSS à prendre moins d’étudiants pour régler leur problème budgétaire. « En limitant [le] nombre d’ETP [étudiants en équivalence au temps plein] lié à la francisation, ceci laissera une marge de manoeuvre… »

Kathleen Legault craint que d’autres étudiants des CSS écopent étant donné « la pression très grande en francisation ». « Est-ce que ça va mettre en péril le financement de la formation des jeunes adultes en retard d’apprentissage ? Parce que c’est offert dans les mêmes centres. C’est ça, le danger. »

Cette situation survient dans un contexte où la gestion de la francisation au Québec connaît des ratés. L’an dernier, le gouvernement avait créé l’organisme Francisation Québec pour mieux coordonner l’offre de cours. Or la moitié des demandes sont toujours en attente, selon un rapport déposé à la fin mai par le commissaire à la langue française Benoît Dubreuil.

Dans le même rapport, M. Dubreuil a relevé que le nombre total d’heures de formation offertes en 2023-2024 correspond à « environ 2 % de celui qui aurait été nécessaire pour que l’ensemble des personnes domiciliées au Québec qui ne connaissaient pas le français puissent terminer les niveaux débutants et intermédiaires ».

Source: Des milliers de cours en francisation compromis

Javdani: Canada at a crossroads: Understanding the shifting sands of immigration attitudes

Trying to understand what his recommendation actually means in terms of concrete policies and programs: “An effective response requires a holistic strategy that integrates policy initiatives with efforts to shift political and societal narratives toward more inclusive and accurate representations of immigration and its myriad contributions to society.“

Good luck trying to articulate, manage and implement that:

Canada stands at a crossroads as its 157th birthday approaches. It’s navigating shifting immigration attitudes amid global and domestic challenges. 

The ongoing politicization and polarization around immigrationin Canada underscores a critical juncture for a country celebrated for its diversity. As Canadians grapple with economic insecurity, housing crises, health-care shortages and social tensions, the immigration debate tests the nation’s values and future direction.

Recent research I conducted with two colleagues, drawing from more than three decades of data, sheds light on evolving Canadian attitudes toward immigration. Between 1988 and 2008, there was a notable 41 per cent decline in Canadians who favoured reducing immigration numbers. Yet, post-2008, this trend shifted, with Canadians who wanted reduced immigration levels rising to 40 per cent by 2019.

Changes in attitudes toward immigration in Canada, 1988 to 2019
Canadian Election Study data, calculations by authors of study on shifting immigration attitudes.

This development signals more than just changing preferences; there are deeper socio-psychological and political dynamics shaping views on immigration.

Judgments on who merits inclusion

But let’s simplify that socio-psychological jargon. Imagine society as a bustling potluck gathering. You arrive with your dish — packed with your beliefs, values and biases. Looking around, you’re judging everyone’s contributions and figuring out where you fit in. 

Social identity theory suggests it’s natural to categorize ourselves into “us” versus “them” using familiar facets of our identity, such as religion and ethnicity. Driven by our need for a positive self-image and convinced that what we have to offer is the best, we sometimes snub outsiders. 

This dynamic suggests the immigration debate delves into deeper territories of social identity. It’s about who we believe merits inclusion in our society, not just as an economic question.

Our findings suggest that economic concerns often cited in the immigration debate are just the tip of the iceberg. Beneath the surface, Canadians’ opinions on immigration are deeply influenced by aspects like religion, ethnicity, personal and familial immigration history and political leanings.

Our research finds, for example, that Christians show the least support for immigration. In contrast, Muslims — the second-largest religious group in Canada after Christians — are the most supportive of immigration. Jewish Canadians, atheists and agnostics also show strong support.

Ethnicity and immigration history also play pivotal roles in shaping our social identity. Our research indicates white people born in Canada exhibit a significantly stronger preference towards decreased immigration compared to white immigrants and ethnic minorities. 

In terms of geography, it found that Nova Scotians have the most favourable sentiments about immigration, whereas Alberta and Ontario exhibit the most negative sentiments in Canada.

This suggests a varying landscape of belonging and acceptance. Immigrants and ethnic minorities show greater openness to new immigration, likely mirroring their journeys of settling and integrating into Canadian society.

The politics of immigration

One of our most striking findings is the increasing political polarization over immigration. Our research has found that since 2006, political party identification has emerged as the foremost factor in explaining Canadians’ differing views on immigration. 

This polarization highlights that immigration is not just a social issue, but also a political tool. It is often framed and politicized seemingly to galvanize party bases rather than address the complexities of immigration and integration. 

Political parties link immigration to pressures on public finances or housing shortages during difficult periods. This amplifies anti-immigration sentiments, even if there’s no direct causation. This tactic also elevates immigration as a focal issue, intertwining it with prevailing concerns and magnifying its perceived negative impact on society.

Our study underscores the complexity of the debate. It’s not just about numbers or economics, but about deeper socio-psychological currents and political strategies. 

So, what’s the takeaway for Canada? Firstly, our findings are a wakeup call for political leaders, policymakers and the wider community. The rise in negative sentiments about immigration, especially amid challenging conditions, could have far-reaching consequences for Canada’s social harmony and economic prosperity.

Addressing anti-immigration sentiments requires engaging deeply with the socio-psychological factors that mounting evidence suggests are critical. Education is key, as studies consistently show. 

Effective response

Our vision of education, however, extends beyond traditional classrooms and involves the gradual development of an appreciation for diverse perspectives, openness and tolerance for change and diversity.

The significance of media and political parties in shaping public opinions cannot be overlooked. The way immigration is politicized through narratives of national security, economic risks and cultural identity influences both policy decisions and the public’s understanding of these policies. That means this conversation is as much a political issue as a policy challenge. 

An effective response requires a holistic strategy that integrates policy initiatives with efforts to shift political and societal narratives toward more inclusive and accurate representations of immigration and its myriad contributions to society.

Our reaction to immigration should elevate above the narrow, self-serving question of “what’s in it for us?” This perspective narrowly views immigrants as mere economic assets, neglecting their wide-ranging contributions to society. 

This viewpoint becomes particularly problematic when acknowledging that the lands currently known as Canada were first inhabited by Indigenous Peoples. As non-Indigenous people living in Canada, we all share the status of settlers, inheriting a responsibility from our colonial past. This history obliges us to extend a welcome embodying generosity and respect while looking toward our collective future.

Source: Canada at a crossroads: Understanding the shifting sands of immigration attitudes

Ottawa split on plan to let undocumented migrants apply to stay in Canada, Immigration Minister Miller says

Of note:

…Mr. Miller said there hasn’t yet been agreement within government on the program and it could take months to introduce.

He said what is causing him to pause are “views that I respect, people that care about these issues that are radically opposed and diametrically opposed, and not necessarily from people that [you] would necessarily think would have that thought process.”

Under the plan, migrants without documents, including people with Canadian children who have lived here for several years, would be able to apply for permanent residence.

The Prime Minister issued a mandate to former immigration minister Sean Fraser in 2021 that asked him to “further explore ways of regularizing status for undocumented workers who are contributing to Canadian communities.” A decision by cabinet was expected this spring.

But Mr. Miller said the program “is not something that is going to get rolled out soon” adding that polling is showing that Canadians are divided on the issue.

“If there is a clear conclusion, I will be quite clear to Canadians about it, but there isn’t one right now,” he said. “What I do know is that given the ongoing discussions, and they are ongoing – they have not come to an end – it isn’t something that I have any confidence will be rolled out in the short term.”…

Source: Ottawa split on plan to let undocumented migrants apply to stay in Canada, Immigration Minister Miller says