Talking to In-laws Can Be Hard. In Some Languages, It’s Impossible. – The New York Times

Learn something new every day about the interplay between family relationships and language:

In-laws may be universally intimidating, but in some cultures, the deference paid them rises to a whole new level, at least linguistically.

A geographically widespread practice known as avoidance speech, or “mother-in-law languages,” imposes strict rules on how one speaks — or doesn’t — to the parents of a spouse, with daughters-in-law typically bearing the brunt of such limits.

In parts of Africa, Australia and India, some societies restrict the words a person can say after marriage. Some cultures have even barred all direct communication with parents-in-law.

Some married women who speak the Kambaata language of Ethiopia follow ballishsha, a rule that forbids them from using words that begin with the same syllable as the name of their father-in-law or mother-in-law.

This rule can complicate a conversation, but there are workarounds. Certain basic words in the vocabulary come in synonymous pairs. “One is the normal term, used by everybody; one is the term used by women who are not allowed to say that word,” said Yvonne Treis, a linguist at a French research institute, Languages and Cultures of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Euphemisms are another frequent solution: If the word “ox” is taboo for a wife to say, she may refer to “the one that plows” instead. The Kambaata language also has a word akin to “whatchamacallit” in English, useful in a pinch as either a noun or verb when no other alternative is available.

Avoidance speech is also practiced by speakers of some of the Bantu languages of southern Africa, including Xhosa and Zulu. Married women are forbidden from using their father-in-law’s name, or any word that has the same root or similar sound.

Bantu speakers often get around this restriction by borrowing synonyms from other languages spoken nearby. Some linguists think that is how click consonants found their way into Bantu speech: in words borrowed from Khoisan languages, which use clicks extensively.

In parts of India, a daughter-in-law is not allowed to use words that begin with the same letters as her in-laws’ names, requiring her to use a parallel vocabulary.

Avoidance speech was a common feature of many aboriginal languages in Australia. The custom has largely faded in some areas, but it is still widely practiced in the Western Desert region and Arnhem Land, according to Claire Bowern, a professor of linguistics at Yale.

Avoidance speech can be more of a two-way street in Australia, with restrictions applying across genders and generations. There are aboriginal cultures where a man and his mother-in-law are forbidden to directly address each other.

Marissa Mayer and the Failure of Trickle-Down Empowerment – The Daily Beast

Valid commentary by Erin Gloria Ryan on how the focus on those at the top, their successes and failures, often overshadows the overall context, realities, and class:

Mayer may not have identified as a feminist, but men who hate women sure celebrated her stumbles as though she was. A curious amount of schadenfreude followed any announcement of a problem at Yahoo. It seems her existence rubbed some observers the wrong way. And some who would have legitimate reasons to critique her work seemingly shied away, out of fear of being roped in with those who would howl about a woman being happy and successful no matter what her job, or how good she was at it.

This combination of voices—idiotic critique from those who would hate something no matter what, combined with reticence on the part of the thoughtful to offer useful critique from a place of good faith—is something that seems uniquely zeitgeisty, especially when it comes to powerful women. And, in that sense, Mayer’s rise and fall stands out as something that makes more sense than most things that have happened in the last 12 months.

In recent years, there’s been an upswell in corporate feel-good feminism. The type of feminism that means well but tends to focus on fighting the battles and celebrating the victories of only the most privileged among women, whether or not those women believe in those principles. The type of feminism that envisions that the collective action of all feminists will push women up the ladder one at a time, and that she, upon reaching the top, will reach down and pull more women up behind her.

It seems feminists want so strongly for a woman to be a visionary CEO, a tech genius, a president that they’re able to overlook glaring flaws, that they’re unwilling to critique or to be tolerant of honest critique from others. We want superheroes; we’ve got plain old human beings.

It can be tough to tease out legitimate skepticism of the work of women like Marissa Mayer from misogyny; misogyny has been practicing blending in for years. But it’s also silly to pretend that trickle-down feminism, that which trusts those at the top will somehow benefit those at the bottom in any tangible way, is a tenable focus for advocates of gender equality. Nobody can lift that many bootstraps on her own. Even with Alibaba money.

Muslim Girls in Switzerland Must Attend Swim Classes With Boys, Court Says – The New York Times

Good in-depth report on the decision and the accommodations that were offered, along with other examples where European countries are inflexible on accommodation issues.

Overly rigid approach IMO:

In 2008, school officials in Basel, Switzerland, ordered a Muslim couple to enroll their daughters in a mandatory swimming class, despite the parents’ objections to having their girls learn alongside boys.

The officials offered the couple some accommodations: The girls, 9 and 7 at the time, could wear body-covering swimsuits, known as burkinis, during the swimming lessons, and they could undress for the class without any boys present.

But the parents refused to send their daughters to the lessons, and in 2010, the officials imposed a fine of 1,400 Swiss francs, about $1,380. The parents, Aziz Osmanoglu and Sehabat Kocabas, who have both Swiss and Turkish nationality, decided to sue.

On Tuesday, the European Court of Human Rights upheld the Swiss officials’ decision, rejecting the parents’ argument that the Swiss authorities had violated the “freedom of thought, conscience and religion” guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights, which the court enforces.

“The public interest in following the full school curriculum should prevail over the applicants’ private interest in obtaining an exemption from mixed swimming lessons for their daughters,” the court found.

The case was the latest to pit freedom of religion against the imperative of social integration, and to raise the question of whether — and how much — a government should accommodate the religious views of Muslim citizens and residents, many of them immigrants.

The ruling could set an important precedent in other cases in which religious and secular values or norms come into conflict.

The decision comes as Europe has been struggling to integrate migrants, many from majority-Muslim countries where religious and social mores, particularly around gender and sexuality, can be at odds with liberal and secular norms of the societies where they have sought refuge.

Far-right political parties with anti-immigrant bents, from the National Front in France to the Danish People’s Party in Denmark and the Swiss People’s Party in Switzerland, have argued that too many Muslims have not managed to assimilate.

In May, the authorities in the canton of Basel-Landschaft — which is next to the canton of Basel-Stadt, where the swimming case occurred — ruled that two Syrian immigrant brothers, who studied at a public school in the small town of Therwil, could not refuse to shake their teacher’s hand on religious grounds. Their refusal to do so had provoked a national uproar.

The challenge of integrating immigrants has spilled over into culture, and, at times, helped fan a simmering culture war. In Denmark, pork meatballs and other pork dishes that are popular staples became part of a debate on national identity last year after the central Danish town of Randers voted in January to require public day care centers and kindergartens to include the meat on their lunch menus.

Supporters of the proposal said that serving traditional Danish food such as pork was essential to help preserve national identity. Critics said the proposal did nothing more than stigmatize Muslims, who had made no attempts to ban pork from school menus.

Germany was shaken during New Year’s Eve in Cologne in 2015 when young men, many of them of North African origin, committed sexual assaults during the street celebrations there. The attacks became an uncomfortable symbol of the challenges of integration in the country.

In France, the clash between secularism and religious conservatism came into sharp relief this summer when nearly 30 towns, mainly in the country’s southeast, introduced burkini bans, suggesting that the garments impinged upon French culture and way of life.

In the case of the swimming classes in Switzerland, the authorities ruled that lessons mixing boys and girls were an important part of the school curriculum; they did allow that the girls could apply for an exemption on religious grounds, but only if they had gone through puberty, which was not the case for the daughters of Mr. Osmanoglu and Ms. Kocabas.

The parents argued that even though the Quran does not require girls’ bodies to be covered until puberty, “their belief commanded them to prepare their daughters for the precepts that would be applied to them from puberty” onward, according to the court’s summary of the case.

The decision, by a chamber of seven judges, did not dispute that the denial of the parents’ request interfered with their religious freedom, but it emphasized that the need for social cohesion and integration trumped the family’s wishes. The court also noted that schools play “a special role in the process of social integration, particularly where children of foreign origin were concerned,” and that, as such, ensuring the girls’ “successful social integration according to local customs and mores” took precedence over religious concerns.

The parents have three months to appeal the court’s decision. Representatives of the family could not be reached for comment on Tuesday.

In Switzerland, politicians and civic groups across the political spectrum welcomed the ruling, calling it an important validation of the supremacy of secularism and the rule of law, even as some Muslims complained that it reflected growing intolerance for religious minorities.

“The swimming pool verdict unfortunately is what we expected,” Qaasim Illi, a board member of the Swiss Central Islamic Council, wrote on Twitter. “Tolerance toward the religious is diminishing throughout Europe.”

Supreme Court of Canada appeal on expatriate voting rights – February 16 schedule

Will be interesting to see if the SCC accepts federal government arguments that the case is now moot given the provisions in Bill C-33. Unlikely that their will be any change due to the Cabinet Cabinet shuffle and the replacement of Maryam Monsef by Karina Gould, the new Minister for Democratic Institutions:

A federal law barred Canadians from voting in federal elections if they have lived abroad for more than five years. In Gillian Frank, et al. v. Attorney-General of Canada, two Canadian academics at Ivy League universities say that law violated the constitutional right of all citizens to vote. One judge of the Ontario Court of Appeal agreed, saying the law turned them into second-class citizens, and that even federal prisoners have a constitutional right to vote; but two judges said the government had put a reasonable limit on that right, because expatriates don’t live with the daily consequences of their voting decision. The Liberal government has since introduced a law to repeal the legislation barring voting from abroad, but it has not passed yet. The government argues the case is now moot; the court has not decided yet whether it is.

Source: A preview of the Supreme Court of Canada’s winter session – The Globe and Mail

Diversité et emploi: la piètre performance de la Ville de Montréal | Bouazza Mache

Bouazza Mache on the ongoing lack of representation in Montreal with respect to the municipal government (Montreal is 32 percent visible minority, Montreal CMA is 20 percent):

Encore une énième recherche qui démontre par l’absurde que les immigrants, souvent plus diplômés, sont les plus touchés par le chômage, en particulier dans la ville la plus colorée du Québec. Ainsi, nous apprenons dans cette étude, menée par l’Institut du Québec (IdQ), en collaboration avec la Chambre de commerce du Montréal métropolitain (CCMM) et Montréal International (MI), que « les immigrants sont plus instruits, mais chômeurs ».

Plusieurs recherches et enquêtes ont montré auparavant, par les chiffres et à coup d’investigations, que c’est devenu une réalité criante. Il y a eu même des études sectorielles sur le thème, comme la présence de la diversité dans les médias, dans le système de l’éducation ou encore, la situation des femmes racisées. Et à chaque fois, les résultats vont dans le même sens, négatif.

Il y a 18 mois, je soulevais le caractère folklorique de gérer la diversité à Montréal, en particulier en ce qui a trait à l’emploi. Et six mois plus tard, en janvier 2016, j’ai demandé au maire Coderre de prêcher la diversité par l’exemple, en mettant à niveau la représentativité des minorités visibles dans les effectifs municipaux, et de publier les résultats du plan d’action en accès à l’égalité en emploi de 2013-2015.

Or, je viens de découvrir qu’un « plan d’action pour la diversité en emploi 2016-2019» a été publié en mai 2016 par la Ville de Montréal, sans faire trop de bruit. Ce document expose sommairement les réalisations des plans précédents et élabore les objectifs pour 2019.

Les réalisations de l’administration Coderre ne sont nullement reluisantes: le pourcentage des minorités visibles dans l’effectif municipal peine à dépasser le cap des 12% (en 2015). Dans certaines catégories d’employés, il demeure très difficile de recruter auprès des groupes visés par le plan en accès à l’égalité en emploi. C’est le cas des cadres/contremaitres et du personnel pompier.

Mais le problème ne se limite pas uniquement aux demandeurs d’emploi. Il frappe aussi de plein fouet celles et ceux qui ont décidé de se lancer en affaires. Les réseaux fermés et l’accointance avec les décideurs (acheteurs) constituent un obstacle majeur face à la pénétration des marchés publics.

La faute à qui?

En premier lieu aux gouvernements qui se sont succédé et qui ont préféré gaver les statistiques pour faire contrepoids à un reste-du-Canada « menaçant », sans tenir compte des réalités sociale et économique. On dirait que la politique d’immigration a été en décalage total avec la société et le milieu des affaires.

La stigmatisation récurrente de certains politiciens et acteurs médiatiques envers certains groupes minoritaires envoie également un mauvais message aux employeurs qui hésitent à embarquer dans différents plans de recrutement.

Résultat : une ou deux générations d’immigrants, arabes et musulmans en particulier, laissées pour compte.

Source: Diversité et emploi: la piètre performance de la Ville de Montréal | Bouazza Mache

Diversity is key to success in corporate Canada

Jennifer Reynolds, of Toronto-based Women in Capital Markets, on the business case for diversity:

In my role, I have the pleasure of spending time at universities across the country, meeting with students to talk about their careers and the important role they can play as future business leaders in Canada’s economy.

I am not sure who coined the term, but I often hear Canada’s leadership teams referred to as “male, pale and stale”. While I consider “stale” a bit harsh, the “male and pale” is hard to deny. A mere 12 per cent of TSX publically listed company directors are women, and visible minorities make up 4.5 per cent of FP500 company directors in Canada. One could argue that universities in Canada were not all that ethnically diverse 30 years ago when the current crop of senior leaders were graduating, however, you can’t argue that there were no women there. Women have represented 50 per cent (or more) of university graduates for 30 years. Women have also been abundantly present in middle management roles for years. The pool of female talent for leadership roles in our economy has existed for decades, yet less than 20 per cent of senior officer roles are held by women and 40 per cent of leadership teams in Canada have no women at all.

So as this current generation graduates from universities, can we tell them with confidence that 20 years from now Canada’s leadership teams will look like their classrooms? History would argue that “same likes same” in the corporate world. Unless leaders start challenging that overwhelming desire to hire and promote in one’s own likeness, we will find the disconnect between the demographic in our universities and that in the corporate boardroom continues to persist. The reality is, it will take intentional and tenacious focus to hire, develop and promote diverse talent.

To date, corporate Canada hasn’t been all that strong at developing diverse talent. If we want Canada to lead when it comes to innovation, productivity and economic competitiveness, we must take advantage of the immense pool of diverse talent in this country. Our diversity can be a significant competitive advantage. Volumes of research by credible organizations like Credit Suisse, McKinsey and Catalyst have demonstrated higher levels of gender diversity in leadership result in stronger financial performance, same hold true for ethnic diversity.

If you are a leader that buys into the thesis that you need to access the best of 100 per cent of the talent pool to win in the 21st century, you need to start the hard work now. You need to equip your management team with the motivation and tools to change the way they recruit and develop talent. Most importantly, you need to be the biggest, most vocal and tenacious champion of the need for diversity in your business’s talent pool. Even those with the best of intentions fall back on comfortable practices in challenging times. It will take a long-term view to change habits and culture in any organization and the CEO must champion that change.

When young people start their careers in an organization, they are looking for role models. People they relate to and aspire to emulate. If they don’t see anyone that looks like them, if they don’t fit in with the dominant group, that can appear to be a barrier to their prospects. It needs to be clear that “fit” is not “sameness”, that difference of opinion and perspective is valued, and that the leadership team of tomorrow, will look different than the leadership team today.

The best management teams, the ones the next generation will want to work for, will need to evolve from amalgamating power in one dominant person or group, to recognizing that the highest value they can bring to their organizations is to empower other people. To give power to diversity of thought, ideas and solutions. That is innovation in the 21st century.

Source: Diversity is key to success in corporate Canada – The Globe and Mail

Black people 3 times more likely to be street checked in Halifax, police say

Not surprisingly but still alarming and similar data to that of other cities such as Toronto:

Ashley Taylor tenses up every time he sees a police cruiser because he knows what could be coming next.

“Being pulled over by the police for me,” the Nova Scotia resident said, taking a pause, “it’s normal.”

Taylor, 42, estimates he has been stopped by police an average of three times a year. The student support worker at Dartmouth High School in said it usually happens on his drive to work.

“Is it racial profiling? Possibly.”

He’s not surprised to hear a CBC News Investigation finding that Halifax police are more likely to stop and check people who are black.

In fact, according to information released by Halifax Regional Police, black people are three times more likely to be the subject of a so-called street check than white individuals.

Graphic

Halifax Regional Police began recording data of street checks in 2005. (CBC)

Street checks are used to “look at individuals who are doing suspicious activity,” said police Chief Jean-Michel Blais.

Source: Black people 3 times more likely to be street checked in Halifax, police say – Nova Scotia – CBC News

Lisée veut «aller plus loin» pour séduire les communautés culturelles

Given that Lisée has been all over the map on identity issues and ethnic groups, hard to see this ‘seduction’ succeeding:

Le chef du Parti québécois (PQ), Jean-François Lisée, souhaite «aller plus loin qu’avant» pour séduire les communautés culturelles et il croit que sa proposition de ne pas faire de référendum dans un premier mandat risque de l’avantager en ce sens.

Le fait qu’on n’ait pas décidé de tenir de référendum dans le premier mandat est une façon de détendre l’atmosphère», a expliqué M. Lisée, en point de presse, dimanche après-midi, à Montréal.

Le chef du PQ a rencontré les médias pour discuter de son plan d’action qui vise à attirer dans le giron péquiste les Québécois issus de l’immigration, un électorat qui a tendance à voter davantage pour le Parti libéral du Québec (PLQ).

Pour ce faire, il a confié le mandat à sa conseillère spéciale en matière de diversité, Évelyne Abitbol, de tenter de tisser des liens avec ces électeurs. Carole Poirier, la whip en chef du PQ et porte-parole sur l’immigration et les communautés culturelles, s’occupera pour sa part à mobiliser les membres et ses collègues députés sur cette question.

«Pendant la campagne au leadership, Jean-François a réuni une vaste coalition de la diversité. Cette vaste coalition, il faut maintenir ces liens et la rendre active», a soutenu Mme Poirier.

Selon le chef du Parti québécois, le fait de mettre le référendum de côté pendant quatre ans permettra au parti d’accueillir plus de communautés culturelles, qui seront plus réceptives à ses messages.

«Il y a des gens qui sont d’accord avec nous, mais qui ne nous connaissent pas assez (…) Nous, on a décidé de ne pas en tenir (de référendum), alors est-ce qu’on peut ouvrir les portes, les oreilles, les conversations? On pense qu’il va y avoir plus de fluidité», a-t-il expliqué.

M. Lisée estime que certains de ces électeurs ne connaissent pas assez bien de son parti parce qu’ils se font toujours dire par le PLQ qu’un vote pour le PQ équivaut à un vote contre le Canada.

Le chef du PQ ne s’est pas avancé sur ce qui a pu nuire à son parti par le passé auprès des communautés culturelles, mais il dit vouloir profiter du vent de changement amené par la récente course à la direction.

«Cette curiosité et cette présence de beaucoup de membres de la diversité dans ma campagne, dans celle d’Alexandre (Cloutier), de Martine (Ouellet) et de Véronique (Hivon), pour moi, c’est un fait nouveau intéressant. Il faut miser là-dessus», a-t-il souligné.

Interrogé sur la possibilité que le PQ ravive la Charte des valeurs de l’ancien gouvernement Marois sur laquelle il avait été très critiqué, M. Lisée a fait valoir que ses propositions sur laïcité étaient beaucoup plus «pragmatiques» et «ouvertes» que l’ancienne politique prônée par son parti.

«C’est clair que notre message est plus attrayant pour les membres de la diversité qui ont une vision plus laïque sur l’avenir du Québec et ils sont très nombreux», a-t-il soutenu en anglais.

Le Parti québécois affirme qu’il mettra en place une «série d’actions» dans les prochaines semaines, ce qui inclut la création d’un comité pour la diversité dans les instances du parti.

Conservative Party’s fortunes hinge on immigration policy: Ibbitson

Good overview by Ibbitson of the varied immigration positions of the Conservative leadership contenders (the Harper support mentioned below reflected in part the weakness of the other parties as well as the strong outreach by former Minister Jason Kenney):

Under Stephen Harper, the Conservatives enjoyed broad support from immigrant Canadians, many of whom are economically and socially more conservative than many native-born Canadians.

But when the party promised during the 2015 election campaign to root out “barbaric cultural practices,” it made Conservatives look anti-immigrant.

New Canadians will support the Conservatives, but only if they believe that Conservatives support them.

Source: Conservative Party’s fortunes hinge on immigration policy – The Globe and Mail

ADL and Wiesenthal Center don’t seem to agree on anti-Semitism in America | Bloggish | Jewish Journal

Interesting contrast (ADL’s approach the more reasonable one):

Shortly before the New Year, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Simon Wiesenthal Center, both human rights organizations dedicated to fighting hate speech, each put out the top 10 list of anti-Semitic incidents in 2016 (the Wiesenthal Center’s list also included anti-Israel incidents – more on this below).

The two lists are starkly different, and that difference is worth paying attention to.

Numbers one through four on the ADL list are all related to the election, apparently arising from the Donald Trump moment and the new life it gave to the seedier elements of American xenophobia.

On the Wiesenthal Center list, this type of anti-Semitism is featured just once, coming in at number five with Richard Spencer’s memorable tryst at the Ronald Reagan Building in Washington, D.C. Number one on this list is the failure of the Obama administration to veto a recent United Nations resolution condemning Israeli settlements in the West Bank.

The difference is notable because in theory, it shouldn’t exist. These two organizations are not identical, to be sure. The Wiesenthal Center is Los Angeles-based, for one, and incorporates Holocaust memory to a greater extent in its mission.

But both have at their core the same goal of fighting anti-Semitism. The overlap is great enough to cause some amount of institutional rivalry.

“ADL is always a little bit worried that the center in L.A., the Wiesenthal Center, will steal its thunder,” Jonathan Sarna, a professor of American Jewish history at Brandeis University told me in November. “So they always have kind of one eye on the Wiesenthal Center.”

Why, then, do two organizations with the same ideals come to vastly different conclusions about where to look for the most troubling incidents of anti-Semitism?

I brought this question up during a recent interview with Rabbi Marvin Hier, the dean of the Wiesenthal Center. He pointed out to me that the lists were in fact not the same and that his organization, unlike the ADL, had included “anti-Israel incidents” as a criterion. That’s why the U.N. resolution ended up at the top of the Wiesenthal Center list without appearing at all on the ADL list.

Fine. But that doesn’t explain the massive discrepancy between, on the one hand, nearly half of a top 10 list being dedicated to right-wing anti-Semitism, and, on the other, a single item buried halfway down.

It’s easy to chalk this up to politics. Critics of Jonathan Greenblatt, the ADL CEO, like to point out that he came to the job from a post in the Obama administration. In their mind, he’s a left-wing actor that has turned the ADL into a basically partisan operation.

But I take Greenblatt at his word when he told me that during the campaign trail “I said what I said and we did what we did because it was consistent with ADL’s historic role.”

Greenblatt, it seems to me, is too smart to nakedly put his politics on display. If he really were a leftist shill, he’d probably be smarter about hiding it, anyway. I’m guessing – and we can only guess as to people’s intentions – that both lists reflects a real concern about where anti-Semitism exists in America today.

The net result is that we have two lists that tell us more about the organizations that generated them than they do about anti-Semitism.

Source: ADL and Wiesenthal Center don’t seem to agree on anti-Semitism in America | Bloggish | Jewish Journal