A definition of racism that targets Jews is racist

Arguing against adding anti-Palestinian attitudes to examples and definitions of racism. As I have argued earlier, anti-Palestinian attitudes can be either ethnic (Arab) or religious (Christian or Muslim).

Hard to think of a comparable situation with respect to other groups (e.g.,anti-Uighur, anti-Khalistan) where the particular is not covered by current ethnic and religious discrimination and hate crimes:

Providing Canadians with tools to root out hate against any group is vital to our democracy. But it is unconscionable that these tools are designed or become weapons to promote hate against another group. The Arab Canadian Lawyers Association’s (ACLA) definition of “Anti-Palestinian Racism” (APR), now gaining traction in Canadian institutions, does precisely that, turning a language meant to defend dignity into a framework that treats Jewish identity as inherently racist.

Discrimination against Palestinians, like against any group, is unacceptable. Fortunately, Canada has strong legal mechanisms in place to address such cases, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and provincial human rights codes. These instruments prohibit discrimination based on place of origin, race, ethnicity, and religion. As the Ontario Human Rights Commission affirmed in an opinion, these existing protections are sufficient to address acts of prejudice against Palestinians.

But APR is not designed merely to fill a legal gap. Instead, it is a political instrument, one that forces a specific historical and ideological narrative that denies Jewish ties to the land of Israel. The definition requires all Canadians to support a Palestinian state from the river to the sea, which means the annihilation of Israel. It also suggests that disagreement with Palestinian political claims or narratives about Israel’s creation, or those which support Zionism, is inherently racist. APR doesn’t simply combat hate; it seeks to delegitimize the belief shared by 94 percent of Jewish Canadians who support the existence of a Jewish state in Israel. This view is shared by millions of other Canadians of all faiths and ethnicities because we acknowledge the right of self-determination for ourselves and others, including for Jews.

This is where the danger lies. APR imposes a rigid orthodoxy on a complex and contested historical and political conflict. In doing so, it undermines the very foundations of our Canadian liberal democracy: open dialogue, freedom of expression, and academic freedom. APR also risks criminalizing legitimate debate and dissent, particularly on university campuses, where open exchange of ideas is essential. Evidence of the danger of APR is already visible. For example, at Carleton University, a recently released report titled “The Palestine Exception” charged professors who teach a course that takes students to Israel to study religions and cultures in the region with engaging in APR.

The effects of APR are chilling. Canadians who support Israel’s right to exist are routinely being marginalized, accused of racism, and excluded. Even Prime Minister Carney, who reaffirmed Canada’s policy of supporting a two-state solution, would be deemed a racist. Many Canadians support a two-state solution and the aspirations of the Palestinian people. Supporting Palestinian rights does not require denying the right of Jews to national self-determination or casting Zionism as a form of bigotry. Yet APR reduces this complex reality to a zero-sum game in which supporting one group requires condemning the other.

The federal government is now being urged to enshrine APR, including by Canada’s Special Representative on Islamophobia, into its anti-racism strategy. This would be a dangerous mistake. By endorsing a definition that equates Jewish identity with racism, Canada would undermine its existing anti-discrimination regime, politicize legal norms, and embolden those who seek to suppress rather than engage in open debate. This definition is not aligned with Canada’s inclusive, democratic values.

It is also remarkable that APR’s proponents reject Canada’s adopted definition of antisemitism, that of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). IHRA affirms that criticism of Israel of the same type levelled against any other country is not antisemitic, while APR permits no criticism of Palestinian narratives without being labelled racist—yet another example of double standards applied to the detriment of the Jewish community.

If we want to build a truly inclusive Canada, we must resist simplistic labels that divide rather than unite. Canadians should be free to express support for Palestinian self-determination—as long as such advocacy does not glorify terrorism or vilify Jews. Equally, Zionists and Israelis must be allowed to express support for Jewish self-determination without being cast as racists.

APR is a step away from inclusion. It is a step toward silencing, polarization, and legal confusion. Canada needs practical tools to combat hate. We should not adopt a concept that is being used to demonize one group under the guise of protecting another. The road to justice is not paved with redefinition and ideological rigidity, but with mutual respect, legal clarity, and an unwavering commitment to the rights and dignity of all. Let’s not abandon those principles with a definition that will further fuel polarization and hate in Canadian society.

Source: A definition of racism that targets Jews is racist

PSPP veut faire l’indépendance avec les immigrants

Of note:

Le premier ministre Jacques Parizeau a « à l’évidence » erré le soir du 30 octobre 1995 en « jetant le blâme » sur l’« argent et des votes ethniques » pour la défaite du camp du Oui au référendum sur l’indépendance du Québec, convient le chef du Parti québécois (PQ), Paul St-Pierre Plamondon. Et une troisième tentative d’accession à la souveraineté devra se faire avec la population immigrante, pas sans, a-t-il soutenu en entrevue éditoriale avec Le Devoir vendredi.

Invité dans nos bureaux à l’occasion du 30e anniversaire du scrutin référendaire de 1995, celui qu’on surnomme « PSPP » a avoué ressentir un malaise par rapport à l’expression employée par son prédécesseur après la victoire du Non avec 50,58 % des suffrages : « C’est vrai, c’est vrai qu’on a été battus, au fond par quoi ? Par l’argent, puis des votes ethniques, essentiellement », avait laissé tomber un Jacques Parizeau en colère.

Pour répondre à la question lui demandant si M. Parizeau avait eu un bon réflexe ce soir-là, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, aujourd’hui âgé de 48 ans, n’y est pas allé par quatre chemins. « À l’évidence, non », a-t-il lancé. « Blâmer, après le résultat, un groupe en démocratie, c’est très glissant. Parce que le processus démocratique, c’est essentiellement accepter que tout le monde va voter, puis qu’il y a un résultat, puis qu’on est lié par ce résultat-là. » Il a précisé ne pas avoir « de souvenir » de ce qu’il pensait des propos chocs de M. Parizeau à l’époque, du haut de ses 18 ans.

Il a également désavoué les propos tenus par l’ancien chef du Oui, lors du conseil national du PQ de janvier 1993, selon lesquels « les Québécois peuvent atteindre l’objectif qu’ils se sont fixé, même si c’est presque exclusivement des Québécois de souche qui votent pour ».

« Non, je ne… Jamais… Je veux dire, moi, je suis chef depuis cinq ans, je suis le dixième chef de cette formation-là », a-t-il indiqué, dans une démonstration d’indépendance. « Je ne serais pas d’accord avec Pierre-Marc Johnson et sa doctrine, à l’époque, à l’intérieur du Canada », a-t-il ajouté.

« Depuis cinq ans, nous, on fait campagne auprès de tous les Québécois, et on pense que c’est une combinaison de la contribution de toutes les régions, de tous les groupes d’âge, de tous les groupes de la société québécoise qui va mener à une victoire ultime du Oui », a-t-il poursuivi.

Une indépendance « pour tous »

Le chef du PQ s’est d’ailleurs défendu vendredi de se mettre les personnes immigrantes à dos par ses propos et propositions sur l’immigration et la laïcité. Il assure faire «campagne pour tout le monde».

« Le Parti québécois prône une baisse des seuils d’immigration fondée sur plusieurs études qui font le lien entre des seuils trop élevés et les phénomènes de crise du logement, de détérioration du français et de difficulté à livrer les services. C’est notre position, et on n’a rien dit d’autre », a fait valoir M. St-Pierre Plamondon, écorchant au passage des personnalités comme l’ex-maire de Québec Régis Labeaume et des députés de Québec solidaire.

Source: PSPP veut faire l’indépendance avec les immigrants

Prime Minister Jacques Parizeau “obviously” wandered on the evening of October 30, 1995 by “blaming” on “money and ethnic votes” for the defeat of the Yes camp in the referendum on Quebec’s independence, agrees the leader of the Parti québécois (PQ), Paul St-Pierre Plamondon. And a third attempt to access sovereignty will have to be made with the immigrant population, not without it, he said in an editorial interview with Le Devoir on Friday.

Invited to our offices on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the 1995 referendum vote, the one nicknamed “PSPP” confessed to feeling uncomfortable with the expression used by his predecessor after the victory of the No with 50.58% of the votes: “It’s true, it’s true that we were beaten, basically what? By money, then ethnic votes, essentially, “had dropped an angry Jacques Parizeau.

To answer the question asking him if Mr. Parizeau had had a good reflex that evening, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, now 48 years old, did not go there by four paths. “Obviously, no,” he said. “Blaming, after the result, a group in a democracy is very slippery. Because the democratic process is essentially accepting that everyone will vote, then that there is a result, then that we are bound by that result. He said he had “no memory” of what he thought of Mr. Parizeau’s shocking remarks at the time, from the height of his 18 years.

He also disowned the remarks made by the former leader of the Oui, during the national council of the PQ in January 1993, according to which “Quebecers can achieve the goal they have set themselves, even if it is almost exclusively native Quebecers who vote for it”.

“No, I don’t… Never… I mean, I’ve been a leader for five years, I’m the tenth leader of this formation,” he said, in a demonstration of independence. “I would not agree with Pierre-Marc Johnson and his doctrine at the time within Canada,” he added.

“For five years, we have been campaigning with all Quebecers, and we think that it is a combination of the contribution of all regions, all age groups, all groups of Quebec society that will lead to an ultimate victory of the Oui,” he continued.

Independence “for all”

The leader of the PQ also defended himself on Friday from turning immigrants against him with his remarks and proposals on immigration and secularism. He assures that he is doing “campaigning for everyone”.

“The Parti Québécois advocates a lowering of immigration thresholds based on several studies that link too high thresholds to the phenomena of housing crisis, deterioration of French and difficulty in delivering services. This is our position, and we have not said anything else, “said Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon, skinning personalities such as the former mayor of Quebec Régis Labeaume and the deputies of Québec solidaire.

To combat hate in Canada, South Asians will have to move past their own divisions

Good reminder that multiculturalism is not just about the white/non-white but within and among visible minority groups, and not just South Asians:

…It’s time that we as a diaspora have a hard conversation about how we can talk to people from different religions and backgrounds without seeing only our differences. By talking, we can break away from the ill-informed caricatures so many of us have created of one another in our heads. But for a community that prides itself on maintaining traditions, this conversation is the most difficult thing to start. Indeed, any mention of change in front of extended family instantly gets me dismissed as the “Westernized child” who’s strayed far from home.

South Asia is far from a monolith. We have dozens of different and beautiful subcultures ingrained into our land. But rather than share the best parts, we too often choose to focus on what we see as the worst. Coming to Canada gave us all a chance to start over; instead, too many of us are throwing that away to perpetuate generational wounds. That only benefits those who already hate us.

South Asian Canadians don’t have to forget our history. But we do have to work together to move past it so that it doesn’t define our life here – if not for us now, then for future generations.

Khushy Vashisht is a Toronto-based freelance journalist.

Source: To combat hate in Canada, South Asians will have to move past their own divisions

Le Conseil national des musulmans se dit en faveur de la laïcité de l’État, mais pas des versions de la CAQ et du PQ

Interest interview, worth reading in its entirety:

« Réussir l’interculturalisme »

« On est comme toutes les autres personnes de la société, on veut l’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes. Je suis un papa d’une jeune fille, je veux qu’elle ait exactement les mêmes opportunités et les droits que mes garçons. Ça doit être dit ! »

Aux yeux de Stephen Brown, la laïcité, « c’est l’idée que le gouvernement va sortir de la religion, qu’il va préconiser l’inclusion et la tolérance pour délimiter ou gérer les tensions interreligieuses à l’intérieur d’une société », fait-il valoir, se disant disposé à travailler avec les élus québécois dans le but de « réussir l’interculturalisme ».

« On parle souvent des musulmans au Québec, on parle plus rarement avec des musulmans au Québec. »

Source: Le Conseil national des musulmans se dit en faveur de la laïcité de l’État, mais pas des versions de la CAQ et du PQ

…” Succeed in interculturalism”

“We are like all other people in society, we want equality between men and women. I am a father of a young girl, I want her to have exactly the same opportunities and rights as my boys. It must be said! ”

In the eyes of Stephen Brown, secularism, “it is the idea that the government will leave religion, that it will advocate inclusion and tolerance to delimit or manage interreligious tensions within a society,” he argues, saying he is willing to work with Quebec elected officials in order to “successful interculturalism”.

“We often talk about Muslims in Quebec, we talk more rarely with Muslims in Quebec. ”

As the U.S. Unauthorized Population Expands, It Is Also Diversifying, New Fact Sheet Shows

Another informative MPI fact sheet. Would be nice to have an equally informative fact sheet or analysis for Canada rather than just a general number:

The unauthorized immigrant population has grown sharply, from 10.7 million in 2019 to 13.7 million as of mid-2023, MPI analysts find. Still, even as the unauthorized immigrant population has experienced the sharpest growth since the early 2000s, a full 80 percent have at least five years of U.S. residence—with 45 percent living 20 or more years in the United States. 

Unauthorized immigrants made up 26 percent of the overall immigrant population in the United States in mid-2023. 

The fact sheet, Changing Origins, Rising Numbers: Unauthorized Immigrants in the United States, draws from a unique methodology that MPI created with leading demographers at The Pennsylvania State University and Temple University that allows the assignment of legal status in data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS). Given that the Census Bureau does not ask survey respondents if they are in the country without authorization, the resulting dataset offers a rare ability to study characteristics of the unauthorized population. 

The fact sheet is accompanied by detailed data profiles of the unauthorized immigrant population at U.S., state and top county levels. The profiles include countries/regions of birth, ages, years of U.S. residence, top job sectors, workforce participation, educational enrollment and attainment, English proficiency, income, homeownership and access to health insurance, among other characteristics. 

Among the key findings, all as of mid-2023: 

  • A growing share of the unauthorized immigrant population—as many as 4 million people, or 29 percent of the total—held a liminal (also known as “twilight”) status granting temporary relief from deportation and work authorization, through Temporary Protected Status (TPS), humanitarian parole, a pending asylum application or Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). 
  • Nearly 4.2 million unauthorized immigrants were married to a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident (aka green-card holder). While marriage typically conveys the right to apply for legal permanent residence, most unauthorized immigrant spouses are unable to apply due to a 1996 immigration law. 
  • 6.3 million children under age 18 live with at least one unauthorized immigrant parent. All but 1 million of those children are U.S. citizens. 
  • 14 million U.S. citizens, green‑card holders or temporary visa holders share a household with an unauthorized immigrant.  
  • Mexicans accounted for 40 percent of all unauthorized immigrants—down significantly from their 62 percent share in 2010. 
  • 21 percent of all unauthorized immigrants lived in California; overall, half lived in California, Texas, Florida or New York. 

Source: As the U.S. Unauthorized Population Expands, It Is Also Diversifying, New Fact Sheet Shows

Black staff at Global Affairs allege systemic racism

More raising the profile of the case arguing systemic racism and discrimination through specific examples and complaints:

Current and former Global Affairs Canada employees who are Black say the department doesn’t take their complaints about racism seriously.

“I was representing Canada but Canada did not represent me,” said Madina Iltireh, who spent more than 20 years working on the administration of foreign aid programs.

She spoke Wednesday on Parliament Hill at a news conference held by the Coalition Against Workplace Discrimination. The coalition includes the Black Class Action Secretariat, which is mounting legal challenges claiming systemic racism and discrimination in the public service.

The group is appealing a broader case involving the entire public service. It estimates the Federal Court of Appeal will take a year to rule on the case.

On Wednesday, the coalition cited three Global Affairs Canada staff who say their complaints were rejected by internal panels before being upheld by the courts or outside commissions, without compensation….

Source: Black staff at Global Affairs allege systemic racism

From warning to reality: Canada’s escalating hate crisis demands action

Not sure how realistic or effective these proposals are and there does not appear to be much assessment of the effectiveness of similar already existing programs:

…5 ways to take concrete action

1. Online platforms must be held accountable.

The European Union’s Digital Services Act offers a useful model for regulating harmful online content, emphasizing transparency and responsibility. Canada should adopt similar measures, ensuring tech companies prioritize public safety over profit. 

At the University of Ottawa conference, speakers highlighted Canada’s proposed Online Harms Act (Bill C-63), underlining the need for balanced, carefully defined legislation that safeguards free expression while effectively combating online hate.

2. Police and prosecutors need better training.

At the Ottawa conference, Mariam Musse of the Office of the Federal Ombudsperson for Victims of Crime, along with policy and legal researcher Hannan Mohamud, explained that police often lack the necessary cultural sensitivity and trauma-informed approaches. 

Implementing mandatory anti-bias and human rights training can help build trust between law enforcement and communities. Positive examples in Toronto and Ottawa shed light, but need guaranteed, long-term funding.

3. Canada must focus its response on victims.

Strengthening the 10-year-old Canadian Victims Bill of Rights, increasing funding for culturally sensitive support services and improving access to compensation can empower victims and help communities heal. Collecting detailed demographic data is critical to understand the full impact of hate crimes and tailor effective solutions.

4. Community-led dialogue initiatives are essential.

Investing in grassroots organizations that regularly bring diverse groups together can build genuine relationships and reduce prejudice. This must begin in schools.

5. Addressing socio-economic inequalities is crucial.

At the Ottawa conference, Victoria Kuketz of the Public Policy Forum’s Democracy Project pointed out that financial pressures, housing crises and political opportunism fuel resentment and radicalization. Tackling these issues through inclusive social policies will reduce the appeal of hateful narratives.

Our shared responsibility

Effective activism requires a clear, hopeful vision, not just resistance to threats. Without a positive vision for society, efforts risk becoming reactionary rather than transformative.

Canada is long past the warning stage: hate and polarization are palpably threatening our democracy, social cohesion and public safety every day. The path forward is clear: collective, sustained and compassionate action through means and approaches that are proven to work.

So far, Canada’s response is inadequate, hesitant and late. 

Policymakers need to take action, including establishing a dedicated national body to address all hate-motivated crime, working with provincial authorities to support local programs across Canada and promoting community-wide actions tailored to specific needs. 

By embracing dialogue, strengthening communities and implementing systemic reforms, the rich diversity that defines Canada will be protected and a safer future will be secured for everyone. But it requires investing in the proven methods of countering hate and polarization and ending the blight with determination and urgency.

Frederick John Packer, Associate Professor of Law and former Director of the Human Rights Research and Education Centre (2014-2025), L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

Source: From warning to reality: Canada’s escalating hate crisis demands action

Fewer Canadian companies disclosing DEI records, study finds

Of interest:

Fewer Canadian public companies are trumpeting their records on diversity, equity and inclusion, though many are quietly pressing ahead with the initiatives despite the DEI backlash in the United States, a study by a national law firm has found.

U.S. President Donald Trump signed a number of executive orders aimed at stamping out the practice of promoting diversity in workplaces, saying hiring and promotion should be done solely on merit. These actions could be influencing Canadian companies to pull back on reporting data, Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt LLP said in its annual diversity disclosure report.

The shift halts a years-long trend of increasing reporting for metrics such as the percentages of women on boards of directors and executive teams, the report said. 

The report found the percentage of female directors among Toronto Stock Exchange-listed companies increased, rising above 30 per cent of board seats for the first time to 30.5 per cent. But the rate of increase fell to 0.7 percentage points from midyear 2024, the slowest in the 11 years Osler has conducted the study.

Despite reduced public disclosure, institutional investors still demand this information from companies in their portfolios, and many corporations see maintaining DEI programs as key to attracting top talent they will require as demographics change, said John Valley, chair of Osler’s corporate governance practice and co-author of the report.

Source: Fewer Canadian companies disclosing DEI records, study finds

After years of controversy, TDSB ends lottery system for specialty schools and programs, drawing praise, criticism

Of note. When I attended school in Toronto in the 60s and 70s, the then enriched program switched from English language testing to symbolic graphic testing, with the result that diversity of participants increased:

Toronto’s public school board is scrapping the controversial process that handed out spots in coveted specialty programs through a lottery, returning to one based on merit.

The move — made by the provincial supervisor now in charge of the Toronto District School Board — marks another major shift in how students gain entry to the city’s most sought-after schools and programs focused on the arts, athletics, math and science.

The lottery-based admissions had prioritized bringing under-represented racial groups into the programs, but caused an uproar among some families who said it failed to accomplish that while at the same time weakening program quality. Others, however, had argued the lottery was a fairer system. …

Source: After years of controversy, TDSB ends lottery system for specialty schools and programs, drawing praise, criticism

Cuts will impact women and racialized public servants disproportionately, new analysis says

Likely but excessive growth in public service had to be curbed. Uses a departmental frame rather than an age frame. Annual EE reports will indicate extent of change:

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s coming cuts to the federal public service are expected to disproportionately impact female, Indigenous, racialized and disabled workers, according to a new analysis.

The analysis, published by the left-leaning Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives on Oct. 20, estimated that 59 per cent of the employees whose jobs will be cut will be women, 5.5 per cent will be Indigenous people, 26 per cent will likely be racialized and 8.3 per cent will have a disability.

The analysis found that this outsized impact on these groups would largely be due to the fact that the departments and agencies facing the deepest reductions have some of the most diverse workforces in the federal government. And the organizations expected to see smaller cuts have less diverse employees.

“Depending on how the cuts play out, we can expect wider employment gaps, wider pay gaps and the erosion of access to critical employment benefits,” economists David Macdonald and Katherine Scott wrote in the analysis.

Early in July, Carney’s government announced a spending review asking most departments and agencies to cut 15 per cent of their operational budgets over three years.

The total job losses across the federal government from the spending review could amount to around 57,000 job losses, according to a previous analysis from the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.

As Carney has promised to boost spending on defence and beefing up with border with the United States, the Department of National Defence (DND), Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) and the RCMP will only see a cut of 2 per cent cut to their operational budgets over those three years. The analysis characterized these organizations as  “equity laggards.”x

Forty-three per cent of the civilian arm of DND are women and CBSA is staffed by around 47 per cent women.

In contrast, the workforce of Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC) is around 67 per cent women. Macdonald and Scott estimate around 3,915 women could lose their jobs at that department in the coming spending review.

Indigenous Services Canada (ISC), the Department of Justice and Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) are all around 70 per cent women, and could see estimated 918, 604 and 935 women lose their jobs respectively.

In the federal public sector, Scott said women often don’t have to settle for lower paying jobs and are “not questioned if they’re leaving the office at five o’clock to pick up the kids from childcare.”

“You see massive wage gaps in the private sector,” Scott said.

When it comes to Indigenous workers, Scott and Macdonald estimated that around 5.5 per cent of jobs lost will be those of Indigenous workers, outpacing their current share in the public service at 5.3 per cent.

ISC (with a 27 per cent Indigenous workforce), Crown-Indigenous Relations (18 per cent Indigenous) and Correctional Service Canada (11 per cent Indigenous) will lose the most Indigenous jobs, according to Macdonald and Scott. These organizations could see an estimated 359, 84 and 318 Indigenous workers losing their jobs respectively.

Racialized workers make up 31 per cent of ESDC’s workforce and 41 per cent of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, two departments expected to see high job loss as the spending review launches.

Source: Cuts will impact women and racialized public servants disproportionately, new analysis says