Quebec Muslims facing more abuse since charter proposal and other Charter-related articles

Not surprising, that Quebec Muslims are reporting more abuse following the proposed Charter. Playing identity politics invites that. It will be interesting to see if these anecdotes of increased abuse show up in the official Stats Canada Police-reported hate crime in Canada, 2011 (there is always a time lag), as police-reporting is a higher threshold and allows more consistency among groups.

Quebec Muslims facing more abuse since charter proposal, women’s groups say – The Globe and Mail.

Femmes voilées: «augmentation dramatique» des agressions

And signals from the Quebec government that no exceptions to the proposed Charter will be allowed, whether for Montreal, universities or the health sector:

Charte: Québec songe à abolir le droit de retrait

Some interesting commentary today, starting with Humera Jabir, a law student at McGill, noting her own history of considering the hijab as a political symbol as much as a demonstration of her faith, and in the end stopped wearing the hijab, given that her spiritual grounding was not strong enough:

Quebec is wrong to treat the hijab as a political tool

Michelle Gagnon of CBC notes some of the paradoxes of the proposed Charter with respect to Catholicism  (of which there are many). A good illustration of yet another government being driven by the politics of the anecdote, rather than sound evidence, and I pity the public servants that had to provide “fearless advice” as the government proceeded down this path. Would love to see the briefing notes!

Is Quebec more Catholic than it likes to think?

Jonathan Kay: ‘In all thy sons command’ has had its day | National Post

Good commentary by Jonathan Kay on the campaign (Restore Our Anthem) to make our national anthem gender neutral, given the reality of today’s military and society. The government clumsily floated this idea a few years ago, but perhaps this time can manage the pressure from the traditionalists (who forget that the “sons” reference dates from WW 1) was in fact an addition deemed appropriate to the times.

A way for the government to reinforce its attachment to all things military while showing a more contemporary perspective on gender.

Jonathan Kay: ‘In all thy sons command’ has had its day | National Post.

How Marois made a prophet out of Pierre Trudeau and other Charter articles

A round-up of Charter-related articles, starting with Paul Adams reminding us of the blind end of ethnic and identity politics:

…. progressives are reluctant to give Stephen Harper credit for much of anything. But one bit of data in a recent Ipsos Reid poll has startling implications: the Conservatives are in a comfortable first place among foreign-born Canadians.

I defy you to find another developed country where a conservative party — and one with a populist past to boot — can claim such an achievement.

Whether it was moral insight or political advantage that led Harper to turn his back on the Reform Party’s red streak of xenophobia doesn’t really matter. He made a choice that was immensely important to that young woman in the supermarket, whether we wish to acknowledge it or not.

Marois and Drainville have made a different choice. And they’ve made a prophet of Pierre Trudeau, the man who predicted Quebec’s political nationalism would lead inevitably to an ethnic dead end.

How Marois made a prophet out of Pierre Trudeau | iPolitics.

And good commentary from Emmett Macfarlane of University of Waterloo, noting that judges also have an ideology and biases, similar to the arguments I make in Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism with respect to public servants:

It is a myth Ms. L’Heureux-Dubé herself helped propagate when she was interviewed before the House of Commons standing committee on justice in 2004, which was examining reform to the Supreme Court appointments process. Asked about the role ideology might play in judging, L’Heureux-Dubé stated: “We talk about ideology, but very few of us [judges] have any. You may not perceive that, but we look at a case by first reading and knowing the facts and then reading the briefs, and then we make up our minds.”

A generous interpretation of these comments would not take them as literal – everyone has an ideology, it is what allows us to make sense of the world around us – but rather as a suggestion that judges can simply separate themselves from ideology and apply the law (as a thing somehow autonomous from politics) in an objective fashion. But would anyone seriously believe that if Ms. L’Heureux-Dubé were on the Court today she would refrain from upholding the Quebec Values Charter as constitutional?

It sometimes appears that judges would like to have their constitutional cake and eat it too. By supporting the notion that courts can reach the “correct” answer on where broad constitutional phrases like “freedom of expression” begin and end – often settling controversies about which reasonable people might reasonably disagree – by somehow detaching themselves from their political ideology, we are presented with a caricature of judges as infallible oracles.

 Secular Charter case shows Supreme Court judges can be ideological – and wrong

And some general updates on the debates and discussion in Quebec, starting with hospitals wanting a general exception:

Charte des valeurs: les hôpitaux veulent une exemption

Lysiane Gagnon noting how the proposed Charter has created a feminist rift between radical and liberal feminists:

In Quebec, a feminist rift over secularism

Gerry Weiner, former multiculturalism minister during the Mulroney government who negotiated the Japanese Canadian redress agreement and led the development of the Canadian Multiculturalism Act, is harshly critical of the proposed Charter:

“In the name of separation of church and state, the charter presents the government with a way to abandon the previous policy of tolerance and respect for minority communities that has been an integral part of Quebec for many decades.

“Instead the charter proposes a policy of uniformity, a policy of enforced assimilation, and a contempt for minority values—vilifying them as outsiders and not a part of the real Quebec,” he told his audience who during WW II were vilified and interned in war camps as being dangerous outsiders, where not a shred of intelligence justified such an action.

He noted that he is worried that this is a policy that will divide the province, “that it could strip away decades of building a caring society, of returning us to the Quebec of my youth filled with hate, discrimination, and indifference.  It had taken many decades to become what we are today, with a wonderful quality of life.”

Weiner says Quebec charter to break up Canada

How to immigrate to Canada if you’re a polygamist

While there is a policy rationale for the allowing people to “regularize” their marriage, and I can imagine the complex policy and legal discussions that led to this policy, I tend to be with Gillis on this.

… sharp eyes will notice a contradiction between these guidelines and longstanding immigration policy in Canada. Polygamy is considered a crime in Canada. Criminality is supposed to exclude you from eligibility for residency. As Kurland put it in an email to me this morning: “Who lets the CIC choose the sections of Canada’s Criminal Code to ignore?”

Evidently, the policy recognizes the legality of polygamy in some countries, such as Jordan, Iraq and Syria, allowing for people to adjust their living arrangements so they comply with Canadian law. Our flexibility is this regard is remarkable: children from marriages other than the applicant’s first, for instance, can come along as dependents to Canada, provided the other parent confirms they were not abducted.

Depending on your outlook, I guess this all makes us either sophisticated, cosmopolitan and nuanced—or credulous to a fault.

How to immigrate to Canada if you’re a polygamist – Canada, Charlie Gillis, News & Politics – Macleans.ca.

Le complot islamiste n’est pas une menace, dit Gérard Bouchard

A dose of reality from Gérard Bouchard:

Il n’y a pas à s’étonner, cependant, du malaise et de la peur qui accompagnent la présence de croyances religieuses. « La rencontre interculturelle interpelle toujours au fond de chacun ce qui s’y trouve de moins rationnel – ou de plus émotif -, à savoir : l’identité, les valeurs, les idéaux, les traditions […] », a-t-il dit.

Le complot islamiste n’est pas une menace, dit Gérard Bouchard | Le Devoir.

Book Update – September

September 2013

September 2013 Channel Market Share

Just a quick update on my book, particularly for those interested in self-publishing:

  • The paper edition is most popular, with private sales (e.g., the book launch) and Lulu being the most popular channels;
  • Not quite meeting my sales targets but I am selling;
  • I am starting to get requests to do presentations, which will be fun and stimulating, as well as providing additional marketing opportunities; and,
  • While initial media interest has died down, naturally enough, continue marketing with media, academics, think tanks and others.

One request for all readers to date. If you liked the book, or even if you did not, please consider leaving a comment or mini-review on the site that you purchased it from (for book launch purchasers, Lulu). Word of mouth and these mini-reviews make a difference, and your support is appreciated.

New generation of DMs top-notch managers, but lack policy development expertise: Mitchell | hilltimes.com

Interesting debate between David Mitchell, President of the Public Policy Forum, and Donald Savoie, of Université de Moncton, on the policy skills of the current crop of deputies, and whether the emphasis is on policy development or management skills.

I think context matters. While deputies generally have a rounded skill and competency set, there is less appetite for longer-term policy development under the current government than previous governments, as the Conservative government has its own strong policy agenda and the public service has focused more on short-term program policy in implementing that agenda.

It is the more open-ended and longer-term policy development that has been weakened, and my understanding is that policy capacity  in a number of departments has been cut back through successive rounds of expenditure reductions. Not to say there was not capacity to be trimmed, or that this does not reflect legitimate political and bureaucratic decisions. We need to start by acknowledging the changes and likely longer-term impact of the capacity of the public service.

Savoie’s comments strike me as ignoring the current context. Just as he has argued against parliamentary officers at a time when Parliament is not performing its job of scrutinizing government spending (Do we need a PBO?), he does not acknowledge the degree to which policy advice and direction comes more from the political level. In addition, he does not acknowledge the degree to which official-level advice has been discounted or ignored, or limited to program policy and implementation issues.

Given the paywall, full text below:

The newer generation of federal deputy ministers have top-notch management skills, but lack sufficient expertise in policy development which could prove to be detrimental for the current and future governments in dealing with unforeseen crises situations such as terrorism, climate change, or military conflicts, says David Mitchell, president of the Public Policy Forum, one of the country’s leading think tanks, but other experts disagree.

“The newer deputy ministers who are emerging or senior public servants who are emerging have very, very solid managerial skills and expertise, but probably less experience in terms of policy development because there hasn’t been such a great demand for it in recent years,” said Mr. Mitchell in an interview with The Hill Times, adding that that the outgoing deputy ministers have more policy development experience than the ones replacing them.

“Most of the work of the public service has been around service delivery, management [and] accountability because that’s been the order of the day, but there’s been less of a demand on the public service for policy development and policy skills and many of the senior public servants who are moving into retirement are taking those skills with them and the newer generation of leaders likely has not had as much experience with that. That could be a challenge in the future when a government may require policy options and policy development skills, especially if they are not there in abundance in the future.”

Mr. Mitchell, a political historian who also served as MLA in the British Columbia legislature from 1991-1996, said that the process of shifting of focus away from policy development to effective management, service delivery, and accountability in the federal public service has been in progress over the last generation and now most of the policy development takes place in thinks tanks, industry associations and universities. This, he said, has made the top bureaucrats unprepared to deal with crisis situations.

“An aging population, increasing responses to natural disasters, international dimensions to public policy in terms of terrorism, climate change, or military conflicts, or unanticipated areas that we really don’t know about. If the public service isn’t actively thinking through scenarios and coming up with potential policy options for future governments, we could be in a position where we could be less prepared as a country to deal with emerging realities that the Canadian public can’t easily anticipate now. But it used to be the job of the public service to be thinking about this and to be prepared to not only advise the government of the day, but also to present policy options in order to deal with unanticipated circumstances. Today, that capacity has atrophied within government,” said Mr. Mitchell who in the past served as vice-president of Queen’s University, the University of Ottawa, and Simon Fraser University.

Mr. Mitchell said that with the departure of outgoing deputy ministers, the federal public service not only is losing individuals with significant policy development experience but also the institutional memory.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper (Calgary Southwest, Alta.) shuffled the senior ranks of the public service in late July. In the shuffle, George Da Pont, who was then president of Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA), was appointed as the deputy minister of Health; Bruce Archibald, then president of the Federal Economic Development Agency for Southern Ontario was named president of the CFIA; Karen Ellis, former associate deputy minister of Natural Resources was named the president of Federal Economic Development Agency for Southern Ontario; Anita Biguzs, former associate deputy minister of Citizenship and Immigration was promoted to the position of deputy minister in the same department; Wilma Vreeswijk, former deputy secretary to the Cabinet (Business Transformation and Renewal) was named associate deputy minister of Citizenship and Immigration; Colleen Volk, former deputy secretary to the Cabinet (senior personnel), Privy Council Office, was named deputy secretary to Cabinet (senior personnel, Business Transformation and Renewal) Privy Council Office; and Helena Borges, former assistant deputy minister, programs group at Transport Canada was named associate deputy minister of Transport. At the time of the shuffle, Prime Minister Harper also announced the retirement plans of Glenda Yeates, former deputy minister of health, and Neil Yeates, former deputy minister of Citizenship and Immigration.

Meanwhile, Donald Savoie, who holds a Canada Research Chair in public administration and governance at the Universitè de Moncton, N.B., and is also a leading expert on the machinery of government, disagreed with Mr. Mitchell’s opinion that senior federal public servants have insufficient experience in policy development.

“I don’t necessarily agree with that. I think deputy ministers today have to have a number of skills. One is policy, second is political skills, not partisan, I want to make that important distinction. They have to have political antennas, not partisan antennas, a big difference. They have to have policy skills, they have to know how to work with other departments because policy now transcends departments and they do hopefully know how to manage and it’s a very difficult environment,” said Mr. Savoie, who is the author of numerous books and articles on public administration and public policy, in an interview with The Hill Times.

“There’s a series of skills that someone who makes into a deputy minister rank has had to prove in the past and policy skills happens to be one of them,” Mr. Savoie said. “The deputies who are recently appointed over the past several years, a lot of them come from central agencies: the bulk of deputies from the PCO, Finance, Treasury Board and so on. That’s not where you hone your management skills, that’s where you hone your policy and political skills.”

Mr. Savoie, who also has extensive experience in both government and academia, said that the process of policy development has changed over the years with more players offering their input but the senior civil servants are still the ones that are the decision makers in the formation of policies.

“There’s different forces that come into play, different contributions. But, ultimately, at the end of the day, people who present policy packages are those who are in government. Deputy minister is the final funnel before policies arrive on a minister’s desk, or the Prime Minister’s desk, or the Privy Council Clerk’s desk. Various forces shape it, but deputy minister is the guy or the gal who has the gate to the policy process. The policy process gate is still inside government. It hasn’t moved outside. Different people try to make it to the gate, but deputies still control that gate,” said Mr. Savoie.

Mr. Savoie said that the loss of institutional memory is not something new in the public service as it has been going on dating back to 1867. He, however, suggested that the government should come up with some arrangement by which the institutional memory could be preserved.

“You can’t [pull] the hand of a deputy minister to stay in government till the age of 75 to protect institutional memory. It is part of the process. Should there be a process to capture better institutional memory and to value it inside government, yes. There’s all kinds of things you could do: There’s a need for more case studies on policy management [and] development inside federal government. I don’t see many case studies that have been produced. They are relatively simple to produce. And exit interviews, inviting the [outgoing] deputy to a series of round tables, there’s a way to capture that institutional memory and I think government should work on it a bit more.”

Mike Joyce, former assistant secretary at the Treasury Board Secretariat who retired about five years ago, in an interview with The Hill Times, also disagreed with Mr. Mitchell that the new crop of top civil servants have insufficient policy development expertise.

“The previous criticism of deputy ministers has, of course, been the reverse that they’re good at policy and they are rotated so quickly that they are not very good at management. If you are looking at the current crop of senior appointments as being good at management, I would say that’s a good thing if that’s true, but I wouldn’t suggest that they are any weaker on policy,” said Mr. Joyce who is now an adjunct professor at Queen’s University School of Policy Studies.

New generation of DMs top-notch managers, but lack policy development expertise: Mitchell | hilltimes.com.

PQ asked to release public input on values charter

As always, governments are less transparent about public input than desired, maintaining the power of the summary or synthesis to shape the debate.

PQ asked to release public input on values charter – Need to know – Macleans.ca.

Consultation sur la Charte – Drainville dévoilera une synthèse des opinions

And a good opinion piece by Diane Lamoureux, of Université de Laval, arguing against the approach of the proposed Charter from both a rights and values perspective:

Le premier est celui de l’égalité des citoyennes et citoyens. Celle-ci est assurée, entre autres, par la neutralité religieuse de l’État, mais aussi par l’ouverture des emplois et des charges publics à toutes et à tous, sans distinction autre que le fait de posséder les qualifications professionnelles nécessaires à l’exercice d’un emploi. Faire porter uniquement aux personnes qui travaillent dans l’appareil d’État (défini de manière très extensive puisqu’il inclut les CPE privés subventionnés) le poids de la neutralité religieuse de l’État représente un fardeau indu pour l’ensemble des citoyennes et citoyens, pas seulement pour ceux et celles qui arborent des signes religieux visibles. Dans les sociétés contemporaines, l’égalité implique également l’inclusion et non l’isolement de certaines ou certains dans des ghettos religieux ou «communautaires».

Le deuxième est celui de la liberté. C’est un grand acquis des sociétés modernes que la façon dont les gens se vêtent ne soit pas fixée par la législation. N’oublions pas qu’il n’y a pas si longtemps, on interdisait aux femmes le pantalon. Certaines et certains peuvent être choqués par la façon dont d’autres s’habillent, mais il ne devrait pas relever de l’État de dicter la tenue vestimentaire à adopter. Seules quelques fonctions requièrent un uniforme et le port de celui-ci devrait se limiter au temps de travail. La liberté ne donne aucun droit à opprimer les minorités et le degré de liberté d’une société se mesure à la liberté dont jouissent ceux et celles qui diffèrent de l’opinion majoritaire.

Le troisième principe est celui de la solidarité. Nous ne sommes pas une communauté, nous sommes une société, traversée par une multiplicité d’intérêts et de sujets d’accord et de désaccord. Faire société implique des modes de civilité, un respect mutuel et une volonté d’inclusion. Dans un territoire où l’apport de l’immigration est si important, ce n’est pas tant le passé que nous partageons que l’avenir que nous pouvons construire ensemble. C’est en se côtoyant et non en s’excluant que nous pourrons déterminer ensemble cet avenir.

La Charte ou le triomphe de l’ersatz

And a reminder, from Norman Paradis, in Le Devoir, that all religions, have their fundamentalist streams, which tend to focus on family law, personal status, sexual and reproductive rights, with a disproportionate impact on women:

La montée des fondamentalismes, enjeu oublié du présent débat

When prodigal jihadis come home: Brender

Good piece by Natalie Brender on the issue of returning jihadis. Never easy, and touchy, but other countries have embraced finding such counter-narratives as one means to reduce potential future jihadis. I witnessed one of the UK initiatives in this area; while I cannot judge the results, the approach was interesting and appeared to engage youth at risk and have merit:

One means of creating “counter-narratives” about Islam and militant politics is by drawing on the credibility of those who once embraced those ideas and now renounce them. To this end, the brief [U.S.-based Council on Foreign Relations] urges, efforts at countering violent extremism should include “[e]ducating Muslim thought leaders in mosques and on university campuses through workshops and testimonies from former radicals about why Islamist hardliners threaten Muslim communities.”

Such efforts must originate within Muslim communities; they will not succeed if viewed as propaganda by Western governments. But Western governments can help by providing resources to enable Muslim-led counter-extremism activities to succeed. For that reason, Canada’s government, and Canadians, should keep an open mind to the possibility that some fighters returning to this country might now be ex-jihadists ready to support the anti-extremist cause.

When prodigal jihadis come home: Brender | Toronto Star.