Ottawa Pride parade dissolves after Palestinian demonstration blocks route

Apart from the somewhat oxymoronic name Queers for Palestine, given the lack of LGBTQ rights in Palestine and elsewhere Arab and Muslim countries, stil hard to understand how blocking route increases public support for their position.

They could have, after all, simply marched along with the others, with some signs identifying themselves their Palestinian identity:

Hundreds of Palestinian supporters blocked the Capital Pride Parade shortly after it began Sunday afternoon, demanding parade officials come down and meet their “demands.”

Protesters gathered on Wellington Street near O’Connor, dancing to music while holding up signs and Palestinian flags. Many signs said “no pride in genocide.”

A giant pink-and-black banner read “all of us or none of us” and “stone wall was an intifada.” They also chanted slogans like “free, free Palestine,” “long live the intifada” and “from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.”

“We will not leave until our elected officials and Capital Pride come down and meet our demands,” said Masha Davidovic, a member of Queers for Palestine-Ottawa group.

At about 2:30 p.m., the decision was made to cancel the remainder of the parade.

The confrontation comes after Capital Pride quietly took down its statement of solidarity with Palestinians this year, sparking criticism among some members of the community.

According to a pamphlet handed out at the protest Sunday, pro-Palestinian groups want Capital Pride to host a BDS (boycott, divestment, sanctions) townhall and support PACBI, or the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel. The BDS movement is a Palestinian-led movement that uses economic pressures to force corporations, banks and other entities to withdraw support from Israel.

Protesters also called on Mayor Mark Sutcliffe to “apologize for last year’s boycott (of the parade) and the call to defund Pride” and “commit to stand with (protesters) and all oppressed peoples, including Palestinians.”

Stefania Wheelhouse of TotoToo Theatre was marching in the parade with 30 other people before the event was cancelled.

She told the Ottawa Citizen that they walked for about a block and half before they were stopped.

Around an hour later, they received word from Capital Pride officials that the remainder of the parade was cancelled and they were told to pack up and leave.

“We are bummed, of course, but we had a blast for the block and a half that we walked, and everyone was so positive, so it was still a net win for us,” Wheelhouse said.

“We sang, we spread the word. It’s still been a bit sad to not get to finish the run, but it is what it is.”

Donna Blackburn, an Ottawa-Carleton District School Board trustee, was marching in the parade with the rest of the school board.

Blackburn was previously censured by her colleagues for disagreeing with the school board’s decision to withdraw from the parade last year after Capital Pride issued a pro-Palestinian statement. She was also told to take part in antisemitism training.

In an interview with the Ottawa Citizen on Sunday, Blackburn called the actions taken by the pro-Palestinian movement “backwards” and said protesters had “hijacked” the parade.

“I have publicly stood up for the Palestinian community in a very public way, took a lot of personal heat for doing it. I’m now a target of the Zionists. They’re coming after me. But this is not the way to get people onto your side,” she said.

“Blackmailing the mayor in the middle of the parade is completely, highly inappropriate. … There are ways to lobby. There are ways to advocate, and holding a parade like this hostage and blackmailing politicians in the middle of it is completely inappropriate.

“Hopefully the rest of the day we can just go about celebrating. The community organizations are down (on Bank Street) with their booths, and I’m sure the music will be good and all that stuff. It’s just unfortunate the parade was hijacked.”

Sutcliffe, who attended the parade along with other city councillors and city staff, said in a social media statement that he was proud to join the LGBTQ2S+ community at Pride but said it was “deeply regrettable” that protesters and activists chose to block the parade.

“My heart goes out to the many people in our city who were deprived of the opportunity to participate in this celebration of joy, resilience, and community,” the statement read.

“At a time when 2SLGBTQIA+ rights are under attack around the world, it’s critical to show our solidarity with the community and honour all those who have achieved hard-won progress on equal rights.

“Ottawa should always be a place of inclusion, where everyone feels welcome. Let’s continue to work together for a better city, for everyone.”

Source: Ottawa Pride parade dissolves after Palestinian demonstration blocks route

Immigration applicants for this Canadian program need to wait 52 months for a decision — now they also face skyrocketing refusals

Of note, another illustration of the challenges with respect to business immigration. Substantively, business immigration programs generate little return, with business immigrants paying the lowest amounts of income tax:

…But according to the Immigration Department, 17,919 SUV permanent residence applications are currently in the system, with an average processing time of 52 months. (For comparison, it takes 50 months for someone who has been granted asylum to bring family to Canada.)

That’s just not fast enough, Manasvi said.

“Canada needs entrepreneurs more than entrepreneurs need Canada,” said Manasvi, who previously worked at Nvidia and saw StackRaft become a platform used by more than 100 organizations and 50,000 software engineers before her exit from the venture in 2022. 

“If it takes a few years to approve a legit start-up founder in the backlog, you’re not going to attract the next Shopify. They will go to London or Dubai.”

Last year, Ottawa tweaked the program to limit intake and prioritize applicants with investment commitments from venture capital funds, angel investor groups and business incubators belonging to Canada’s Tech Network.

The federal government has also slashed the number of annual permanent resident spots for business immigration programs from 5,000 in 2024 to 2,000 this year, and 1,000 for 2026 and 2027.

In the first quarter of 2025, immigration data showed the two main SUV streams had a surge in refusal rates for permanent residence: to 73 per cent for those in business incubators, from 10 per cent in 2023 and 18 per cent in 2024; and to 85 per cent for those in angel investor networks, from 18 per cent and nine per cent, respectively.

SUV applicants are eligible for work permits that allow them to work on their projects in Canada while they wait for permanent residence. But the number of work-permit refusals has risen to 77 per cent from 55 per cent in the last year. Of all pending SUV permanent resident applications, only 3,345 have been approved work permits. 

“The government is trying to clean house,” said Toronto immigration lawyer Elizabeth Long. “Even though the program has many integrity issues, it is the only way that an entrepreneur these days can actually apply for permanent residence … We’re closing our doors to business.” 

The Immigration Department, which is currently reviewing and exploring business immigration programs, admitted that a growing backlog and wait times for SUV applicants is a challenge, but maintained officials are not refusing applications to “reduce inventory.”

The rules have not changed and the higher refusal rates are “simply an indication that fewer applicants are being found to meet the program requirements,” it said.

Launched in 2013, the SUV program replaced the Entrepreneur Program, which offered a three-year conditional residency for people with a minimum net worth of $300,000 and required that they open mall kiosks, corner stores, restaurants and other small businesses before they obtained permanent status.

The new program was designed to give Canada an edge on the global stage. However, wealthy foreigners looking to “buy” residency or experienced CEOs and small business owners have also used it for a shot at permanent residence. 

“Some of the people in the SUV program shouldn’t be there, but they’ve had no choice,” said Stephen Green of the Canadian Immigration Lawyers Association.

He said Ottawa needs to bring back investor and entrepreneur programs so the SUV program can attract real innovators as intended. The program is working, he added, but requires more robust compliance requirements on the gate keepers — the designated organizations responsible for issuing support letters. 

The SUV program has been increasingly sold by rogue agents as a pathway for permanent residence rather than a business opportunity for potential startups.

“You’re not supposed to be having a business so that you can immigrate,” said lawyer Zaynah Marani, whose practice focuses on business immigration. “It’s more like as a result of this business, I would be moving to Canada.”

To be eligible, an SUV applicant must receive a letter of support from organizations designated by Ottawa to vet business proposals based on their worthiness and readiness. These organizations are approved to invest in or support possible startups; some also charge applicants hefty fees for services such as mentorship, access to resources and networking opportunities.

“You’re sort of stuck having to take that route even if you don’t want to pay that,” Marani said.

The number of designated organizations has grown from 28 to 77 since 2013, which contributed to the program’s backlog. To cap intake, Ottawa last year decided each organization could only submit up to 10 SUV permanent residence applications annually.

Fast-tracking processing of applicants with committed capital will admit startups that have a stronger chance of success by bringing their applications to the “front of the line,” said the Immigration Department.

But critics say these changes risk putting real innovators at further disadvantage. 

Lawyer Zeynab Ziaie recently came across a startup visa broker, who helps applicants put together business ideas and get letters of support from SUV designated organizations. 

“I was like all your business is shuttered now,” Ziaie recalled. “He said, ‘No, the price has gone up.’ So what ended up happening is it prices out real applicants who have fantastic potential and it’s more in favour of people who have a higher net worth and can cover the costs that are associated with this.”

As part of a submission to the federal government in May, the Canadian Bar Association’s immigration law section recommended replacing the designated organization model with a ranking system that awards points to SUV applicants based on a startup’s alignment with high-demand sectors, existence of investment funds by credible Canadian sources, years of previous business experience, and demonstrated success in prior ventures.

It also calls for the reintroduction of investor programs that tie thresholds for investment and job creation with residency in order to channel capital into underdeveloped regions and infrastructure.

Former SUV applicant Manasvi, now a Canadian citizen, welcomes any initiative that could help nurture young entrepreneurs and support Canada’s startup ecosystem.

“Canada is a great country to build a business and be in,” said Manasvi, 40, who now advises and helps Canadian companies scale and expand in international markets. “We just have to be very clear on how we create and structure programs and not just why we do it.”

Source: Immigration applicants for this Canadian program need to wait 52 months for a decision — now they also face skyrocketing refusals

Brooks: The Rise of Right-Wing Nihilism

With the Trump administration arguably being the example, with its substantive weakening of public and private institutions, reversing long standing efforts to improve equality, and the consistent coarse nature of public discourse, enabled by normally more responsible Republicans, business and others:

…Other people, of course, don’t just cope; they rebel. That rebellion comes in two forms. The first is what I’ll call Christopher Rufo-style dismantling. Rufo is the right-wing activist who seeks to dismantle D.E.I. and other culturally progressive programs. I’m 23 years older than Rufo. When I was emerging from college, we conservatives thought we were conserving something — a group of cultural, intellectual and political traditions — from the postmodern assault.

But decades later, with the postmodern takeover fully institutionalized, people like Rufo don’t seem to think there’s anything to conserve. They are radical deconstructors. In a 2024 dialogue between Rufo and the polemicist Curtis Yarvin, published by the magazine IM-1776, Rufo acknowledged, “I am neither conservative by temperament nor by political ambition: I want to destroy the status quo rather than preserve it.” This is a key difference between old-style conservatism and Trumpism.

But there’s another, even more radical reaction to progressive cultural dominance: nihilism. You start with the premise that progressive ideas are false and then conclude that all ideas are false. In the dialogue, Yarvin played the role of nihilist. He ridiculed Rufo for accomplishing very little and for aiming at very little with his efforts to purge this university president or that one.

“You are just pruning the forest,” Yarvin said dismissively. He countered that everything must be destroyed: In general, Yarvin is a monarchist, but in this dialogue he played a pure nihilist. One version of nihilism holds that the structures of civilization must be destroyed, even if we don’t have anything to replace them with. He argued that all of America has been a sham, that democracy and everything that has come with it are based on lies.

The Rufo/Yarvin dialogue was sent to me by a friend named Skyler Adleta. Skyler had a rough childhood but has worked his way up to become an electrician and is now a project manager for a construction firm. He lives in southern Ohio, in a community that is mostly Trump-supporting. He himself generally supports the president. I know him because he is also a fantastic writer who contributes to Comment, the magazine my wife edits.

Skyler told me that in his community he is watching many people lose faith in the Rufo method and make the leap into pure nihilism, pure destruction. That is my experience, too. A few months ago, I had lunch with a young lady who said, “The difference is that in your generation you had something to believe in, but in ours we have nothing.” She didn’t say it bitterly, just as a straightforward acknowledgment of her worldview.

Faith in God has been on the decline for decades; so has social trust, faith in one another; so has faith in a dependable career path. A recent Gallup poll showed that faith in major American institutions is now near its lowest point in the 46 years Gallup has been measuring these things. But the core of nihilism is even more acidic; it is the loss of faith in the values your culture tells you to believe in.

As Skyler and I exchanged emails, I was reminded of an essay the great University of Virginia sociologist James Davison Hunter wrote last year for The Hedgehog Review. He, too, identified nihilism as the central feature of contemporary culture: “A nihilistic culture is defined by the drive to destroy, by the will to power. And that definition now describes the American nation.”

He pointed to our culture’s pervasive demonization and fearmongering, with leaders feeling no need to negotiate with the other side, just decimate it. Nihilists, he continued, often suffer from wounded attachments — to people, community, the truth. They can’t give up their own sense of marginalization and woundedness because it would mean giving up their very identity. The only way to feel halfway decent is to smash things or at least talk about smashing them. They long for chaos.

Apparently, the F.B.I. now has a new category of terrorist — the “nihilistic violent extremist.” This is the person who doesn’t commit violence to advance any cause, just to destroy. Last year, Derek Thompson wrote an article for The Atlantic about online conspiracists who didn’t spread conspiracy theories only to hurt their political opponents. They spread them in all directions just to foment chaos. Thompson spoke with an expert who cited a famous line from “The Dark Knight”: “Some men just want to watch the world burn.”

This may be where history is leading. Smothering progressivism produced a populist reaction that eventually descended into a nihilist surge. Nihilism is a cultural river that leads nowhere good. Russian writers like Turgenev and Dostoyevsky wrote about rising nihilism in the 19th century, a trend that eventually contributed to the turmoil of the Russian Revolution. The scholar Erich Heller wrote a book called “The Disinherited Mind” about the rise in nihilism that plagued Germany and Central Europe after World War I. We saw what that led to.

It’s hard to turn this trend around. It’s hard enough to get people to believe something, but it’s really hard to get people to believe in belief — to persuade a nihilist that some things are true, beautiful and good.

One spot of good news is the fact that more young people, and especially young men, are returning to church. I’ve been skeptical of this trend, but the evidence is building. Among Gen Z, more young men now go to church than young women. In Britain, according to one study, only 4 percent of 18- to 24-year-olds went to church in 2018, but by 2024 it was 16 percent. From the anecdotes I keep hearing, young people seem to be going to the most countercultural churches — traditionalist Catholic and Eastern Orthodox.

They don’t believe in what the establishment tells them to believe in. They live in a world in which many believe in nothing. But still, somewhere deep inside, that hunger is there. They want to have faith in something.

Source: The Rise of Right-Wing Nihilism

    Sharp rise in Americans applying for refugee status in Canada, data shows

    Header misleading. An increase yes of about 20 percent but still small numbers, only about .05 percent:

    More Americans applied for refugee status in Canada in the first half of 2025 than in all of 2024, and more than in any full year since 2019, according to data published on Thursday by Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Board.

    Their share of total refugee claims – 245 of about 55,000 – is small and Canada’s acceptance of U.S. refugee claims has historically been low. Asylum-seekers from other countries crossing the land border from the U.S. are sent back under a bilateral agreement with the reasoning that they should apply for asylum in the first “safe” country they arrived in.

    Last year 204 people filed refugee claims in Canada with the United States as their country of alleged persecution. Claims from the U.S. also rose during the first Trump administration.
    The data does not say why the claims were made. Eight lawyers told Reuters they are hearing from more trans Americans wanting to leave. Reuters spoke with a trans woman from Arizona who came to Canada in April to file a claim, and to a woman who came to file a claim on behalf of her young trans daughter…

    Source: Sharp rise in Americans applying for refugee status in Canada, data shows

    Two contrasting views on national service

    Starting with David McLaughlin advocating, followed by Paul Kershaw noting how youth are already providing “national service” through a variety of means:

    Building Citizenship Through National Service

    …So Canada has many models from which to choose. Mandatory service with a choice between military, civil defence and community services

    Canada has a modest form of national service now, actually, called the Canada Service Corps. But it is entirely voluntary and will benefit only 20,000 young people over three years. There are over five and a half million Canadians aged 16 to 29 today. A much bigger national service initiative is required.

    Prime Minister Mark Carney says Canada is at a hinge moment in its history. Our economic sovereignty is threatened by the United States. Our international security is threatened by war, conflict and rising global tensions. Our national unity is threatened by political polarization, disinformation and regional economic disparities. And our national cohesion is under threat by domestic tensions imported from external conflicts and past immigration and refugee intakes that did not sufficiently account for our capacity to successfully integrate newcomers to our country.

    National service will not automatically fix this. National service would help build a shared Canadian identity necessary for our continued unity and prosperity. It would help bridge regional and civic alienation. It would reinforce common Canadians experiences for diverse communities. It is the best riposte possible to the dubious claim by our previous prime minister that we are the first post-national state with “no core identity, no mainstream.” National service speaks directly to the inherent pressures faced by a multicultural, pluralist society like Canada.

    As Canadians, we are proud of the personal liberties guaranteed under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. But rights come with responsibilities. Just as parents and schools strive to instill personal responsibility with our children, national service obligations would emphasize this as they come of age.

    National service would mark an important down payment to creating a stronger Canadian democracy around stronger Canadian citizenship. After all, it is never too early to learn about the importance of giving back.

    Source: Building Citizenship Through National Service

    Gen Z doesn’t need a year of national service. They’re already drafted into decades of service for older Canadians

    …It therefore feels dissonant for older Canadians to endorse yet another form of mandatory service for the young when, in truth, we already conscript younger Canadians into decades of obligations that advantage their elders. Service doesn’t just happen when young adults don a uniform in health care, fire protection or a climate corps. It happens every day when they absorb inflated housing costs, heavier taxes and mounting environmental debts so their elders don’t have to.

    Older Canadians now owe it to younger generations to revisit whether our governments do enough to leave a proud legacy. That may mean adjusting housing policy so affordability becomes a bigger priority than asset protection. It should mean reforming Old Age Security so retirees with six-figure incomes lighten the load for their children’s generations. And it absolutely means taking responsibility for today’s pollution, rather than expecting our kids to pay more dearly for it later.

    I’m not dismissing the value of civic programs that help young people contribute to their country. But until we acknowledge that millennials and Gen Z already perform critical national service on behalf of the aging population, it is misguided to demand even more. Young Canadians don’t need to give another year of national service. They need recognition – and reciprocity from older generations.

    Dr. Paul Kershaw is a policy professor at UBC and founder of Generation Squeeze, Canada’s leading voice for generational fairness. You can follow Gen Squeeze on X, Facebook, Blueskyand Instagram, as well as subscribe to Paul’s Hard Truths podcast.

    Source: Gen Z doesn’t need a year of national service. They’re already drafted into decades of service for older Canadians

    Canada’s latest immigration data revealed: Here’s what happened after a year of seismic changes

    Good summary, will be issuing my quarterly update shortly:

    …These immigration statistics have been closely watched, with critics arguing the Liberal government’s high immigration intake has contributed to Canada’s runaway population growth and is straining the housing market and health-care system.

    In response, the government slashed the 2025 intakes of new permanent residents by 21 per cent to 395,000; new study permit holders by 10 per cent to 305,900; and new work permit holders by 16 per cent to 367,750.

    The public data had not been updated this summer, drawing criticism from the Conservative party over the lack of transparency.

    “How many illegal border crossings have we had? How many more asylum claims have piled on to an already backlogged wait-list? How many more permits have the Liberals handed out that continue to overwhelm our housing, health-care system and job market?” MP Michelle Rempel Garner, the Conservative party’s immigration critic, said in a statement earlier this month. 

    “Whatever the numbers are, Canadians have a right to know.”

    According to the Immigration Department, 36,417 new international students arrived in Canada from January to June, down from 125,034 in the first six months of 2024. The number of new work permit holders also dropped respectively to 119,234 from 245,137.

    “The number of new students and workers arriving to Canada is declining — a clear sign that the measures we’ve put in place are working,” it said. “This downward trend reflects our commitment to a well-managed and sustainable immigration system.”

    The number of asylum claimants, which has drawn attention since U.S. President Donald Trump was elected and made anti-immigration policies a key part of his agenda, also showed a downward trend. From January to June, 57,440 new claims were referred to the refugee board, down from 91,540 over the same period last year.

    However, the number of immigration applications in the system has kept growing since March from 1,976,700 permanent and temporary residence files in the queue — including 779,900 that surpassed service standards and are deemed backlogged — to 2,222,600 on July 31, with backlogged cases rising to 901,700. 

    As of July, there were 291,975 asylum claims pending a decision by the refugee board, up 25 per cent from 232,751 a year ago July.

    Source: Canada’s latest immigration data revealed: Here’s what happened after a year of seismic changes

    Falice Chin: Is Canada quietly becoming like the Arab Gulf States when it comes to relying on foreign labour? 

    Just asking the question highlights some of the issues:

    …Canada’s version is more humane. Our laws offer more protections, and the “low” wages are higher. Foreign workers also don’t make up the bulk of our labour force, but the direction of travel is uncomfortably familiar. The Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) has grown from a seasonal stopgap into a structural pillar for industries from agriculture to warehousing.

    And, like in Qatar or the UAE, it’s creating a permanent underclass of workers who are essential to our economy but never fully part of our society.

    By design or not, the program gradually reinforces Canadians to devalue the work itself—treating certain jobs, and the people who do them, as disposable.

    As Canada tweaks its immigration system, pressure is coming from multiple sides: labour advocates pushing for stronger protections, and a growing anti-immigrant sentiment accusing these workers of “stealing” domestic jobs.

    The temptation is to abolish the system entirely, a move that would affect some 140,000 foreign workers across Canada.

    But that would be disastrous for the economy….

    The harder part to fix

    Policy tweaks can improve conditions for both employers and employees, but they won’t touch the deeper problem.

    As long as we see certain work as “someone else’s job”—fit only for people from “somewhere else”—we will keep importing workers to do it.

    That mindset breeds disposability, the quiet assumption that people doing this work are interchangeable and less deserving of full belonging.

    “If you have served tables, you’ll be nice to your server later when you have a different job, right?” Connelly explained. “Or if you’ve had a job cleaning up a campground, you’re going to be very tidy next time you camp there as a customer, right? So, yeah, I think there’s value in all this work. I think there’s something to be said for all of us having this type of job.”

    On this point, the two experts agree.

    “Fundamentally as a society, when we’re doing our workforce development strategies—whether it be the provincial or federal—consider the fact that we do need individuals in the restaurants…We do need builders as well as engineers as well as IT,” Santini said.

    “I don’t know where this current government is going with AI and clean technology,” she continued. “But that element still requires the plumbers, still requires the electricians, still requires the machinists and the cleaners.”

    A little self-awareness is needed

    In 2022, I returned to Qatar a decade after my stint ended—not as a foreign worker, but as a soccer fan cheering for Canada’s men’s World Cup run.

    Scanning headlines and social media posts from afar, I couldn’t help but notice the self-righteous tone in how Canadians condemned the Qatari government for its treatment of foreign workers, particularly the predominantly South Asians who built the country’s shiny stadiums.i

    Officially, about 40 workers died, but other estimates range from the hundreds to as high as 6,500.

    It’s true that Canada’s workplace fatality rates are much lower, regardless of which stat you believe.

    But they’re not zero.

    There’s no public tally isolating work-related deaths among TFWs in Canada. Given that these workers are heavily concentrated in agriculture, it’s reasonable to assume that some are among the roughly 62 farm-related fatalities per year recorded nationally.

    And when I hear the callous way some Canadians talk about TFWs, it’s hard not to think of the attitudes I saw among some Qatari nationals.

    Connelly pinpointed the sentiment perfectly.

    “They would have this expectation that these workers should be grateful,” she said. “It wasn’t enough that they just work and be good workers and finish their work and then get a different job. They wanted them to be grateful for this opportunity.”

    There is a way forward that keeps the TFWP, treats workers with dignity, and meets employers’ needs. But the most urgent reform is in how we value the work itself, and the people who do it.

    Source: Falice Chin: Is Canada quietly becoming like the Arab Gulf States when it comes to relying on foreign labour?

    Thompson: Trump’s attempt to control the Smithsonian is an attempt to control the narrative of America

    Another sign of division, ignorance and decline…

    …Mr. Trump accused the nation’s museums of becoming too “woke,” presumably under the Obama and Biden administrations. But the “New Museology” tradition has a longer trajectory and was rarely led by political elites. Beginning in the 1960s, cultural institutions were pushed by social movements to confront whose histories they highlight and whose they erase. What followed was not a top-down, coordinated political agenda, but rather a slow, uneven shift in the professional practice of curators, as civil society demanded a rethinking of what is considered part of the canon and a reckoning with what it means for cultural institutions to truly represent the nation and its complicated, often violent history. 

    It is often said that history is written by the victors. In his 1995 book Silencing the Past, Michel-Rolph Trouillot argues that collective memory is not fixed; it is forged. National narratives are curated through a malleable process shaped as much by remembrance and reverence as erasure and forgetting. Over the past few decades, progressives have found ways to revise national stories to include those who were once marginalized and excluded. Conservatives now seek to do the same, but with the added force of the presidency, able to swiftly, decisively, unilaterally dismantle changes that were never truly hegemonic to begin with. 

    Yet national museums, libraries, archives, and performing arts centres remain the capillaries of state power. They are neither the beginning nor the end of the cultural sphere, which has long been animated most auspiciously by those on the margins. As Richard Iton wrote in his 2008 book, In Search of the Black Fantastic, when the excluded were locked out of legislatures, banks and bureaucracies, they instead infiltrated and redefined the realm of popular culture, creating vibrant counter-publics that operate alongside, against, and often in subterfuge of the formal political sphere. 

    There will always be efforts to control the narrative of the American nation – through curricula, history books, university campuses, museums, monuments, and even the names of mountains. Sometimes they will succeed, but never fully. When folks on the margins were written out of the official histories of the nation, we told our own stories in our own ways, and those stories survived to bear witness to a resurgence. Art lives in the realm of ideas, discourse, culture and identity: powerful, collective forces that cannot be eliminated by presidential decree. 

    Source: Trump’s attempt to control the Smithsonian is an attempt to control the narrative of America

    Gaucher: Here’s why Canada’s parents and grandparents reunification program is problematic

    Absent, of course, is any real discussion of the various trade-offs between different categories and classes, demographics and impact on the broader population. It’s not just about the needs of migrant families:

    …Our preliminary research on grandparent sponsorship explores how elected officials consider the place of migrant grandparents in Canadian society. We’ve so far found they regard permanent family class migration as “good for business” as it attracts economic migrants. At the same time, elected officials believe that certain dependants monopolize health and social safety nets. 

    Grandparents, in particular, are treated by governments as human liabilities who must be admitted “responsibly.” 

    Admitting grandparents to Canada is tied to their perceived ability to support their sponsors by performing unpaid domestic labour. Our research has found elected officials celebrate sponsored grandparents for the substantial unpaid care work they provide like meal preparation, child care and cleaning. 

    In a recent survey on grandparent sponsorship, sponsors describe the unpaid work conducted by grandparents as essential to their participation in the Canadian workforce.

    Migrant grandparents are also positioned as providers of cultural care for their grandchildren. Our research draws attention to elected officials often invoking memories of their own migrant grandparents passing along languages, practices and values that shaped their unique cultural identities. 

    Despite the benefits migrant grandparents provide, sponsored grandparents are consistently suspected of taking advantage of Canada’s health care and social welfare systems. This is why the super visa is promoted as an alternative pathway. 

    Dependent on sponsors

    Grandparents who come to Canada through the super visa are financially reliant on their sponsors. Even though the government recognizes that the number of sponsored grandparents applying for old age security is relatively small, treating migrant grandparents as economic burdens allows governments to justify caps and application pauses on PGP sponsorship.

    Contrary to governments’ framing of the super visa as aligning with migrants’ families demands for temporary care, our research shows that grandparents often resort to humanitarian and compassionate applications to obtain permanent residence once their super visa has expired. In these cases, their ability to perform care work is further scrutinized.

    In terms of grandparent sponsorship, care is largely understood as temporary and one-directional — in other words, migrant grandparents are welcomed when they provide care, but are seen as liabilities when they need care themselves. 

    Prioritizing the needs of migrant families

    How do we reconcile government claims that family reunification is a “fundamental pillar of Canadian society” with the reality that permanent grandparent reunification remains difficult to obtain?

    Intake announcements like the most recent one in July allow governments to celebrate permanent grandparent migration. At the same time, the inconsistency of the PGP and solutions like the super visa keep migrant grandparents in a state of legal, political and economic precarity.

    With the Liberal government announcing cuts to family class admissions over the next three years, the impact of these changes on grandparent reunification warrants attention. 

    Rather than temporary reforms and routes, the government needs to consider structural changes to Canada’s family class pathway that focus on the needs and interests of families seeking permanent reunification.

    Source: Here’s why Canada’s parents and grandparents reunification program is problematic

    Bill C-3 could open the citizenship doors to people with little connection to Canada

    My latest:

    When the Mark Carney government tabled Bill C-3 in June, the purpose of the proposed legislation was to reduce citizenship barriers for any foreign-born children of Canadians who were themselves born abroad, including both second and subsequent generations.  

    This would address controversy that surrounded the previous first-generation citizenship cutoff, which resulted in cases where Canadian parents born abroad could not pass on their citizenship to children also born outside of the country.  

    However, the biggest effect of these Citizenship Act amendments could be to complicate Canada’s citizenship administration and open the door to applicants who have minimal connection with Canada.  

    Bill C-3 is largely identical to the previous government’s C-71, which died on the order paper early this year when Parliament prorogued, followed by a new Liberal Party leader and the general election. 

    This citizenship reform was sparked after the Ontario Superior Court of Justice, in 2023, ruled as unconstitutional a 2009 law passed by the Stephen Harper government that ended the right of Canadians born abroad to pass down citizenship to any children born outside of Canada. 

    After a year of inaction while Ottawa’s political landscape evolved, this past spring the Ontario Superior Court of Justice gave the federal government a deadline of Nov. 20 to pass and implement the new legislation. 

    In addressing issues that led the 2009 law being declared unconstitutional, Bill C-3 significantly expands the definition — and the number — of Lost Canadians by not requiring a time limit under which parents born abroad can meet the cumulative physical-presence requirement of 1,095 days (three years).  

    If applicants did not have a five-year limit within which to amass three years of accumulated residency (as is the requirement for permanent residents), the new criteria would end up recognizing many as Canadian citizens whose links to Canada are tenuous. 

    Speaking last December to a Senate committee that was studying Bill C-71, then-immigration and citizenship minister Marc Miler said the time limit was being eliminated due to a concern that “we would create another series of Lost Canadians.” A senior official from Miller’s department told the committee that eliminating the time requirement was intended to make it easier for qualified recipients to claim citizenship, including those who “come to Canada to study every summer or visit their grandparents so they have built up that connection to Canada over many years and not in a short time frame.” 

    Testimony at the Senate committee also revealed that the government was basing the policy change on the relatively low numbers of previous cohorts of Lost Canadians, some 20,000 since 2009, most recently at a rate of about 35 to 40 per year. Miller stated, “It’s sure to go up, but I don’t think there are these wild scenarios where we’ll have hundreds and thousands of people.”  

    This casual assertion, however, contrasts greatly with perceptions held abroad, where headlines proclaimed that the new law would open the door to allow thousands of people to claim Canadian citizenship.  

    Given that the department of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada has not provided estimated numbers and impacts beyond broad statements, how many members of the second generation born abroad could avail themselves of Canadian citizenship? 

    The potential number of people affected is substantial. 

    Of the estimated four million Canadian citizens living outside Canada, about half were born abroad. As of 2017, two-thirds of them lived in the U.S. Another 15 per cent were in the U.K., Australia, France, and Italy. Unsurprisingly the portion living in all other countries has been rising, from 14 per cent in 1990 to 20 per cent in 2017.  

    In the context of Bill C-3, this trend is noteworthy. Securing Canadian citizenship may not be a top priority for second- and subsequent-generation expatriates in the U.S., EU, and other politically stable places. But it would be much more of an urgent concern for those in less stable countries.  

    Further complicating the issues surrounding Bill C-3, expatriate Canadians are older than those living in Canada – 45.3 years old compared to 41.7. Citizens by descent (i.e. someone born outside Canada to a Canadian citizen) are younger still, at an average age of 31.7. Given their younger ages, citizens by descent are more likely to have children, who will then be able to obtain Canadian citizenship if their parents have met the residency requirement. 

    Without an established timeframe, it will be more challenging for applicants to provide citizenship officials with proof of residency, just as it will be challenging for the government to verify residency and predict citizenship acquisition year over year. For example, a person who has studied in Canada continuously for five years would have an easier time providing proof of residency than someone who has visited or worked in Canada at various times for different reasons.  

    In terms of protecting Canada’s sovereignty, the porous timeframe could also provide opportunities for long-term foreign interference by countries like China and India in recruiting and exploiting their own expats who have acquired Canadian citizenship. There is currently no security or criminality vetting for Canadians by descent and presumably the same would apply to the second generation born abroad as well. 

    Same rights, divergent pathways 

    Under current law my own grandson, who was born in Europe, cannot pass down Canadian citizenship to any of his future children. Under Bill C-3 he would gain that right, but only after first spending 1,095 cumulative days in Canada. For people like him, one strategy for achieving that would be to attend a Canadian university or college and accumulate most or all of the 1,095 days while getting a degree. 

    However, for a Canadian born abroad who, say, maintains a cottage in Canada and spends eight weeks a year there each summer, it would take nearly 20 years to acquire the right to give their descendants Canadian citizenship. 

    The road is even longer for second-generation Canadians who spend most of their life abroad. Even if they make occasional trips to Canada, they would not likely accumulate the 1,095-day requirement unless they return permanently, say, in retirement. 

    Descendants who are temporary residents (perhaps through a job transfer, or as spouses of skilled workers or students) would likely achieve the necessary physical-presence threshold, but temporary foreign workers on seasonal or short-term contracts would probably never meet the requirement. 

    Estimates of expected numbers needed  

    Citizenship officials say that the number of Lost Canadians who want to be found is much smaller, about 20,000 to date, than the “between one and two million” as claimed by some advocates. (Likewise, the low number of expatriates who register and vote at election time is another indicator that the number of Lost Canadians is lower than many suggest.) 

    However, Bill C-3’s potential impact could be disproportionately large, significantly affecting government workload and bloating the current processing time of five months or longer for citizenship proofs. Officials from Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada need to determine estimates for the number of new citizens expected under the new law and the resources required to handle the increased workload. 

    Arguably, Bill C-3 would move Canada closer to being a hybrid jus sanguinis/jus soli regime, making it possible for families to maintain intergenerational Canadian citizenship through different scenarios. This currently is not possible. 

    In the broader sense, however, citizenship policy is about striking the balance between facilitation (making it easier to become citizens and fully participate in the political life of Canada) and meaningfulness (ensuring that becoming Canadian is a significant step in the integration journey for both applicants and Canadian society as a whole).  

    In my view, the accumulated-physical-presence requirement should be time-limited to five years, just as it is for new Canadians.  As former prime minister Justin Trudeau stated, “A Canadian is a Canadian is a Canadian.” By implementing two time requirements — five years vs. no time limit — the bill would create two categories of Canadians. 

    Canadian citizenship is a precious gift. At the committee stage, members of Parliament must be able to fulsomely examine the implications, both good and bad, of an open-ended residency requirement and seriously consider the option of establishing a specific timeframe of five years within which to accumulate the required 1,095 days to qualify for Canadian citizenship.

    Source: Bill C-3 could open the citizenship doors to people with little connection to Canada