France Announces Tough New Measures on Immigration

One of the better summaries:

President Emmanuel Macron of France tried to seize control of the issue of immigration on Wednesday, as his government announced steps to make the country less attractive to migrants while cracking open the door to skilled foreign workers.

The combined moves were a bid by Mr. Macron to wrest the issue from his main political challengers, the far-right National Rally of Marine Le Pen, which for years has skillfully used immigration in its political ascent.

With critical municipal elections just months away, Mr. Macron has shifted right and begun talking tough on immigration, especially on the perceived abuses of France’s generous social welfare system, hoping to keep Ms. Le Pen’s party, formerly known as the National Front, at bay.

Among Mr. Macron’s new get-tough measures is a provision that asylum seekers would have to wait three months before qualifying for non-urgent health care.

Quebec backtracks on changes to immigration program aimed at students

Good relatively quick correction:

The Quebec government has backtracked on proposed changes to an immigration program aimed at fast-tracking residency for post-secondary students that would’ve seen many of the current participants sent home.

After teary pleas at the legislature from some of those people a day earlier and calls from opposition parties for the Legault government to revisit its decision, Immigration Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette announced Wednesday he would allow students already enrolled in the program to complete it under the old rules.

Jolin-Barrette, who didn’t meet with the students, said their testimonials at a news conference inside the legislature led him to change his mind.

“I think I’m really sensitive to that because I heard them yesterday and this morning …. I made some changes about the reforms to answer their questions and their preoccupations,” Jolin-Barrette told reporters.

While those currently in the program will be spared, the new restrictive rules will go ahead as expected for future participants as the province attempts to address labour shortages by targeting specific fields where workers are needed.

The about-face comes a day after both Jolin-Barrette and Premier Francois Legault appeared inflexible.

Interim Liberal leader Pierre Arcand said his party tried on eight occasions to have Jolin-Barrette meet with the students.

“The minister hid. He did everything to avoid any type of meeting,” Arcand said. “I do not call this being sensitive.”

Legault said he was shaken by what he heard from the students. “I didn’t like my day,” Legault told reporters Wednesday morning. “When I spoke to my wife last night, she saw very well I had not liked my day. She understood it wasn’t my best day.”

Hundreds of foreign students admitted to the province under the Quebec experience program could have found themselves forced to leave after the province last week tightened the rules for the program.

In place since 2010, the popular program allows foreign students with a qualifying diploma or people with work experience in Quebec to receive an expedited selection certificate, fast-tracking residency and making it possible to stay in the province.

Whereas all programs were admissible in the past, the new rules would only include seven doctoral programs, 24 masters programs, 54 bachelors programs and 59 junior college diploma programs. The list of eligible programs and degrees will be reviewed yearly by the government according to the province’s needs.

“The reform is there because it is necessary to select immigrants based on Quebec’s labour market,” Jolin-Barrette said.

That means a student admitted to a bachelors’ program in demand could discover, two years later, without completing the program, that it’s no longer admissible.

“Indeed, it may be necessary to look at the date of entry so as not to penalize people,” Legault said, without explaining further.

In 2018, there were 11,000 people admitted under the program.

Source: Quebec backtracks on changes to immigration program aimed at students

New Zealand’s migrant boom is good news for Māori. It empowers us

In many ways, the Maori have played a similar role to French Canada forcing recognition that there is not one monolithic identity and the need for compromise, however imperfect, between different groups.

While in general there does not appear to be much tension in Canada between Indigenous peoples and newcomers, there is a need for greater understanding among newcomers (and indeed among all Canadians) regarding Indigenous peoples and the issues.

I would expect, should the newly re-elected Liberal government get around to it, the replacement to the citizenship guide, Discover Canada, will be far richer in its account of Indigenous peoples:

In April 2003, the year New Zealand’s population hit 4 million, statisticians were predicting the country would hit at 4.8 million people in 2046. As in Europe and North America the country’s birth rate was falling, and no one quite knew whether mass immigration would – or even could – continue at pace. Instead, the pressing concern at the time was how to reverse the brain drain.

In the mid-2000s almost 40,000 New Zealanders were upping sticks each year. Miners and truck drivers were packing their bags for Queensland’s mining boom. Bankers and lawyers were taking up plum jobs in London. Teachers, nurses, and other public servants were comparing what they made in Wellington with what they might make in Washington or Ottawa.

And in that very brief moment it felt as if New Zealandwas topping out. In 2008, the aspiring prime minister John Key took a camera crew to the capital city’s 35,000-seat stadium to illustrate just how big mass emigration was. The implication? We were, to repurpose a dangerous phrase, sending our best – to the US and beyond.

But the consensus among the commentariat was that Key’s stadium stunt was just that – a stunt – and even if he and his party came to power there was precious little they could do to reverse what was the natural order of things: a stronger Australian economy, its gravitational pull drawing in more and more New Zealanders.

Of course the commentators were right. The Australian economy remains stronger on most measures, and mass emigration was still a problem in the Key government’s early years. But one thing no one was anticipating was just how quickly the government would compensate for the brain drain with mass immigration.

In 2017, the Key government’s final year in power, net migration (the difference between those coming in or immigrating, including returning New Zealanders, and those going out or emigrating) was at a record 72,300. In 2015, net migration was at 58,000 and in 2013 it was a little shy of 50,000.

These are small numbers for countries such as Australia or the UK, sure, but for this country it was momentous. In the 20 years to 2014, average net migration to New Zealand was only 13,300.

And this year the country will reach another population landmark: 5 million people. It took more than 20 years to grow from 2 million to 3 million. It took 30 years for it to grow from 3 to 4 million. It took only 16 years to reach 5 million. And we are, because of that growth, a country transformed.

Population growth and the capital that comes with it aretransforming the Auckland skyline. Tradespeople from Asia, the Philippines especially, are in good part responsible for rebuilding Christchurch after the devastating earthquake in 2011. Tourism and dairy, New Zealand’s leading export industries, are thriving off the back of migrant labour.

You can spot the transformation in schools, workplaces and universities, and the streets as well. Māori make up 16.5% of the population, up from 15% in 2013. We’re present in every part of the country’s private and public life, and in a way that was unthinkable half a century ago.

Māori make up 23% of MPs – a disproportionate share – and Māori lead or co-lead every sitting parliamentary party, bar Jacinda Ardern’s Labour. It’s fashionable to imagine New Zealand as a 1950s Britain – the temperate climate, a buttoned-down national character, and the things that were best about Britain like a cradle-to-grave welfare system – but in reality this is a Māori country.

For a very brief moment in the 80s that fact was at the heart of New Zealand’s constitution. The government understood the country as “bicultural”. Two peoples were in partnership, Māori and the European settlers who came after, and we’d run the show as equals. Sure, there was a gap – sometimes even a chasm – between promise and practice, but the aspiration was there.

The problem, though, is mass immigration from the 90s onwards quickly made biculturalism unworkable. In 2019, Asian peoples make up 15% of the population and Pacific peoples another 8%. In this new country only one kind of culturalism works: multi.

For people who oppose Māori reasserting their claim on political powerthis is great news. Māori are just one minority among many, the opponents insist, claiming they’re not even indigenous. But for the small number of Māori who tie their political claims to their demographic power it’s quite terrible. On current trends Asian peoples will overtake Māori as the second-largest ethnic group in New Zealand. This is an “ethnic-cultural tension point”, as the country’s leading demographer put it, confirming that in every settler colony, population politics is toxic.

Except when it isn’t. The truth is immigration isn’t diminishing Māori claims on political power. It’s strengthening those claims, pushing each one forward. At Ihumātaohundreds of land protectors are occupying the historic site and reclaiming it for the local tribes. Among the occupiers are groups such as “Asians for Tino Rangatiratanga” meaning Asians for Māori political power. Visitors to the land and supporters of the occupation include west African Islamic scholars, Cook Islands royalty, and indigenous Taiwanese people.

This is what sets New Zealand apart – and maybe above – other countries in the Anglosphere. Māori rights aren’t contingent on their status as a (growing) minority. Population power doesn’t secure our rights. The Treaty of Waitangi does. The country’s founding document reaffirms Māori political power (in the treaty’s own words it reaffirms our “tino rangatiratanga”). And equally so the treaty protects migrants, guaranteeing that New Zealand is their place to stand as well. The only thing the treaty expects of them is to recognise and respect Māori political power. The bargain is that simple and, if Ihumātao is any guide, it’s one that migrants are more than willing to make. This is the reason I’m so happy about New Zealand at 5 million.

Source: New Zealand’s migrant boom is good news for Māori. It empowers us

France to Fix Annual Limits for Professional Immigration

Seems a bit too government driven to succeed and respond to market needs in a timely fashion, in contrast to greater role for employers in Canada and Australia (and provinces in the case of Canada):

France plans to set annual quotas for professional immigration, fixing limits for job areas where the country lacks workers with the necessary expertise, Labor Minister Muriel Penicaud said in an interview on BFM TV.

The system will be “a new approach, a little like the approach that Canada and Australia use, it’s quite similar,” Penicaud said. The goal is to better match professional migrants and unmet staffing needs than under the current system, according to the minister.

The government will start talks with social partners and regions in coming weeks to determine the requirements, the minister said. France will draw up a list of job areas where it lacks sufficiently trained workers, and will offer work visas for a defined period and job. The new system should be in place by summer of next year, Penicaud said.

The number of professional migrants to France currently stands at 33,000 a year, and Penicaud doesn’t expect “great changes” to that number because of the new rules. “France will recruit according to its needs,” Penicaud said.

Penicaud mentioned roofers and geometricians as examples of where France lacks trained staff. The government’s priority remains to train 900,000 job seekers next year as well as young people to fulfill all available jobs, she said.

The minister said the decline in French unemployment is encouraging, and should economic conditions not change “too much,” it’s reasonable to expect the drop to continue through to the end of the year.

« Parce qu’on est en 2019 » : où en est-on avec la parité en politique?

A history of gender parity in cabinet making and how it has been portrayed:

Le 20 novembre, le premier ministre Justin Trudeau va nommer son nouveau cabinet, qu’il promet paritaire, comme le premier qu’il a formé en 2015.

Les femmes sont minoritaires tant à la Chambre des Communes que dans toutes les chambres législatives des provinces et territoires. Pour y pallier, la nomination de conseils des ministres paritaires, c’est-à-dire composés d’autant d’hommes que de femmes, s’est répandue. Bien qu’elle ne soit pas un phénomène nouveau au Canada, cette parité n’est toujours pas la norme.

C’est Jean Charest, alors premier ministre du Québec, qui a lancé le bal en 2007, en nommant le premier conseil des ministres paritaires du pays. Rachel Notley (Alberta, 2015), John Horgan (Colombie-Britannique, 2017) et François Legault (Québec, 2018)ont également répété l’exercice.

Sur la scène fédérale, la nomination du premier conseil des ministres composé d’un nombre égal de femmes et d’hommespar Justin Trudeau en 2015 avait fait grand bruit. La phrase « Parce qu’on est en 2015 » donnée en réponse à des journalistes qui voulaient connaitre les raisons derrière cette décision a d’ailleurs été reprise un peu partout à travers le monde.

Nous avons cherché à mieux comprendre les différents arguments déployés dans les médias à l’annonce de cabinets comptant un nombre égal d’hommes et de femmes. La couverture médiatique est généralement favorable à ces annonces, mais elle donne également à voir un certain nombre de réticences à l’égard des mesures visant à soutenir un meilleur accès des femmes au sein de la sphère politique.

Un portrait généralement positif

Les articles et chroniques qui abordent la composition paritaire des conseils des ministres mettent de l’avant le côté historique de l’annonce ou la présentent comme le reflet d’une société et d’une époque où l’inclusion et l’égalité sont des valeurs importantes.

L’espoir de voir une nouvelle norme s’instaurer à la suite de l’annonce du cabinet Charest, en 2007, est également très présent : « La parité entre hommes et femmes est un exploit, une première en Amérique du Nord, qui mettra de la pression sur les autres gouvernements du Canada, le fédéral en particulier », écrit le chroniqueur Michel Vastel le 19 avril 2007.

Que ce soit dans le cadre d’articles, de chroniques ou de lettres d’opinion, différentes stratégies de persuasion visent à présenter la parité et ses mesures d’implantation comme bénéfiques pour la société : recours à des statistiques sur le nombre d’élues, exemples des stratégies mises en place sur la scène mondiale, ou évocation des impacts d’un plus grand nombre de femmes sur les prises de décision. La chercheure Véronique Pronovost, de la Chaire Raoul-Dandurand, de l’UQAM, écrivait ceci dans une lettre ouverte publiée dans Le Journal de Montréal, en 2015: « les études portant sur les conséquences de la parité au sein des organisations le confirment: que ce soit au sein des entreprises ou des instances décisionnelles, la parité engendre de nombreux bienfaits ».

L’appui ne se fait toutefois pas toujours sans réserve et les revendications pour des mesures plus durables, comme des lois ou un plus grand effort des partis à nommer une parité de candidatures aux élections sont également exprimées, principalement dans les journaux francophones.

Des avis contraires

L’engouement, bien qu’il soit majoritaire dans les journaux, n’est pas généralisé.

La compétence des femmes nommées dans le cabinet Charest avait été soulignée. Mais des craintes sur ces mêmes compétences ont été exprimées dans le cas de Justin Trudeau. Pour certains, c’est le premier ministre lui-même qui est à l’origine de cette controverse, comme on peut le lire dans cette chronique écrite par Mark Sutcliffe, dans The National Post : Justin Trudeau a mis l’accent sur ce choix prédéterminé en fonction de la parité au lieu de présenter son cabinet comme le résultat naturel de son abondant choix de gens talentueux. « Cela aurait fait plus pour les femmes occupant des postes de direction que de cocher une case de sa liste de promesses. »

L’idée selon laquelle parité et compétence ne vont pas de pair figure d’ailleurs au premier plan des contre-arguments évoqués, tous cabinets confondus. Des journalistes vont même jusqu’à dénoncer l’injustice vécue par les hommes qui, plus nombreux à être députés, ont ainsi moins de chances que les femmes de se voir confier un ministère. Comme l’écrit la chroniqueuse Lysiane Gagnon dans The Globe and Mail, « le caucus libéral compte 134 hommes et 50 femmes, ce qui signifie qu’au début, chaque députée avait environ trois chances de plus que ses collègues masculins d’être nommée au Cabinet. L’équité entre les sexes ne devrait-elle pas s’appliquer également aux hommes ? »

Une question de volonté politique ?

Le choix de nommer un nombre égal d’hommes et de femmes est également dépeint comme un signe de volonté politique, une façon de démontrer l’importance que le premier ministre accorde à l’égalité. En l’absence de règles ou de lois qui forcent les partis politiques à agir, il est vrai que les personnes qui en sont à la tête jouent un rôle important dans l’augmentation de la proportion de femmes ministres.

Au Québec, il a fallu attendre 10 ans avant de voir un nouveau premier ministre, François Legault, désigner un conseil des ministres paritaire (comme Jean Charest l’avait fait en 2007 et en 2008). Justin Trudeau a quant à lui annoncé durant sa campagne que son deuxième cabinet comporterait un nombre égal de femmes et d’hommes. Il lui aurait été difficile de faire autrement sans sembler renier les valeurs d’égalité et de féminisme qui ont caractérisé le début de son premier mandat.

House of Commons becoming more reflective of diverse population

My latest in Policy Options:

How well does Canada integrate immigrants and visible minorities into political life? While the barriers to entering political life are significant, as the Samara Centre for Democracy study on nomination processes has shown, the recent election is cause for hope.

This article is based on an analysis of the 2019 election I undertook, using a dataset developed together with the Hill Times, Samara, and McGill University political scientist Jerome Black. We drew on a mix of official party biographies, media articles, social media, and name and photo analysis (we did not include Indigenous candidates and MPs). We also compared the 2019 results with those for the 2015 election and with visible minority representation in other countries’ legislatures. Our results show that in 2019 in Canada the visible minority composition of MPs elected is reasonably representative of the immigrant and visible minority populations in the country as a whole.

….

Source: House of Commons becoming more reflective of diverse population

Canadian public opinion on immigration and refugees

The latest Focus Canada results on immigration. No major change:

The 43rd Canadian Federal Election just concluded was a tightly-contested campaign in which the incumbent Liberal Government led by Justin Trudeau found itself in a tough fight for reelection just a few years after it took office on a promise of “sunny ways” and broad political support. Many anticipated that immigration might emerge as a major election issue that would be used by some if not all parties as a wedge to energize their base or peel away support from competitors. The recent influx of asylum seekers at the southern border in Quebec and Manitoba, the emergence of a new populist party staking a position against “mass immigration”, and increasing animosity toward migrants in the US and elsewhere has fed concerns that Canadians were becoming more anxious about current immigration policies and the flow of newcomers into their communities.

It did not happen. Apart from a few anti-immigrant billboards popping up, immigration and refugees did not feature prominently in the election campaign, and the Peoples Party of Canada attracted less than two percent of the votes, failing to elect a single MP to Parliament. Why these issues did not materialize can be explained by the results of the most recent Environics Institute Focus Canada survey, which was conducted in the final weeks of the campaign. This research reveals that Canadians as a whole continue to be more positive than negative about the number of immigrants arriving in Canada and the benefits they bring to the country’s economy. Moreover, public concerns about such contentious issues as whether newcomers are adequately embracing Canadian values and the legitimacy of refugee claimants have not increased over the past year; if anything they have moderated. Immigration was not a top of mind issue for the vast majority of Canadian voters from any political party.

As on past surveys, attitudes about immigration and refugees differ across the population. Positive sentiments are most prevalent among younger Canadians and those with a university education. Negative views are most evident in Alberta, among Canadians ages 60 and older, and those without a high school diploma. In Quebec, despite the recent controversy over its new legislation banning religious dress, public opinion about immigrants is as positive if not more so than in other parts of the country.

The largest divergence continues to be along partisan political lines, primarily between supporters of the Liberal Party, NDP and Green Party, who are the most positive about immigration and refugees, in sharp contrast with those who would vote for the Conservative Party. This gap in sentiment notwithstanding, immigration is not an issue that strongly divides Canadians (as the recent election demonstrated), and this stands in sharp contrast to the current electoral divisions in other western countries.

Hospital patients in Canada lacking English need access to interpreters, study says

An inevitable consequence of living in a diverse society where a percentage will not be fluent enough to understand the language used by doctors. Good study documenting the issue and sorting out where the needs may be greatest:

Waking up with worsening pain had Surjit Garcha worried, but the red blisters on her stomach were so alarming that she went to her neighbour’s home to try to explain, in her limited English, that she needed help.

Garcha, who lives alone, doesn’t have the English skills to call her doctor’s office and felt more comfortable going to someone she trusts.

Her neighbour took her to the emergency department in Delta, B.C., where Garcha learned she had shingles, a viral infection that can include complications such as scarring and vision and hearing loss in older adults.

Garcha, now 82, said the intense pain was bad enough, but not being able to understand what was wrong with her made her feel even more vulnerable.”The employees who bring food to patients would leave it outside the door, because they could catch what I had and no visitors could come in my room,” she said in Punjabi about her experience three years ago.

Garcha’s only solace was that a nurse spoke Punjabi, but it wasn’t until her daughter arrived from Seattle the next day that she had any contact with a family member.

Interpreters trained in medical terminology are more often provided for patients in Canada’s larger centres, but a researcher from the University of Toronto said lack of access to interpretation could potentially result in unsafe health care through missed diagnoses and medical errors, suggesting language services should be a priority.

Dr. Shail Rawal, lead author of a study that includes data from Toronto General and Toronto Western hospitals, said patients with a chronic disease and limited English are more likely to return to the emergency room or be readmitted to hospital because of poorer understanding of discharge instructions and not taking medication as required, compared with those who are proficient in the language and were discharged with similar health concerns.

The study was published recently in the Journal of the American Medical Association and includes data for all patients discharged from the two hospitals with acute conditions, pneumonia and hip fracture, and chronic conditions heart failure and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, between January 2008 and March 2016, amounting to 9,881 patients.

“We saw that if you had heart failure and limited English proficiency you were more likely to come back to the emergency room to be reassessed in 30 days after you were discharged,” said Rawal, an assistant professor in the University of Toronto’s department of medicine and a staff physician at the University Health Network, which includes the two hospitals.”Patients who had limited English proficiency and heart failure or chronic obstructive lung disease were more likely to be readmitted to hospital in the 30 or 90 days after discharge,” she said.

For those with pneumonia or hip fracture, the data showed no difference in return to hospital regardless of patients’ ability to speak English, Rawal said.

“Our thinking is that those are acute conditions that have a pretty standard treatment, whether it be surgery and then rehabilitation or a course of antibiotics, whereas the two chronic conditions require a lot of patient-centred counselling and patient management plans.”

Of the 9,881 patients:

  • 2,336 had limited proficiency in English.
  • Nearly 36 per cent spoke Portuguese.
  • Just over 23 per cent spoke Italian.
  • Cantonese, Mandarin and Chinese were the primary languages for about 14 per cent of patients.
  • Greek and Spanish were the least spoken languages.
  • 18.5 per cent of the study subjects’ languages were listed as “other.”

Rawal said patients at the two hospitals have around-the-clock access to interpretation in various languages by phone and in-person interpretation is also available but must be pre-booked and is typically offered during business hours.

“The quality of care or the level of access to interpretation, in my view, should not vary based on which hospital you happen to present at with your illness,” she said.

“Currently, that is the case, that depending on what hospital you go to in our city, in our province or across the country, you will have varying levels of access to professional interpretation services and I think that in a linguistically diverse country the language needs of patients and families should be met by institutions.”

Family members often step in to interpret and alleviate a patient’s anxiety but may end up having to rearrange their schedules while waiting for nurses, doctors or specialists to show up at the bedside, Rawal said.

However, she said previous research studies have shown that families are less accurate in their interpretation than professionals and sometimes may not wish to translate what a clinician is saying, perhaps to lessen the impact if the prognosis would be too upsetting.

Kiran Malli, director of provincial language services for the Provincial Health Services Authority in British Columbia, said patients in Vancouver and the surrounding area have access to 180 languages through interpreters who work at hospitals and publicly funded long-term care homes.

The top three languages are Cantonese, Mandarin and Punjabi, Malli said.

In-person and phone interpretation is provided without a pre-booked appointment. The health authority started a pilot project last year to provide services by phone to family doctors’ offices, she said.

Another pilot on video-remote interpreting at hospitals, which Malli said would greatly benefit patients needing sign language — which is already being provided — will also start soon and benefit those living in isolated parts of the province.

A few scattered grassroots programs were available in B.C. in the 1990s but the current standardized one didn’t start until 2003, she said.

“It was getting pretty evident that we needed to do something a little more than just pulling up any bilingual person or calling on the overhead paging [system] to say ‘If anybody speaks Cantonese could you please come to emergency,”’ Malli said of the current program’s genesis.

“Research shows us that as people get older, even if you know English when you’re younger, you tend to revert back to your mother tongue as you age,” she said, adding elderly people in medical distress tend to forget the English skills they have.

“I do think we are seeing more elderly patients for that reason,” she said.

It’s unfair for health-care staff to expect family members to act as interpreters because, just like English-speaking patients’ relatives, their role should be to support their loved ones and not to be burdened further, Malli said.

“If we are looking at equity, as family I should just be there to support my family member through whatever it might be rather than act as their language conduit,” she said.

Source: Hospital patients in Canada lacking English need access to interpreters, study says

Why universities are trying to recruit overseas students from as many places as possible

Clear demonstration of just how much a business this is and that like any trade, diversification needed to reduce risks of changes in demand or political factors (e.g., Saudi Arabian students after the infamous Tweet):

Canadian universities are riding a wave of popularity as destinations of choice for overseas students.

But the high-water moment comes with risks. Of 356,035 Canadian study permits issued to international students at post-secondary institutions in 2018 alone, 54.1per cent went to students from only two countries: India and China.

“The tide is high, but there’s no telling when the tide goes out,” says Craig Riggs, editor of ICEF Monitor, a leading industry publication that tracks global trends in higher education.

To safeguard against geopolitical uncertainties, and to counter stiff global competition for international students, Canadian universities are adding scholarships, hiring education agents, opening overseas offices, establishing overseas partnerships and recruiting alumni as word-of-mouth ambassadors. Fuelling the effort is a five-year, $148-million federal government plan, announced in August 2019, to expand study abroad by Canadian undergraduates, diversify where overseas students come from and where they study in Canada, and to support Canadian institutions in forming partnerships with their counterparts in other countries.

The goals of this plan differ from those of the federal government’s previous five-year international education strategy, announced in 2014, which emphasized growth. One reason: by 2018, the post-secondary sector had shot past the government’s goal to add 450,000 international students by 2022. For universities alone, recent growth in demand from overseas students has been remarkable. Last year, the federal government issued 120,000 permits for international students to attend university, a 50 per cent jump in volume from 2015. China and India were the top two sending countries for the post-secondary sector as a whole, but for universities they accounted for 48.5 per cent of total study permits last year.

The government’s new focus for the next five years, says Riggs, “is less on growth, more on diversification, and more on strengthening the quality of the students’ experience during and after their studies.”

In short, the hunt is on for top students—not only from China and India—to enrich campus life and spread the word back home about Canada as an attractive study destination.

By that measure, Kenya-born Odero Otieno fits the bill for any Canadian university.

One of six children whose parents never completed high school, the 24-year-old student from Homa Bay in western Kenya had a fistful of accomplishments before he chose to study abroad. He scored top marks on national high school exams in Kenya, became principal of a girl’s school in his home city and pursued several entrepreneurial ventures.

In 2016, he left Africa for the first time to study at McGill University on a full scholarship from the MasterCard Foundation Scholars Program for promising young leaders from Africa. A foundation partner since 2013, McGill plans to enrol 91 young African scholars over 10 years.

Last year, McGill recruited more than 12,500 students from 156 countries, led by China, the United States and France, but had a limited presence in Africa. No one country comprised more than 22 per cent of the total.

“This [relationship with MasterCard] is a way for us to really prime the pump in terms of getting [African] countries up in our participation,” says Fabrice Labeau, deputy provost of student life and learning at McGill. He describes sub-Saharan Africa as “clearly an under-represented region in terms of nationalities” at his university.

Otieno, who graduates next year with a bachelor in engineering and a minor in technological entrepreneurship, says the academic and emotional support from McGill and foundation staff helped him secure internships in Canada, the United States and Kenya. A stint at Google in San Francisco convinced him to build his own company, he says, not work for others.

This fall, he announced plans to open a Toronto-based company developing software for African consumers to use mobile phones to make cost-saving purchases from authorized pharmacies.

He credits McGill with building his confidence.

“Just the fact that I am a McGill student makes me think I am a global scholar or leader and makes me want to do so many things,” says Otieno. When he is back in Kenya, prospective students are eager to hear about his experiences in Canada and, on his return to Montreal, they follow him on Facebook for his posts about academic life on campus.

For universities, a single event last year underscored the reality that diversifying their sources for international students, however necessary, is not without pain.

In a 2018 diplomatic spat with Ottawa, the government of Saudi Arabia abruptly cancelled funding for its post-secondary students in Canada, ordering many to leave their studies.

“The Saudi experience galvanized [federal] government attention,” says Paul Davidson, president of Universities Canada, crediting the Prime Minister’s Office and senior trade officials for the new, muscular international education strategy. “It has been a challenge in a crowded public policy environment for people to recognize the economic value of international students.”

Their value is undisputed, adds Larissa Bezo, president and chief executive officer of the Canadian Bureau for International Education, whose members include universities, colleges, language schools and others recruiting from abroad.

“The more diverse the campus, the richer the learning environment,” she says. Students from abroad often supplement domestic class sizes, making it easier for universities to offer specialty courses. As well, says Bezo, international students who stay and work after graduation contribute to the economy.

They also represent a significant source of revenue.

“Why universities have been so active in recruiting internationally is that the demographics are not very favourable at all,” says Pedro Antunes, chief economist for the Conference Board of Canada. He cites the current demographic dip in the cohort of 17- to 24-year-old domestic students eligible for college or university. He expects a rebound in the population of 17- to 24-year-olds to begin in 2025.

For university leaders, the Saudi incident had consequences in and beyond the classroom.

“The impact on us was significant academically and financially, and reflects the importance of being able to have a diversified student population,” says Robert Summerby-Murray, president of Saint Mary’s University in Halifax. Of about 8,000 Saudi students in Canada, about 100 were studying at his school. The pullout translated to a $2-million loss in revenue, he adds.

What cushioned the financial blow for Saint Mary’s was its growing use of agreements with universities in prime markets such as Asia and Latin America for faculty and student exchanges. They often open doors to recruitment and have helped the school attract students from 115 countries. The school also relies on its own recruiters and overseas agents to visit high schools abroad to identify top candidates.

In Honduras, Mary Navas heard about Halifax when another Nova Scotia university paid a visit to her high school. She knew little of Canada’s East Coast and had turned down a scholarship to study in the United States largely because it was a top destination for many of her friends.

“I am into meeting new people and learning about new cultures,” she says.

In fall 2015, on her first day of class at Saint Mary’s Sobey School of Business, she recalls the professor asking students to name their homelands. “We had 15 countries in a class of 45 students,” she says. “That told me about the amazing opportunity [that] I was going to have here at Saint Mary’s … and that I had found what I wanted in intercultural learning.”

Currently president of her university’s student association, Navas plans to stay and work in Halifax after graduation next spring. When she talks to high school students in Honduras, she brings brochures from St. Mary’s to raise its profile. “At my high school, we mostly heard from the United States and not that much from Canada as a whole.”

At the University of Toronto, which has racked up record levels of applications from almost all parts of the world over the past six years, diversification is more than a numbers game, says Ted Sargent, vice-president, international.

“Our strategy on diversification reflects two goals: talent [spotting] and global engagement for all our students,” he says.

Last year, U of T announced an agreement with Tata Trusts, one of India’s biggest charitable organizations, for an urban research centre and entrepreneurship hub in India. “This is an opportunity for U of T faculty and students to engage reciprocally with leading scholars, students and entrepreneurs in India,” says Sargent.

With a fourfold increase in applications from India over the past five years, he adds, “it makes sense for us to increase our presence.” Over the same period, U of T also recorded a threefold rise in applications from Indonesia, a twofold jump from South Korea and a 52 per cent rise from Latin America, including Mexico.

The university, which generates 34 per cent of its revenues from international students, has other weapons for diversifying its international profile.

One is reputation: this year, U of T climbed three spots to number 18 in the Times Higher Education global university rankings, and for the fifth consecutive time it is No. 1 in Maclean’s ranking for reputation. Another is its introduction of globally competitive scholarships to attract international high achievers. The university’s Lester B. Pearson Scholarship Program, announced in 2017, provides $60,000 a year for tuition and other costs to an overseas student demonstrating academic excellence and leadership. The program selects 37 recipients a year and “was a great way to announce to the world the U of T’s global engagement strategy,” says Sargent.

Not every Canadian university has U of T’s resources or its location advantage.

At the University of Regina, students come from more than 100 countries, but mainly from India and China. Regina also saw a precipitous drop in Saudi student enrolment last year. Years ago, a once-reliable source of revenue dried up when Nigeria cancelled funding for its scholarship students.

Unpredictable events beyond a university’s control require officials to learn to be nimble, says Livia Castellanos, associate vice-president, international, at Regina.

In August, shortly after the federal government added Pakistan (and later Morocco and Senegal) to a select group of countries eligible for streamlined processing of study permit applications, Castellanos flew to Islamabad to meet Pakistani counterparts and Canadian trade officials to discuss recruitment opportunities for fall 2020.

“I never sit comfortably with the [student] population I have,” she says. “I am preparing the ground for the next market.”

As a mid-size Prairie university far from Canada’s major cities, Regina seeks out niche opportunities abroad. For example, when searching for top students, Castellanos makes a point of visiting smaller cities in Mexico that would likely be bypassed by larger institutional rivals in Canada. In one successful tactic, Regina invites students to attend for a semester before committing to a full-time program.

Earlier this year, Marco Aurélio dos Santos, a student at Santa Catarina State University in Joinville, Brazil, accepted a $7,200-scholarship from the Canadian government for young Latin American leaders. His semester-long scholarship was tenable at Regina, which had a partnership agreement with his university.

Last January, he left Brazil with temperatures of 30° C, arriving in Regina where the thermometer registered -26° C. “I had heard about Prairie hospitality, that it was a more comfortable environment and Regina was not a big city,” he says. “I decided I wanted to go there.”

Buoyed by support and encouragement from professors and staff, dos Santos decided to stay at Regina this fall for a two-year master’s degree in philosophy that he hopes could lead to a career in consulting.

Meanwhile, even small undergraduate universities set up overseas offices to raise their profiles.

In 2017, Vancouver Island University opened a recruitment office in Vietnam, adding to locations in Germany, China and India.

In 2017-18, VIU recruited 96 students from Vietnam (eligible for fast-track processing of student study permits to Canada); up from 12 in 2013-14.

“There has been a sea change,” says Philip Oxhorn, dean of international education at VIU. “Vietnam is beginning to emerge as a major centre of students.” This November, his office plans to open an office in Ecuador to capitalize on Latin American interest in study alternatives to the United States.

But for diversification to succeed, university officials recognize that they need to play a long game—to recruit the right students, give them a memorable campus experience and stay connected with them when they return home.

“It’s a virtuous cycle,” says Sean Van Koughnett, associate vice-president and dean of students at McMaster University. “We have to provide the best possible experience and that is going to be a recruitment tool for us.” Over the past six years, McMaster has expanded supports for overseas students before, during and after their studies.

In August, Marissa Amaradhasa arrived from Malaysia to begin her first-year studies at McMaster. At Toronto’s Pearson Airport, she and other incoming international students were greeted by a welcoming committee of Mac students dressed in orange shirts.

Later, university officials took Amaradhasa and fellow newcomers on a tour of Hamilton, complete with ice cream and roller-skating, helped them set up bank accounts and held orientation events to introduce them to academic and social life on campus. The university also offers a buddy system to connect freshmen and upper-year students from the same country.

“It’s been an amazing welcome,” says Amaradhasa, a first-time visitor to Canada. “It has helped make the transition as an international student very easy.”

Source: Why universities are trying to recruit overseas students from as many places as possible

Ethiopia: Nderitu – Ethiopia’s Chicken and Egg: Ethnicity or Citizenship? – AllAfrica

Interesting take from an Ethiopian perspective:

Does the 1995 ethnic federal constitution hinder Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed by entrenching ethnicity as an identity right from the preamble and demarcating states on ethnicity rather than geography? Last week, I argued it was partly responsible for the mushrooming of ethnic-based political parties, militias and even banks.

Liban Guyo engaged me in a lively discussion stating that the Ethiopian Constitution was crafted to accommodate demands for regional autonomy while managing inter-ethnic tensions.

Guyo said ethnic federalism, with security as the responsibility of central government, is embraced by groups such as the Oromo who suffered either real or imagined domination by the Amhara ethnic groups.

It was intended as a solution for social consequences of growing inequality and political powerlessness. With this in mind, Guyo said, Abiy is best placed to work towards a unitary system of government.

Throughout history, racial, ethnic and other groups such as women have organised to demand recognition on the basis of difference.

However, ethnic political mobilisation often informed by a shared history, language and sometimes religion raises different challenges for national citizenship.

Is the case of ethnic belonging and national citizenship that of the chicken and egg story? Which comes first and which is a subset of the other? Is it a threat to the citizenship and the nation when groups push for political recognition on the basis of ethnicity? In itself, ethnic-based social identity is not a problem.

However, it becomes a political problem because it identifies who we are but in the same breath, who we are not. It therefore makes it easy to be Oromo, if you are not Amhara, Hutu if you are not Tutsi, Kikuyu if you are not Luo and Dinka if you are not Nuer.

It becomes categorisation when ethnic identity marks boundaries between those in “our group” and those in “other.” This is dangerous for national citizenship and I will tell you why.

In circumstances where clear political divisions between ethnic groups exist, we perceive those in our group as similar in thought and behaviour. We also assume the “other” group thinks alike and what we know about one, applies to all of them.

For many people the immediate family and ethnic group, and not information from other sources, becomes the key shaper of opinions. We then pay more attention to differences, rather than commonalities. We translate this into actual discrimination against those who do not “belong” to our group.

This has important consequences on ethnic political identity as a source of violence. Identity- based conflicts such as witnessed in Northern Ireland and Myanmar, are very difficult to solve.

Leaders are often challenged to hold together a multi-ethnic society under a national identity. Citizenship in itself is an indicator of national cohesion when linked to efficient and non-discriminatory government services and policy practice in fields such as voting, stable economy, rule of law, and promoting equality of opportunity for diverse populations, in for instance, education and health.

It is the work of governments to budget for these services and grow economies. Contention usually begins when groups feel excluded from services as citizens especially when ethnic leaders appropriate state resources.

Ethnic federalism comes with challenges such as homogenizing and therefore weakening of national political parties and disaggregation of unions. This weakens citizenship.

Without a shared interconnected history, citizens see themselves as disconnected from the whole. The challenge for leaders is to lead citizens towards a common civic culture without devaluing ethnic identity or citizenship.

Resolving violent conflict, ethnic or otherwise, consumes immense resources that would otherwise be allocated to services such as education.

Ethiopia’s ethnic federal constitution lays a foundation for framing citizenship at the local level. Future governments may not escape from this variable in formulating national public policy and political programs.

What is guaranteed is that ethnic insecurity will require a political response that links the local to the national.

Source: Ethiopia: Nderitu – Ethiopia’s Chicken and Egg: Ethnicity or Citizenship? – AllAfrica