Entre réussite et intégration, un Québec fou de tous ses enfants

2025/06/23 Leave a comment

Interesting read by a former teacher:

…Mon premier contrat dans mon champ — l’histoire et la géographie — était dans une grande école secondaire du quartier défavorisé Côte-des-Neiges. J’ai partagé certaines appréhensions concernant le secteur avec des collègues, et ils m’ont tous répondu une variation de la formule suivante : Côte-des-Neiges, c’est un secret bien gardé.

Les défis linguistiques y sont importants, mais la population scolaire y est réceptive, les jeunes souvent polis et travaillants. C’était il y a dix ans. J’avais plus de deux cents élèves et une seule qui n’était pas issue de l’immigration.

Cette école n’avait rien d’un « ghetto » : on y retrouvait plus de soixante nationalités représentées. Dans les corridors, on entendait l’anglais, l’espagnol, l’arabe ou le tagalog. La valorisation du français était au cœur du projet éducatif.

Les élèves s’exprimaient aussi entre eux dans la langue de Molière, la seule qu’ils avaient tous en commun. Un français certes teinté d’accents de banlieues françaises ou de franglais. Une langue qui ne les avait pas préparés à comprendre L’erreur boréale, que j’ai dû traduire, mimer et rembobiner lors du chapitre sur le territoire forestier.

L’équipe d’accueil et de francisation comptait sur des enseignants intimement qualifiés : pour plusieurs, le français avait aussi été une langue étrangère. Grâce à leur formation et leur expérience, ces enseignants savaient que l’apprentissage d’une langue s’effectue en complémentarité et non en concurrence avec les autres langues connues.

Plusieurs recherches montrent que des pédagogies plurilingues, mobilisant les autres langues des élèves, soutiennent efficacement l’apprentissage du français. En plus de leurs effets positifs sur le plan cognitif, ces pratiques renforcent le lien maître-élève.

Or, comme l’ont souligné plusieurs chercheuses en commission parlementaire, certains articles du projet de loi 94 visant notamment à renforcer la laïcité risquent de compromettre ces interactions dans la langue maternelle de l’élève.

Les pratiques d’accueil

La francisation des élèves ne se limite pas aux classes d’accueil. Il existe les services intensifs d’accueil et de soutien à l’apprentissage du français (SASAF), qui incluent un soutien quotidien en classe ordinaire et les classes d’accueil.

Les services de soutien linguistique d’appoint en francisation (SLAF) s’adressent quant à eux aux élèves intégrés en classe ordinaire dont l’acquisition du français est bien amorcée.

Les critères de classement et les choix de services varient d’un centre de services scolaire à l’autre. Notons que le MEQ n’a fixé aucun nombre minimal d’heures hebdomadaires de SLAF à offrir. L’accès aux services professionnels, comme l’orthopédagogie ou la psychoéducation, peut aussi être limité lorsqu’une direction considère que la classe d’accueil constitue le service de soutien.

Certaines directions imposent aux enseignants d’attendre que l’élève soit francisé avant de soumettre une demande de services complémentaires. Certaines disent vouloir éviter la suridentification. N’en demeure qu’avec la hausse du nombre d’élèves ayant un parcours scolaire interrompu, des retards importants ou des parcours migratoires difficiles, ce retard d’accès pèse lourd à la fois sur les élèves et sur le personnel.

Selon le MEQ, alors qu’il y a deux fois plus d’élèves en classe d’accueil qu’il y a dix ans, on en compte trois fois plus en classe ordinaire bénéficiant d’un soutien d’appoint sans qu’aucune norme minimale ne soit établie à cet effet. Les critères de classement demeurent souvent opaques ; le service d’appoint est-il réellement suffisant pour ces élèves ? Plus d’uniformité et de transparence sont nécessaires.

Qui sont les élèves issus de l’immigration ?

À la parution, en 2015, de l’ouvrage de Marie Mc Andrew et du groupe de recherche Immigration, équité et scolarisation (GRIES), La réussite éducative des élèves issus de l’immigration, ceux-ci représentaient 26 % de la population scolaire. Dix ans plus tard, ce chiffre est passé à 36 %.

Tous n’ont pas besoin de services de francisation. C’est notamment le cas de plusieurs élèves dits de deuxième génération, les plus nombreux (22 % de ces 36 %), dont le recours aux SASAF est resté stable depuis dix ans, voire a légèrement diminué. Un élève de deuxième génération est un élève né ici dont au moins un parent est né à l’extérieur du Québec. Fait marquant, le nombre d’élèves immigrants dont la langue maternelle est le français est en hausse — ils composent près de la moitié du groupe en 2025 (43 % contre 37 % en 2015). Les groupes de langue arabe, anglaise ou espagnole sont, eux, restés stables.

Les élèves issus de l’immigration fréquentent davantage l’école privée au secondaire que les non-immigrants (24,5 % contre 20,5 %), une donnée influencée par la forte présence des élèves de deuxième génération dans le réseau privé. Toutefois, le rôle du privé dans l’accueil et la francisation des élèves de première génération tend à diminuer.

Citoyenneté québécoise

Comment évalue-t-on l’intégration d’une personne à sa société d’accueil ? Lorsque cette question est soulevée, les critères objectifs sont parfois maigres. Pour les élèves québécois, deux indicateurs pourraient toutefois nous servir de repères : la réussite scolaire et le choix de la langue d’enseignement au postsecondaire.

Selon l’Observatoire des inégalités, en 2016, le taux de diplomation des élèves de deuxième génération était de 88 %, alors qu’il était de 83 % pour les élèves non issus de l’immigration. Quant aux élèves de première génération ayant immigré dès le primaire, leur taux de réussite est passé de 75 % à 84 % entre 2008 et 2016.

Bien que les défis soient nombreux, plusieurs facteurs propres à la population immigrante expliqueraient cette réussite, dont l’approche scolaire parentale. En 2015, le GRIES notait que le caractère sélectif des politiques d’immigration québécoises, visant un objectif d’établissement permanent, contribuait à la stabilité des familles, à la légitimité de la présence des immigrants, ce qui favorisait la réussite.

Après leur passage en système scolaire francophone, comme le veut la loi 101, 50 % des inscrits allophones au collégial choisissaient les études en français en 2007. Cela passait à 66 % en 2021, selon l’OQLF. Sur cette même période, le choix des jeunes francophones pour le collégial en français est lui passé de 95 % à 93 %. Considérant ce facteur, l’intégration des jeunes allophones à la société québécoise tend à s’améliorer.

Afin d’accentuer l’adhésion à la culture francophone, dans un rapport bien documenté sur les dynamiques linguistiques du monde scolaire, le commissaire à la langue française, Benoît Dubreuil, proposait notamment des mesures comme le développement de programmes de jumelages entre écoles de différentes régions du Québec, approche souvent mise de côté au profit d’expériences internationales.

Les élèves issus de l’immigration créent-ils « une pression énorme sur nos écoles » ? Les politiques d’immigration, nommément celles d’immigration temporaire, ont accentué leur nombre, surtout depuis 2022.

Reste que leur présence à la hausse s’inscrit de façon prévisible depuis plusieurs années, que ces élèves sont aussi globalement résilients, engagés dans leurs études, en preuve leur taux de réussite, qu’ils sont de plus en plus francophones et qu’ils sont aussi de plus en plus nombreux à choisir le français pour la suite de leur parcours scolaire.

Investir ambitieusement dans l’accueil et la francisation des élèves est incontournable pour la nation québécoise et ce n’est pas uniquement une question d’argent : c’est aussi reconnaître l’effet d’émulation positive qu’ont plusieurs de ses élèves sur l’ensemble du système, laisser les professionnels utiliser les meilleures pratiques, comme les références à la langue et à la culture maternelles, sans y voir de menace à la société d’accueil ou favoriser des démarches peu systématisées, comme le jumelage interrégional.

Mon passage en milieu pluriethnique m’a notamment appris que l’amour de la langue ne peut se développer qu’au travers du respect et de l’affection qu’on porte à ceux qui la parlent.

Source: Entre réussite et intégration, un Québec fou de tous ses enfants

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A White Nationalist Wrote a Law School Paper Promoting Racist Views. It Won Him an Award.

2025/06/23 2 Comments

Sad and sick:

…Mr. Damsky’s argument that at least some of the framers meant for the Constitution to apply only to white people is by no means a new one. Evan D. Bernick, an associate law professor at Northern Illinois University, notes that the argument can be found in the Ku Klux Klan’s founding organizational documents from the late 1860s.

Among originalists, though, this interpretation has been widely rejected. Instead, conservatives have argued that much of the text of the Constitution “tilts toward liberty” for all, said Jonathan Gienapp, an associate professor of history and law at Stanford. They also note that the post-Civil War amendments guaranteeing rights to nonwhite people “washed away whatever racial taint” there was in the original document.

While Mr. Damsky’s papers were written in a formal style consistent with legal scholarship, his social media posts have been blunt, crass and ugly. A critic of Israel’s war in Gaza, he argued in one post that President Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio were “controlled by Jews,” whom he called “the common enemy of humanity.” In posts about Guatemalan illegal immigrants, he said that “invaders” should be “done away with by any means necessary.” He lamented the “self-flagellatory mind-set” of modern-day Germans, noting their failure to revere Hitler.

Ms. Grabowski did not respond to a request for comment.

Mr. Damsky said he assumed that it was the judge who graded his paper. He also said that the judge “is not a white nationalist.”

“Don’t get me wrong,” he added. “I would prefer it if he was.”

Students took their complaints to Ms. McAlister, the interim dean. She addressed the granting of the award to Mr. Damsky in at least two town-hall-style meetings, according to an email she wrote to students and an article in The Independent Florida Alligator, the student newspaper. In the February email, the dean wrote that the law school, as a public institution, was bound by the First and 14th Amendments, meaning that no faculty member may “grade down a paper that is otherwise successful simply because he or she disagrees with the ideas the paper advances.”

Institutional neutrality, she wrote in her email, “is not agreement or complicity with the ideas that any community member advances.”

“It’s just that — neutrality,” she added. “The government — in this case, our public university — stays out of picking sides, so that, through the marketplace of ideas, you can debate and arrive at truth for yourself and for the community.”

Some at the law school agree with her stance. In an interview, John F. Stinneford, a professor at the university, said that it would be “academic misconduct” for a law professor who opposed abortion to give a lower grade to a well-argued paper advocating abortion rights.

If it were a good paper, he said, “you should put aside your moral qualms and give it an A.”

A number of students disagree, but several declined to be interviewed on the record for fear that criticizing the school, or a sitting federal judge, would harm their future job prospects.

One former student, who graduated in May, had his post-graduation job offer rescinded by a large law firm when he told them he had spoken to The New York Times for this article, criticizing Mr. Damsky’s paper and Judge Badalamenti for granting him the award. The student asked not to be identified for fear of jeopardizing other job offers.

Before his suspension, Mr. Damsky had been offered a summer internship in the local prosecutor’s office. But in early April, the prosecutor, Brian Kramer, the state attorney for the Eighth Judicial Circuit of Florida, rescinded the offer.

“You could imagine,” Mr. Kramer said in an interview, that “having someone in your office who espouses those kinds of beliefs would cause significant mistrust in the fairness of prosecutions.”

Source: A White Nationalist Wrote a Law School Paper Promoting Racist Views. It Won Him an Award.

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C-3 Citizenship Act to Replace First Generation Cut-Off: Stalled at Second Reading

2025/06/23 1 Comment

While Conservatives support the provision to treat adoptees born abroad as Canadian-born and the fix for the small remaining 1977-81 cohort of “Lost Canadians”, they maintain their opposition to the proposed connection residency test of 1,095 days with no time restriction for the second generation born abroad, as was the case in the identical C-71 that died on the order paper.

Likely reflecting the lingering bitterness of the Liberal and NDP efforts to “hijack” S-245 bill by broadening its scope beyond fixing the 1977-81 cohort to address second generation born abroad issues, it appears the CPC will oppose the Bill every step of the way.

As a result, the Bill did not complete second reading and will thus not make it to committee before the fall, a tight timeframe in which to meet the federal court deadline of November 20.

Conservatives raised three major concerns:

  • Cumulative 1,095 residency requirement, not consecutive or time limited (e.g., within 5 years as per permanent residents);
  • Lack of estimated numbers of persons affected and related operational estimates and costs (interestingly, government members did not mention the PBO study showing a likely 115,000 persons over five years but Conservative members did:; and,
  • Need for criminality or security checks for the second generation born-abroad (may be more of a stretch to argue given we don’t do criminal or security checks on first generation born or adopted abroad).

No new information or insights by the Minister and government members compared to C-71.

My analysis of the previous Bill C-71 opens up a possible never-ending chain of citizenship also featured in their remarks.

Source: Hansard link

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Lederman: Welcome to the slavery memorial. Enjoy the beautiful view

2025/06/21 Leave a comment

Sadly, all too true:

…The placement of these Orwellian signs follows Donald Trump’s executive order “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History,” part of the President’s crusade against wokeness. The new signs also encourage visitors to report any information that fails to “emphasize the beauty, grandeur, and abundance of landscapes and other natural features.” Be complimentary, or else.

Rather than rat out tour guides or wall plaques, visitors are being urged by the NPCA to use their voices to tell the government to stop meddling. And good news: The publication Government Executive reports that almost all of the nearly 200 submissions received in the first few days urged the government not to censor history. 

In Canada, we are learning the value of telling history accurately, in particular the history of Indigenous people. The Truth and Reconciliation process has been bumpy at times, sure, but it has exposed this country’s real history to many Canadians (not just students) who simply didn’t know about the harms of colonialism, including residential schools.

We are seeing this reflected in school curricula, at museums, on the calendar (we mark National Indigenous Peoples Day on Saturday) and, consequently, in the zeitgeist. That’s how it works.

“If our country erases the darker chapters of our history, we will never learn from our mistakes,” said Ms. Pierno in a news release. Exactly.

What if they did this in, say, Germany – where monuments and museums tell the country’s chilling Nazi history, along with tens of thousands of Stolpersteins (literally “stumbling stones”), small brass plates marking places from which people were deported? (Memorials that speak to the despicable actions of past governments of that period are also prominent in Hungary, Austria, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and France.)

Imagine if, in an effort by a hypothetical German government to avoid casting shade upon its history, those sites were watered down. What if Berlin’s Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe was renamed to play down the murder part? Any thinking person would be outraged – even much of the MAGA set, too. 

Picture Minidoka, currently billed as “An American Concentration Camp,” instead being described as “a unique visiting experience in the scenic Gem State, along the refreshing waters of Clover Creek with its fine fishing?” What an insult to the memory of all who suffered there. What a disservice to any visitor.

This move to sanitize historic sites is a testament to the idiocy of this U.S. administration – as history, one hopes, will show.

Source: Welcome to the slavery memorial. Enjoy the beautiful view

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David Polansky: Kind, tolerant Canada is failing the antisemitism test

2025/06/21 Leave a comment

Captures some of the dynamics at play:

…To explain: though antisemitism is frequently referred to as the “oldest hatred,” these latest developments are, if not wholly new, at least a new variation, for which prior instances offer minimal guidance. The classic problem is that of the persecuted and supposedly unassimilable minority, exemplified in Canada by the notorious “None is too many” policy or Duplessis’ campaign for the premiership of Quebec during the Second World War. But Jews are no longer a unique minority in a country that has prioritized global immigration and multiculturalism for many decades, and in which “visible minorities” are expected to approach half the population by the middle of this century.

At the same time, Jews remain very much a minority unto themselves, with just under 400,000 total across the country. What makes the present dilemma distinctive is that it stems not from a hostile majority population but from other minority populations that view Canadian Jews as convenient extensions of Israel (and thus as legitimate targets), along with assorted radicals operating under the same logic.i

It is thus the perfect moral shell game: you can harass and even harm Jews under the belief that you are functionally fighting Nazis. All of the fun of antisemitism (venting one’s anger and resentment upon a minority group) with none of the burdens of conscience that might otherwise come with it (because you are in fact venting your anger and resentment upon a minority group). More broadly, the prevailing liberal institutions have removed many of the safeguards that might have once checked these tendencies.

Consequently, this sort of vandalism—much like the idiot yelling antisemitic slurs at (the admittedly irritating) Dave Portnoy the other week—is both unprecedented and precedented. It is in a broad sense unprecedented in a country like Canada known for its mild political culture with a tradition of hospitableness for its Jewish communities. But it is in a narrower sense preceded by 18 months and more of fraying civic threads and the suspension of ordinary laws and norms for the champions of politically favoured causes.

For example, prior to the vandalism of the Holocaust Memorial, Mohamed Fakih, a highly successful entrepreneur and recipient of the Order of Canada, posted on X that, given their affiliations with the state of Israel, synagogues were perfectly legitimate targets of protest—a sentiment echoed by left-leaning academics. That is to say, unless they satisfy certain political and ideological conditions, Jews can continue to expect to be targeted in their neighbourhoods and places of worship. This was remarkable in its own right, but also for what it signified: a willingness to dispense with the modern liberal agreement concerning tolerance and coexistence, exchanging it for a new model of increasingly comprehensive politicization.

Now, it should be noted that Canada has already seen a disturbing spate of church-burnings over the past several years, seemingly triggered by the false reports of mass murder at residential schools. This itself was a highly worrisome development, though the public response to this on the part of both media and elected officials was to downplay it rather than excuse it, though that was really bad enough. What we are seeing now, however, is something new: the attempt to legitimize behaviour that was once completely outside the boundaries of political order in liberal societies. This is a matter of concern not just for Canada’s Jews, then, but for everybody.

None of this is to suggest that Jews should be entitled to special protections; but contemporary liberalism has largely abandoned traditional notions of political legitimacy in favour of offering precisely such protections to preferred groups under its coalition. It is particularly in light of its own record, then, that the present situation of Jews stands out.

The reality is that the world is not always such a nice place, and nasty things are bound to happen from time to time, even in “nice” countries. Any one of these incidents could have been chalked up to that same inevitability, but taken together, it is increasingly difficult to avoid the conclusion: these things didn’t use to happen here; now they do. The inability to properly respond to—or even recognize—this development is yet another test that Canada’s governments at all levels are presently failing.

Source: David Polansky: Kind, tolerant Canada is failing the antisemitism test

Filed under Antisemitism, Multiculturalism Tagged with

The Functionary: New clerk expectations

2025/06/21 Leave a comment

More notes of caution but I wish them well:

…But are they too alike? That’s the worry. Both bring a Goldman Sachs-style mindset with big ambition that prizes speed and outcomes, which could drive them to barrel ahead — not listening, not slowing down, ignoring red flags.

Would deputies raising alarms about a Phoenix-style pay disaster get heard? Or would they be dismissed as risk-averse and stuck in public-service inertia?

As one long-time deputy minister said:

“Neither Carney nor Sabia has worked in the parts of government that actually deliver services. Finance manages crises — it doesn’t build systems. Fixing immigration or modernizing service delivery isn’t about reacting fast. It’s about designing complex programs, managing risk, and building IT that actually works. That’s not their wheelhouse.”

Goldman pace, Ottawa reality. The kind of style that works at Goldman Sachs — where there’s a deep bench of talent ready to step in — doesn’t translate easily to the public service, where replacements aren’t so easy to find or groom. Burnout here carries real risks, and losing top talent isn’t as simple as hiring the next in line.

Tellier and Sabia also came up in a different era. Barking orders and command-and-control leadership were the norm in the 1990s. But that style is now widely seen as outdated.

These days clerks prioritize wellness and mental health. And many public servants are tired. They haven’t a breather since the pandemic. There’s been Trump’s trade war, the federal election, two government transitions, and new crises keep coming – wars, fires.

Can the public service handle a hard-driving, two-year push for massive changes – with the chaos of layoffs? And can Carney stay focused to get his big things done?

The new guard is, well, older. Carney and his lieutenants — Sabia, chief-of-staff Marc-André Blanchard, and principal secretary David Lametti — are all white, male Boomers or Gen Xers leading a millennial-dominated public service that’s 58-per-cent women. 

Many public servants have only ever worked under the Trudeau government, where wellness, DEI, values and ethics, and work-life balance were top priorities. Money flowed and the public service grew. Gears are now shifting to high performance, speed, outcomes, spending and job cuts. That’s a culture shift.

The real leadership test may be less about what gets done — and more about how.

Source: New clerk expectations

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Canada ‘must remain vigilant’ about Indian foreign interference, CSIS report cautions

2025/06/21 Leave a comment

Along with other countries listed: China, Russia, Iran, and Pakistan:

Canada’s spy agency is warning that India’s government continues to be a foreign interference concern a day after the two countries agreed to reinstate their top diplomats.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) released its annual report on Wednesday, outlining some key concerns and threats to Canada’s national security.

India was listed as a potential source of foreign interference activities, alongside Russia, China and Iran.

“Canada must remain vigilant about continued foreign interference conducted by the Government of India, not only within ethnic, religious and cultural communities but also in Canada’s political system,” the report reads.

Source: Canada ‘must remain vigilant’ about Indian foreign interference, CSIS report cautions

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Theo Argitis: Canada’s great immigration experiment is ending 

2025/06/20 Leave a comment

Good take:

For nearly the first time in our history, Canada’s population growth has come to a near standstill. Remarkably, the state of things is such that we are celebrating this as a policy success and long-overdue correction.

Statistics Canada released its quarterly population estimates, showing the country grew by 20,000 people in the first three months of this year. That’s the third weakest quarterly increase in data going back to 1946—and less than one-tenth the average quarterly gain over the past three years.

Four provinces and one territory—Newfoundland and Labrador, Quebec, Ontario, British Columbia, and Yukon—actually posted population declines.

The numbers reflect the dramatic reversal of policy late last year by the former Trudeau government, when it abruptly tightened permit approvals for international students and foreign workers after overseeing record immigration levels since 2021.

Under the plan, the intake of new permanent residents, or what the government calls immigrants, would be lowered from 485,000 in 2024 to 365,000 by 2027.

The number of non-permanent residents living in Canada—which had increased five-fold since 2015 to more than 3 million—would be cut by about one million over two years.

That post-pandemic rush of newcomers exacerbated housing shortages, strained public services, and disrupted the job market. It was perhaps the worst policy error of the past two decades, and in need of correction.

But, ironically, the sharp reversal in policy is now creating its own problems, impacting everything from demand for cell phones and banking services to funding for universities and colleges.

The whole episode has been a mass social experiment that will be studied for years.

“You’re going to see a ton of research on this, no question, because it’s like this little experiment here in Canada that no other country has done to this extent,’’ said Mikal Skuterud, a labour economist at the University of Waterloo and director of the Canadian Labour Economics Forum. “And there’s all kinds of dimensions to how this impacted the economy.”

The latest numbers suggest the government’s curbs are beginning to work. While still elevated, the number of non-permanent residents has started to decline—down almost 90,000 from its peak in September. The number of permanent residents, or immigrants, is now running at an annual pace closer to 400,000, down from nearly half a million.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has essentially adopted the Trudeau plan, which if successful will keep the current population steady at about the current 41.5 million level over the next two years. It would mark the first time since Confederation in 1867 that the country saw zero population growth.

Yet when viewed over the full horizon, the curbs will simply bring the average population growth rate for the decade back to about 1.3 percent, which is much closer to historical norms. We’re simply correcting a major policy anomaly.

Looking back, it’s too early to know for certain what effect the population surge had on wages and joblessness, according to Skuterud, who notes that younger Canadians, in particular, may have borne the brunt of it, given they tend to compete with newcomers for entry-level jobs.

What’s less in dispute is how the immigration surge lowered average living standards.

The evidence suggests that looser entry requirements over recent years brought in lower quality workers. Because of this, the economy failed to grow in line with population. The size of the pie didn’t grow fast enough to keep up with the number of people trying to take a slice.

The end result was the erosion of public confidence in immigration, which could linger in Canadian politics for years.

This is particularly true among younger Canadians, who now appear more open to curbing immigration levels. For many, tighter labour markets and more affordable housing—not higher population numbers—are the priority. Slower immigration supports those goals.

So, how did the government misjudge the situation so badly? And is there a lesson here for the Carney government?

Part of the problem stemmed from the unique distortions of the pandemic. The government overestimated labour shortages and then overcompensated by opening the immigration floodgates.

But there was also a broader miscalculation. Trudeau emerged from the pandemic with renewed ambitions and a belief that he had an expanded mandate to pursue transformative change, including on the immigration front.

Ambition, however, has a way of outpacing reality. And overshooting is always a risk when leaders grow too confident in their ability to enact change.

Carney is now putting forward an ambitious agenda of his own. Whether he’ll draw any lessons from Canada’s great immigration experiment remains to be seen.

Source: Theo Argitis: Canada’s great immigration experiment is ending

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La mairesse de Longueuil balise le «vivre-ensemble»

2025/06/20 Leave a comment

No major difference between interculturalism and multiculturalism as both forms of civic integration with minor differences at the operational level:

La Ville de Longueuil vient d’adopter une politique de « vivre-ensemble » basée sur l’interculturalisme, qui mise sur la primauté du français et de la laïcité dans l’espace public. Cette mesure vise aussi à rendre la cinquième ville en importance au Québec plus « inclusive » envers les minorités culturelles, qui forment le tiers de la population longueuilloise.

Cette politique considère la diversité comme une richesse et un « moteur d’innovation, de cohésion et de développement social et économique ». En énonçant des valeurs communes à tous les citoyens de Longueuil, ce plan se distingue du multiculturalisme canadien, qui « valorise la diversité culturelle dans une optique de cohabitation entre les groupes, sans affirmation d’un pilier majeur », précise le document, adopté la semaine dernière par le conseil municipal.

Signe des temps, la moitié du conseil municipal est formée d’élus issus de la diversité depuis le scrutin de 2021 — une première en plus de 360 ans d’histoire, souligne la mairesse de Longueuil, Catherine Fournier. Un Conseil interculturel a été mis en place en 2022. Le Conseil a mené des consultations en vue d’élaborer cette politique d’interculturalisme. Plus d’une quinzaine de citoyens et d’experts ont témoigné.

La politique sur le vivre-ensemble instaure les principes d’équité, de diversité et d’inclusion (EDI), dénoncés par ses critiques comme étant « wokes ». Il n’y a pourtant rien de scandaleux là-dedans : il s’agit simplement de garantir pour tout le monde l’accès aux ressources et aux occasions en matière d’emploi, de justice, de services et de logement, indique le document de la Ville.

Une approche « intersectionnelle », permettant d’identifier les citoyens selon leur genre, leur âge, leur orientation sexuelle ou leur handicap, fait aussi partie de la stratégie longueuilloise.

La mairesse précise qu’il est hors de question d’instaurer des « quotas » d’emplois réservés aux représentants de la diversité dans l’administration municipale. Les hommes blancs peuvent postuler pour tous les postes affichés par la Ville.

Inclusion en français

La politique prévoit néanmoins que l’interculturalisme soit « institutionnalisé » dans le fonctionnement de la Ville, « en intégrant la diversité culturelle dans toutes les sphères d’action municipale, des politiques aux services quotidiens ».

Par exemple, la Ville compte renforcer ses partenariats avec les organismes communautaires pour franciser les nouveaux arrivants. La Ville communique uniquement en français avec ses citoyens, mais Catherine Fournier prône la patience face aux immigrants qui peinent à maîtriser la langue officielle du Québec.

« On doit inclure les nouveaux arrivants en français », dit la mairesse. La Ville compte encourager la tenue d’événements, de festivals ou de spectacles mettant en valeur la diversité longueuilloise, pour rassembler les gens de toutes les origines. Des formations sur la diversité culturelle seront aussi offertes à des employés municipaux.

La politique prévoit une série d’autres initiatives pour valoriser la diversité longueuilloise. En matière de toponymie, l’apport de femmes ou de personnalités issues des minorités sera reconnu.

Source: La mairesse de Longueuil balise le «vivre-ensemble»

The City of Longueuil has just adopted a “living together” policy based on interculturalism, which relies on the primacy of French and secularism in public space. This measure also aims to make the fifth largest city in Quebec more “inclusive” towards cultural minorities, which make up a third of the population of Longueuil.

This policy considers diversity as a wealth and an “engine of innovation, cohesion and social and economic development”. By stating values common to all citizens of Longueuil, this plan is different from Canadian multiculturalism, which “values cultural diversity with a view to cohabitation between groups, without affirming a major pillar,” says the document, adopted last week by the city council.

Sign of the times, half of the city council has been made up of elected officials from diversity since the 2021 election – a first in more than 360 years of history, underlines the mayor of Longueuil, Catherine Fournier. An Intercultural Council was set up in 2022. The Council conducted consultations with a view to developing this policy of interculturalism. More than fifteen citizens and experts testified.

The policy on living together establishes the principles of equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI), denounced by its critics as being “wokes”. However, there is nothing scandalous about it: it is simply a matter of guaranteeing everyone access to resources and opportunities in employment, justice, services and housing, says the City’s document.

An “intersectional” approach, making it possible to identify citizens according to their gender, age, sexual orientation or disability, is also part of the Longueuil strategy.

The mayor specifies that it is out of the question to introduce “quotas” of jobs reserved for representatives of diversity in the municipal administration. White men can apply for all positions posted by the City.

Inclusion in French

Nevertheless, the policy provides for interculturalism to be “institutionalized” in the functioning of the City, “by integrating cultural diversity into all spheres of municipal action, from policies to daily services”.

For example, the City intends to strengthen its partnerships with community organizations to Frenchize newcomers. The City communicates only in French with its citizens, but Catherine Fournier advocates patience in the face of immigrants who struggle to master the official language of Quebec.

“We must include newcomers in French,” says the mayor. The City intends to encourage the holding of events, festivals or shows highlighting the diversity of Longueuil, to bring together people of all origins. Training on cultural diversity will also be offered to municipal employees.

The policy provides for a series of other initiatives to enhance the diversity of Longueuil. In terms of toponymy, the contribution of women or personalities from minorities will be recognized.

Filed under Interculturalisme, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

Keeney:Restoring Canada Special SeriesPart III: National Sovereignty in the Age of Mass Migration

2025/06/20 Leave a comment

A conservative view of immigration, citizenship and belonging, overly nostalgic and assimilationist rather than the more balanced approach of integration and accommodation into a shared history and evolving identity:

…Scruton, Vance, Williams and Stove offer a much-needed corrective to the moral confusion that pervades Canada’s immigration debate. They remind us that a nation is not a moral abstraction to be administered by technocrats, nor a blank canvas upon which to project fashionable ideals of universal justice. It is, instead, a concrete inheritance – a web of affections, memories and obligations – into which we are born or invited and to which we owe fidelity. A healthy polity depends not on the erasure of boundaries but on their moral intelligibility. Only within the thick texture of family, neighbourhood, language, tradition and the other elements collectively making up community life do our ethical duties take on substance and meaning.

Canada’s immigration crisis is, ultimately, a crisis of meaning. The liberal vision imagines a world of rights-bearing individuals, untethered from history or place, free to roam wherever they will and with as much claim upon their destination as the locals. But real nations are not weightless constructs. They are moral communities.

Prioritizing the needs of distant strangers – recall the “telescopic philanthropy” of Dickens’ Mrs. Jellyby – over those of one’s fellow citizens is not, as our political class would have it, the peak of moral enlightenment; rather, it is the abdication of the responsibilities that make moral life possible. Such a stance reflects not compassion and generosity but forgetfulness: forgetfulness of the fragile bonds that sustain our civic life and the quiet duties we owe one another. In the name of unlimited kindness, we risk dissolving the forms of life that make kindness more than sentiment. At stake is more than simply a policy debate, but a philosophical one: What does it mean to belong? What do we owe, and to whom? If the answer is to be serious, it must begin in the ordered loves that bind us to home, history and each other.

Canada’s immigration crisis is, ultimately, a crisis of meaning. The liberal vision imagines a world of rights-bearing individuals, untethered from history or place, free to roam wherever they will and with as much claim upon their destination as the locals. But real nations are not weightless constructs. They are moral communities. Canada must rediscover the ethical grammar that views obligation not as descending from metaphysical abstraction but beginning with the individual and radiating outward. It must affirm that to love one’s own is not to hate or ignore the other, but to honour the structure of human affection and duty. This is not a call for exclusion, but for rootedness; not for parochialism, but for prudence.

Canada’s globalist supporters have grown frustrated with the increasing discontent of Canadians who perceive that relentless immigration is increasingly unravelling the nation’s cohesion. Although this unrest is real, it should not be read as a rejection of compassion but as a plea to restore a moral order that values the immediate bonds of community and country over the abstract claims of universalism. Canada faces a defining choice: continue eroding its identity for a borderless vision or reaffirm the deep loves that sustain a moral community. Only by grounding itself in these concrete affections can Canada maintain its humanity and act with true justice in a divided world.

Patrick Keeney is a Canadian writer who divides his time between Kelowna, B.C. and Thailand.

Source: Restoring Canada Special Series Part III: National Sovereignty in the Age of Mass Migration

Filed under Immigration, Multiculturalism Tagged with

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