Alan Kessel: Genocide, weaponized: How a legal term became a political bludgeon 

Important distinctions between crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide, and the indiscriminate use of the latter by a former Global Affairs colleague:

…Where genocide targets a group for destruction based on its identity, crimes against humanity focus on widespread or systematic attacks on civilians regardless of group status. The distinction mattered then, and it matters now. When every war crime is labelled genocide, we lose the ability to distinguish between wrongs. And when everything is genocide, nothing is.

This matters especially in the context of Israel, where accusation often precedes investigation, and where “genocide” is used not as a legal charge but as a political judgment—a way of delegitimizing the state itself, not analyzing its conduct. This distortion becomes even more alarming when one considers that both Hamas and the Iranian regime have explicit, stated goals: the destruction of the State of Israel and the annihilation of the Jewish people. To conflate Israel’s response to such existential threats with genocide not only reverses the reality, it erases the intent of those who actually espouse genocidal ambitions. That inversion should trouble anyone who believes in law over propaganda.

More dangerously, it creates fatigue. When the word is used indiscriminately, it loses power. When we label complex, tragic conflicts as genocides without evidence of intent, we weaken our collective capacity to respond when the real thing happens, from Rwanda to Srebrenica to the Yazidis in Iraq. Lemkin gave us a word to name the worst of human crimes. We should not turn it into a slogan.

Words matter. Law matters. Lemkin knew this, and Sands reminds us of it. The victims of actual genocides deserve the dignity of truth, not the distortion of their suffering for contemporary political ends. If we are to honour Lemkin’s legacy, we must use his word with the care, clarity, and weight it demands.

Source: Alan Kessel: Genocide, weaponized: How a legal term became a political bludgeon

Steep rise in hate toward South Asians in Canada documented through social media posts

Disturbing:

Canada has seen a steep rise in hate toward South Asians on social media in recent years, with a large spike occurring during the recent federal election — especially aimed at former NDP leader Jagmeet Singh, according to a new report.

The report, titled “The Rise of Anti-South Asian Hate in Canada” and published by the U.K.-based Institute for Strategic Dialogue, used the social media monitoring tool Brandwatch to analyze posts that mention Canadian cities and regions and South Asians on X.

Between May and December 2023, they found 1,163 posts containing explicitly hateful keywords toward South Asians. During the same period in 2024, that number rose to 16,884 — an increase of more than 1,350 per cent.

A new report by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue finds a huge increase in racist posts in 2024, notably in the lead-up to the federal election.

Canada has seen a steep rise in hate toward South Asians on social media in recent years, with a large spike occurring during the recent federal election — especially aimed at former NDP leader Jagmeet Singh, according to a new report.

The report, titled “The Rise of Anti-South Asian Hate in Canada” and published by the U.K.-based Institute for Strategic Dialogue, used the social media monitoring tool Brandwatch to analyze posts that mention Canadian cities and regions and South Asians on X.

Between May and December 2023, they found 1,163 posts containing explicitly hateful keywords toward South Asians. During the same period in 2024, that number rose to 16,884 — an increase of more than 1,350 per cent.

The report says Canada has been singled out as a cautionary tale — in the eyes of far-right influencers and extremists globally — of how immigration policies can lead to an “invasion” of South Asian migrants.

Steven Rai, an analyst at ISD who focuses on domestic extremism, pointed to the American-based X account EndWokeness, which has 3.7 million followers, as one that has made numerous posts about South Asians in Canada “overtaking society.”

“Canada is held up by a lot of racists as the example of what happens to a country when it’s supposedly overrun with South Asians,” Rai said.

“Domestic extremists within Canada are promoting that stereotype and that gets picked up by people all around the world.”

The ISD notes that hate isn’t confined to the online sphere. Between 2019 and 2023, police-reported hate crimes against South Asians in Canada increased by more than 200 per cent, according to Statistics Canada.

The ISD defines domestic extremism as a belief system grounded in racial or cultural supremacy, as well as misogyny, based on a perceived threat from out-groups, which can be pursued through violent or non-violent means….

Source: Steep rise in hate toward South Asians in Canada documented through social media posts

Over half of Canada’s 2025 study permits going to international students already here

Part of the adjustment process. Will be interesting to see how the provinces priorize new study permits between universities and colleges and by discipline:

The number of new study permits approved in 2025 is expected to drop by 50 per cent from last year as a growing number of the permits are going to international students changing schools or programs, or extending their studies in Canada, according to new projections.

Fewer new international students — the result of a decline in new study permit applications and approval rates — could spell trouble for the postsecondary education sector, which will continue to see enrolment drop for at least the next three years, warns an analysis by ApplyBoard based on the latest government data.

“Onshore students and students extending their studies may help Canada reach its cap targets in 2025, but this trend is unlikely to hold in future years,” said the forecast released Wednesday.

“Search engine data has shown that interest in studying in Canada has fallen at a greater rate than for Australia, the U.K. or the U.S. And with issued study permit extensions now outpacing new study permits, the flow of new international students toward Canadian institutions is weakening.”

Canada should be alarmed by the low new student count, said Meti Basiri, CEO and co-founder of the online marketplace for learning institutions and international students.

“We have effectively closed the tap,” he told the Star. “When your graduation exceeds significantly your entry into the process … two years from now you will have no students because you graduated everyone.” 

Last year, Ottawa capped the number of new study permits issued in order to reduce international student admission by 35 per cent, as Canada’s temporary resident population was soaring. The cap did not apply to students for master’s and doctoral programs or in elementary and secondary schools.

This year, the study permit caps were reduced by another 10 per cent and include those pursuing post-graduate studies in the country.

Leveraging early 2025 study permit data, ApplyBoard projects the total number of study permits issued may reach 420,000, just short of the overall cap (437,000). However, Basiri said that’s deceiving because only 163,000 of these permits are going to new international students, half of the volume admitted in 2024 and nearly 70 per cent fewer than 2023….

Source: Over half of Canada’s 2025 study permits going to international students already here

Portugal Moves to Enforce Tougher Citizenship Laws with Bold Ten-Year Residency Requirement Transforming the Future of Immigration and Expat Life

Of note, tightening up immigration and citizenship by investment in effect among other changes:

Portugal is implementing a sweeping overhaul of its immigration and citizenship policies, introducing a powerful new requirement that doubles the legal residency period from five to ten years for most foreign nationals seeking citizenship. This bold move is designed to tighten eligibility criteria, regulate long-term migration, and reinforce integration efforts across the country. The new legislation is set to significantly impact expats, especially those from non-Portuguese-speaking nations, by reshaping the timeline and complexity of gaining Portuguese citizenship and long-term residency rights.

Portugal is set to implement significant changes to its immigration and citizenship framework, including a major shift in the minimum residency period required for naturalisation. Under the proposed revisions, most foreign nationals will need to reside in the country for a full decade before becoming eligible to apply for citizenship—twice the current requirement.

The decision marks a pivotal change in Portugal’s approach to immigration and could have far-reaching implications for expatriates, especially those from non-Portuguese-speaking nations.

Extended Path to Citizenship for Foreign Nationals

Currently, many foreigners can apply for Portuguese citizenship after five years of legal residency. However, the proposed legal amendments will extend this to ten years for the majority of applicants. Citizens from Lusophone countries such as Brazil will still benefit from relatively shorter pathways but will now be required to reside in Portugal for at least seven years to qualify for citizenship.

This move will affect thousands of expatriates hoping to make Portugal their permanent home, including a large number of British citizens who moved to Portugal following the United Kingdom’s departure from the European Union. These changes are expected to make the journey to EU citizenship more complex and time-consuming.

New Restrictions on Family Reunification

In addition to the extended residency requirement, the proposed changes will introduce more limitations on family reunification rights. Immigrants will need to have lived legally in Portugal for a minimum of two years before they can bring family members into the country. Even then, the eligible relatives must be underage.

This new regulation is aimed at regulating migration flows and ensuring a more structured integration process, according to Portuguese officials. However, it is likely to impact families planning to settle together in the country, making early reunification more difficult for newcomers.

Rising Foreign Population and Slower Naturalisation

Portugal’s foreign population continues to grow steadily. According to the country’s Agency for Migration and Asylum (AIMA), Portugal now hosts over 1.5 million legal foreign residents out of a total population of approximately 10.5 million.

However, naturalisation rates have shown a recent decline. Data compiled by national statistics platform Pordata reveals that 141,300 individuals were naturalised in 2023 — a decline of twenty percent compared to the previous year. This downward trend could continue under the new rules, as longer residency requirements may deter or delay applications for citizenship.

Visa Options Remain, but With Limitations

On the other hand, residency visas are issued for individuals intending to live in Portugal longer-term. Valid for four months, they permit two entries and serve as a gateway to obtaining a residency permit from AIMA within that timeframe. Failure to secure a residency permit during this window may result in legal complications or the need to reapply.

Another key offering is the job seeker visa, designed for individuals actively seeking employment within Portugal. This visa allows entry and temporary stay for job search purposes and permits the holder to undertake paid employment while the visa is valid or until a residence permit is granted. However, this visa does not authorize travel to other Schengen countries during the search period, restricting mobility until formal residency is secured.

Portugal is enforcing a major immigration reform by doubling the residency requirement for citizenship to ten years, aiming to strengthen integration policies and reshape expat settlement patterns. This bold shift will significantly impact global migrants seeking EU citizenship through Portugal.

Implications for Foreigners Planning to Settle in Portugal

The proposed reforms signal a tightening of immigration policies, aligning with growing debates across Europe over integration and border management. For prospective immigrants, particularly those aiming to obtain EU citizenship via Portugal, these developments suggest a longer and potentially more complex process.

While Portugal remains one of the most attractive European destinations for lifestyle migration, remote work, and retirement, the evolving legal landscape may influence the decisions of those considering a permanent move. Experts advise current residents and future applicants to stay informed about upcoming legislative changes and consult immigration specialists for guidance on how these new timelines and rules may affect their plans.

Source: Portugal Moves to Enforce Tougher Citizenship Laws with Bold Ten-Year Residency Requirement Transforming the Future of Immigration and Expat Life

‘We have to cap population growth’: Ten quotes from Pierre Poilievre’s EXCLUSIVE Hub interview 

As close as we are likely to get in terms of numbers and levels, although he and immigration critic Rempel-Garner will have to be more precise when the government levels plan comes out in November:

“We definitely have to cap population growth. I say population growth because in the immigration–emigration formula, there are two parts to it. There’s the number of people coming in and the number going out.

Natural population growth in Canada is basically zero, in fact, it was negative last quarter. When I say population growth, I’m really talking about immigration minus emigration. We have a lot of people who are supposed to be leaving in the next year or so. They are international students and temporary foreign workers on temporary visas that are going to run out. So we’re going to need more people to leave than to come for the next several years, and that means having negative population growth in that time period.”

Source: ‘We have to cap population growth’: Ten quotes from Pierre Poilievre’s EXCLUSIVE Hub interview

CBSA investigates whether suspected senior Iranian officials were allowed entry into Canada

Screening is always a challenge but good that efforts being made:

Canadian border authorities say they are investigating or taking enforcement action in 66 cases involving suspected senior Iranian officials who may have been allowed into Canada, despite a law that bars them from entering the country or remaining in it. 

Of the 66, the Canada Border Services Agency has so far identified 20 people as inadmissible because they are believed to be senior Iranian officials, according to figures the agency provided to The Globe and Mail. 

The border agency refers such cases to the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, which holds hearings to decide whether someone should be allowed in the country.

One person has so far been removed from Canada for their association with the Iranian government. Two others have been deemed inadmissible and were issued deportation orders. An additional two people were deemed admissible, though the border agency is appealing those decisions. The figures provided to The Globe are current up to June 6. 

“Our strong response to suspected senior officials in the Iranian regime remains in place and the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) continues to take action to stop them from seeking or finding safe haven in Canada,” agency spokesperson Rebecca Purdy said in a statement. 

Canada’s record on preventing senior Iranian government officials from entering the country is under increased scrutiny amid the war that broke out between Israel and Iran on June 12. Human-rights activists and lawyers are concerned that Iranian officials, including members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), have already managed to get into Canada and that more will attempt to do so…

Source: CBSA investigates whether suspected senior Iranian officials were allowed entry into Canada

Gessen: Antisemitism Isn’t What People Think It Is

Good piece on the risks of “conflating criticism of Israel with anti-Zionism and anti-Zionism with antisemitism:”

What makes these conflations powerful and long lasting is fear. I heard an extraordinary description of how this fear operates in a podcast interview with the Columbia University professor Shai Davidai. If you are familiar with his name, it’s probably because he has been a lightning rod, a hero to those who believe that American universities have become hotbeds of antisemitism. Columbia, for its part, suspended his campus access, saying he had harassed and intimidated other university employees.

Before any of this happened, Davidai identified as left wing, an opponent of the Israeli occupation and a critic of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. A couple of days after Oct. 7, someone showed him an open letter issued by the Columbia chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace. It was the kind of strident, tone-deaf letter that student organizations were putting out at the time. It talked about the inevitability of armed resistance as a response to systemic oppression. It did not talk about Jews.

And then Davidai found himself on campus, looking at several hundred students wearing kaffiyeh and, at least as he understood it, celebrating the Hamas attack. A colleague leaned over to him, he said, “and says, ‘This is the antisemitism that our parents and grandparents warned us about, and we didn’t listen.’ And the moment he said that, everything changed for me.” Davidai started speaking out on social media and attracted a great deal of attention.

Davidai described his experience as an epiphany. For many people living in Israel — a nation founded by Jews for Jews — and many American Jews as well, antisemitism is an abstraction, the stuff of stories. (I have to give credit for this observation to my daughter, who moved from a very antisemitic society to New York City at the age of 12.) These stories come from great tragedy, especially for Jews of European origin, many of whom represent the lucky-survivor branches of their families. Seeing something you have only read about suddenly, at least seemingly, come to life is a kind of awakening — the kind that a person in grief and trauma is perhaps particularly open to.

Two recent brutal attacks in the United States have sent more fear through Jewish communities here and elsewhere: the shooting of two Israeli Embassy staff members outside of the Capital Jewish Museum, in Washington, D.C., on May 21 and the firebombing of a rally in support of Israeli hostages 11 days later, in Boulder, Colo. Both attacks have been widely denounced as antisemitic.

That’s no surprise — both were visible and deliberate attacks on public events with a high concentration of Jews. But that isn’t necessarily the end of the story. Daniel May, the publisher of the magazine Jewish Currents (I serve on its board), has argued in a powerful article that neither attacker made any obviously antisemitic statements — unless one considers “Free Palestine” an antisemitic slogan. The D.C. shooter’s 900-word purported manifesto didn’t contain the word “Jew” or even “Zionist.” Of course, someone could still act out of hatred even if he doesn’t shout it in a manifesto, but the absence in that document of any explicit mention does open the possibility that he had a different motive.

Neither of these events was exclusive to Jews, as a synagogue service might be. Both events were inextricable from the war in Gaza. And though the violence in Boulder was wide ranging, the shooting in Washington seems to have been very specifically targeted — at two representatives of the Israeli government.

None of this makes the attacks any less horrific. And none of it should offer any comfort to the victims or their families. The terrible human toll is the same no matter what the attackers’ motivation. But if we are looking to draw larger lessons from this brutality, it’s worth considering that violence that looks antisemitic may — even when it very effectively serves to scare a great many Jews — be something else.

What these attacks can be understood as is, undoubtedly, acts of terrorism. There is no universally accepted definition of terrorism, but scholars agree on some basics: It’s violence committed for political reasons, against noncombatants, with the goal of sowing fear. It’s notable that “terrorism,” a term that in this country has been used and misused to crack down on civil liberties, especially those of brown and Muslim immigrants, has been joined and even supplanted by the term “antisemitism,” wielded in similar ways, for the same purposes.

Terrorists aim to provoke a reaction. A violent and disproportionate response, because it amplifies their message that whatever they have targeted is absolute evil. They got that response in Israel’s devastation of Gaza following the Hamas attack on Oct. 7.

Terrified people tend to support disproportionate violence. Terrified people make perfect constituencies for politicians like Netanyahu because they can be convinced that the unrelenting massacre and starvation of Gazans is necessary to keep Israel safe, and for President Trump, because they may not question the justification for pre-emptively bombing a sovereign country.

My thoughts keep returning to that conversation with the historian of Stalinism. She studied an era of political terrorism carried out on the premise — crazy yet widely accepted — that the U.S.S.R. was full of people who wanted to kill their leader. Today, we may live in an even more cynical era, when political leaders, instead of acting on their own fears of violence, instrumentalize other people’s fear.

The conflations that underlie most political conversations about antisemitism make it seem as if everyone wants to kill Jews — that antisemitism is not just common but omnipresent. If you believe that the whole world wants you dead, then you are much less likely to stand up for human rights or civil liberties, other people’s or your own.

A casualty of this cynical era is our understanding of the actual scale of antisemitism, defined as animus against Jews as Jews. There are many reasons to think that antisemitic attitudes and attacks are on the rise, but the keepers of statistics often thwart the effort to get hard information, because they insist on conflating criticism of Israel with anti-Zionism and anti-Zionism with antisemitism.

New York City is home to the largest number of Jews outside of Israel. But for all the noise mayoral candidates and their supporters have made about antisemitism, Mamdani is the only one I have heard so movingly acknowledge the emotional toll that the real and imagined threats of antisemitism have been taking on Jewish New Yorkers. I wonder how many people can hear him through all the din.

Source: Antisemitism Isn’t What People Think It Is

Le plurilinguisme des immigrants est-il nécessairement une menace pour le français?

Good analysis pour la Fête Nationale du Québec:

Des répondants qui cochent plusieurs cases à « langue maternelle ». Des jeunes scolarisés dans une langue, mais qui en utilisent une autre à la maison et une autre encore devant leur écran. Des conversations entre amis ou à la table familiale dans deux langues. Un appel du travail dans une troisième. En parallèle à l’évolution des usages du français, une équipe de chercheurs tente de sortir le plurilinguisme de l’angle mort des dynamiques linguistiques.



« On a tendance à avoir une vision un peu binaire : on est soit francophone, soit anglophone, dans cette idée de deux langues officielles avec deux peuples fondateurs, mais on constate déjà que de plus en plus de gens déclarent plus d’une langue maternelle », décrit le professeur en sociologie à l’Université Laval Richard Marcoux.



L’immigration internationale est en effet le facteur dominant — et même exclusif depuis l’an dernier — de la croissance de la population. Il importe donc de mieux saisir la complexité du bagage des immigrants, estime ce cotitulaire de la Chaire de recherche du Québec sur la situation démolinguistique et les politiques linguistiques.



Parmi les 10 premiers pays d’origine des immigrants permanents au Québec l’an dernier, on retrouve le Cameroun, la Tunisie, l’Algérie, le Maroc, Haïti, la Côte d’Ivoire et le Liban. Ce sont des pays où certains usages du français existent, sans que les immigrants qui en viennent n’entrent dans la case de plus en plus étroite des francophones de langue maternelle.



Pour obtenir un portrait plus juste de l’état des choses, il faut dépasser les critères plus traditionnels comme la langue maternelle ou la langue parlée à la maison : « Ça ne suffit plus et c’est moins représentatif de l’immigration actuelle », juge celui qui préside aussi le Comité consultatif sur la statistique linguistique de Statistique Canada.



Ce « plurilinguisme dès la naissance » est encore mal saisi par les indicateurs les plus couramment cités. C’est différent, regarder la première langue parlée à la maison et considérer toutes celles qui sont parlées entre les murs privés, mettaient par exemple de l’avant M. Marcoux et ses collègues sociologues Jean-Pierre Corbeil et Victor Piché, dans une note de recherche de 2023.


« Ce qu’on constate, c’est que ces immigrants arrivent en disant : “Moi, ma langue maternelle, c’est l’arabe ET le français. J’ai été socialisé dans les deux langues, avec un univers qui se passait parfois dans l’une, parfois dans l’autre” », explique M. Marcoux plus en détail. « C’est différent de dire : “J’ai été élevé à Rabat, à Alger ou à Cotonou” », ajoute le professeur qui revient tout juste de Dakar, au Sénégal.

Cohabitation

Le plurilinguisme qu’il décrit colle à l’expérience de Hocine Taleb. Arrivé d’Algérie à 18 ans, il occupe maintenant, à l’aube de la trentaine, un emploi en informatique où il utilise majoritairement le français et, à l’occasion, l’anglais. Durant son enfance, il a été scolarisé en arabe à l’école publique. Il est exposé au français partout dans l’espace public, surtout à la télévision, et il parle kabyle avec sa famille et ses amis.

Alors quelle case coche-t-il ? « Techniquement, ma langue maternelle est le kabyle, mais aujourd’hui, je pense davantage en français que dans les autres langues », explique-t-il. Le kabyle reste la langue du dimanche chez ses parents, et celle qui décrit le mieux les plats délicieux préparés par sa mère.

Même s’il est au Québec depuis plus d’une décennie, on lui trouve encore le plus souvent un accent « de Français de France », un pays où il n’a pas vécu. Sa copine a des origines à la fois chinoise et québécoise ; elle a grandi d’abord en anglais puis en français, ce qui fait qu’ensemble, ils utilisent encore un mélange des deux.

C’est l’arabe finalement, « une langue imposée par l’école », qui est le moins présent dans ses journées, au point où il ne le parle pratiquement plus.

Un élan vers le français

Preuve s’il en est que l’on « naît de moins en moins francophone, on le devient », comme a déjà dit M. Marcoux lors d’une entrevue précédente. Il travaille notamment avec le professeur Koia Jean Martial Kouame, basé en Côte d’Ivoire, qui dit que le français est maintenant une langue africaine, un butin de guerre que les gens se sont réappropriés, tant au nord, à l’ouest qu’au centre de ce continent monumental.

Ensemble, ils tentent de préciser la place de la langue française dans une trentaine de métropoles différentes, toutes plurilingues. « Le français est la langue de communication, d’échange à Abidjan, mais pas à Bamako. À Dakar, on voit que la population se wolofise [parle de plus en plus la langue locale wolof], en même temps qu’elle se francise », note M. Marcoux.

Le Rwanda, parfois décrit comme ayant « basculé » du côté anglophone, n’a en fait jamais été francophone, note-t-il aussi, pour illustrer les nuances possibles. Les élites favorisent en effet l’anglais, mais les journaux, les banques et une partie de l’administration fonctionne beaucoup plus en kinyarwanda : « Depuis qu’on mesure, la proportion de francophones n’a jamais dépassé 8 % ! », note le professeur québécois.

C’est donc en quelque sorte deux élans inverses qu’il documente : du plurilinguisme vers le français en Afrique subsaharienne et au Maghreb, et du français vers plusieurs langues au Québec. Le point d’arrivée ? Une affirmation plurielle d’une langue décomplexée, un polycentrisme qui déplace le centre de gravité de la norme parisienne.

Pas une menace

À l’inverse de ce que les détracteurs de M. Marcoux tentent de lui coller comme étiquette, le chercheur affirme : « On part du consensus que le français est fragile et il a besoin d’une attention particulière. Mais on ne voit pas le plurilinguisme comme une menace à la langue. On dit seulement qu’il faut prendre la réalité en compte, et cette réalité est le plurilinguisme. »

Il n’est donc pas question, pour lui, de reculer sur les politiques déjà en place, surtout sur l’obligation d’envoyer ses enfants à l’école en français. Il veut plutôt qu’on cesse de voir la langue plurielle comme un facteur d’anglicisation ou de déclin du français. « On veut, nous aussi, que nos institutions continuent à fonctionner en français, mais on ne s’inquiète pas quand les gens échangent entre eux dans des conversations privées en arabe ou en espagnol. Ce n’est pas ça la menace à mes yeux », conclut l’expert.

Source: Le plurilinguisme des immigrants est-il nécessairement une menace pour le français?

Respondents who check several boxes in “mother tongue”. Young people educated in one language, but who use another at home and another in front of their screen. Conversations between friends or at the family table in two languages. A call from work in a third. In parallel with the evolution of French uses, a team of researchers is trying to get plurilingualism out of the blind spot of linguistic dynamics.

“We tend to have a somewhat binary vision: we are either French-speaking or English-speaking, in this idea of two official languages with two founding peoples, but we already see that more and more people declare more than one mother tongue,” describes the professor of sociology at Laval University Richard Marcoux.

International immigration is indeed the dominant – and even exclusive factor since last year – of population growth. It is therefore important to better grasp the complexity of immigrants’ baggage, says this co-holder of the Quebec Research Chair on the demolinguistic situation and language policies.

Among the top 10 countries of origin of permanent immigrants in Quebec last year, we find Cameroon, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Haiti, Ivory Coast and Lebanon. These are countries where certain uses of French exist, without immigrants who come from them entering the increasingly narrow box of French-speaking mother tongues.

To get a fairer picture of the state of affairs, it is necessary to go beyond more traditional criteria such as the mother tongue or the language spoken at home: “It is no longer enough and it is less representative of current immigration,” says the one who also chairs the Statistical Canada Linguistic Statistics Advisory Committee.

This “multilingualism from birth” is still poorly grasped by the most commonly cited indicators. It’s different, looking at the first language spoken at home and considering all those that are spoken between private walls, put for example M. Marcoux and his fellow sociologists Jean-Pierre Corbeil and Victor Piché, in a 2023 research note.

“What we see is that these immigrants arrive saying: “Me, my mother tongue, is Arabic AND French. I was socialized in both languages, with a universe that sometimes happened in one, sometimes in the other,” explains Mr. Marcoux in more detail. “It’s different to say: “I was raised in Rabat, Algiers or Cotonou,” adds the teacher who has just returned from Dakar, Senegal.

Living with somebody

The plurilingualism he describes is in line with Hocine Taleb’s experience. During his childhood, he was educated in Arabic in public school. He is exposed to French everywhere in the public space, especially on television, and he speaks Kabyle with his family and friends.

So which box does it tick? “Technically, my mother tongue is Kabyle, but today, I think more in French than in other languages,” he explains. Kabyle remains the Sunday language of his parents, and the one that best describes the delicious dishes prepared by his mother.

Even though he has been in Quebec for more than a decade, he is still most often found with a “French” accent, a country where he has not lived. His girlfriend has both Chinese and Quebec origins; she grew up first in English and then in French, which means that together, they still use a mixture of the two.

It is finally Arabic, “a language imposed by the school”, which is the least present in his days, to the point where he hardly speaks it anymore.

A boost towards French

Proof if it is that we are “born less and less French-speaking, we become one”, as Mr. He works in particular with Professor Koia Jean Martial Kouame, based in Côte d’Ivoire, who says that French is now an African language, a war booty that people have reappropriated, both in the north, west and center of this monumental continent.

Together, they try to specify the place of the French language in about thirty different metropolises, all multilingual. “French is the language of communication, of exchange in Abidjan, but not in Bamako. In Dakar, we see that the population is Wolofing [speaking the local Wolof language more and more], at the same time as it is Frenchizing, “notes Mr. Marcoux

Rwanda, sometimes described as having “swung” to the English-speaking side, has in fact never been French-speaking, he also notes, to illustrate the possible nuances. The elites indeed favor English, but newspapers, banks and part of the administration work much more in kinyarwanda: “Since we measure, the proportion of French speakers has never exceeded 8%! “, notes the Quebec teacher.

It is therefore in a way two inverse impulses that it documents: from multilingualism to French in sub-Saharan Africa and the Maghreb, and from French to several languages in Quebec. The point of arrival? A plural affirmation of an uninhibited language, a polycentrism that displaces the center of gravity of the Parisian norm.

Not a threat

Contrary to what Mr. Marcoux’s critics try to label him, the researcher says: “We start from the consensus that French is fragile and needs special attention. But we do not see multilingualism as a threat to language. We only say that we must take reality into account, and this reality is multilingualism. ”

There is therefore no question, for him, of going back on the policies already in place, especially on the obligation to send his children to school in French. Rather, he wants us to stop seeing the plural language as a factor of Anglicization or decline of French. “We also want our institutions to continue to function in French, but we don’t worry when people exchange with each other in private conversations in Arabic or Spanish. That’s not the threat in my eyes, “concludes the expert.

Racial bias exists in five-star ratings for gig workers, study shows. Thumbs up/thumbs down scale would fix that

Small but significant difference and impact:

Most of us do it, sometimes daily. After ordering a ride, getting a meal delivered or hiring someone for home repairs through an app, we’re asked to rate the service – often on a five-star scale.

Ratings are intended to be a fair way to reward good work and ensure those who provide exceptional service get more business.

“We want to ensure that the [rating] system allows shoppers’ effort to shine,” John Adams, vice-president of product at Instacart, states on the delivery company’s website. 

But a study published recently in the science journal Nature suggests otherwise. It found these seemingly neutral five-star systems harbour subtle but measurable racial bias that disappears when a “thumbs-up” or “thumbs-down” rating system is used.

Using data from an unnamed home-services app operating in Canada and the United States that had been using a five-star scale, researchers found a statistically significant difference between ratings given to white and non-white workers. After analyzing tens of thousands of reviews, the study showed white workers received an average rating of 4.79 stars, while non-white workers averaged 4.72.

That 0.07-point gap may seem trivial, but co-author Katherine DeCelles, a professor of organizational behaviour at the University of Toronto’s Rotman School of Management, says it has real financial consequences. Because many apps rely on customer ratings to determine which workers are recommended most often, non-white workers were found to earn 91 cents for every dollar their white counterparts made for the same work.

The researchers attribute part of the disparity to subtle and often unconscious bias. For instance, a customer giving a racial minority worker who performs well four stars, instead of five, “does not challenge the customer’s self-image as non-prejudiced, since four stars can still be seen as a positive rating,” according to the report….

Source: Racial bias exists in five-star ratings for gig workers, study shows. Thumbs up/thumbs down scale would fix that

Dosanjh: Canada has put up with Khalistani terrorists for long enough

Of note from former British Columbia premier and Liberal minister:

….After decades of frustration over the West’s indifference to the Khalistani menace, India finally sees signs of progress, as the Trump administration appears to be acting on the threat in the United States. Following U.S. National Intelligence Director Tulsi Gabbard’s meetings with Indian officials in New Delhi in March, the FBI arrested a Khalistani terrorist with suspected links to the ISI.

While inviting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the G7 Summit in Alberta was a welcome move to mend Canada-India relations, the Carney government can ill-afford to continue ignoring the Khalistani threat.

As the past four decades have shown, permitting extremist groups with criminal tendencies to operate unbridled in Canada has severely undermined the country’s national security and public safety interests.

The Khalistan movement is not a legitimate political cause. It is an extremist, hate-fest-cum-transnational-criminal-entity that was responsible for Canada’s deadliest terror attack and has made our streets less safe. There is nothing Canadian about a movement that radicalizes children to hate, and threatens and glorifies the assassination of foreign leaders.

As former prime minister Stephen Harper rightly counselled, it’s time for Canada’s political class to “sever” ties with Khalistani separatists and treat them with the contempt that murderous terrorists and criminals deserve.

Source: Opinion: Canada has put up with Khalistani terrorists for long enough