Austria’s Muslims fear changes to historic Islam law

On foreign funding of mosques in Austria:

The draft law has also been criticised by constitutional experts, who say that some of its provisions fail to treat Muslims equally.

Professor Stefan Hammer from the University of Vienna says, while it is legitimate for the government to try and prevent misuse of donations from abroad, a blanket ban on foreign funding for the Islamic Community is constitutionally very problematic.

“Financing of religious communities is part of their internal affairs. This does not mean the state may not address any aspect of that, but it has to be proportional,” he says.

Other religious groups and churches receive external funding, notably the Russian Orthodox Church from Moscow, so differentiating between religions would clearly be excessive, he believes.

“It would be a clear breach of the principle of equal treatment.”Carla Amina Baghajati from the Islamic Community says the draft is infused with “a spirit of mistrust”, which she fears could play into the hands of the radicals.

“The radicals make use of the identity question, telling people: Look at the European societies, you wont ever be on the same level, you will always be an outsider. They wont accept you, so come and join us.

“This is very dangerous. We have to help young people to find their identity and the law is one of the important pieces in this identity building. It has helped in the past and we want it to help in the future.”

Seems like the solution could be a ban on any foreign funding for any religion to address the equal treatment issue.

BBC News – Austrias Muslims fear changes to historic Islam law.

Citizenship in India not gender-neutral, Arizona State U professor asserts

Interesting article on the long-standing impact of “personal law” and group religious rights in India:

One aspect of Indian democracy that is unfamiliar to most Americans is the concept of personal law, a legacy of British colonial administration. Four religious communities – majority Hindu and minority Muslim, Christian and Parsi – have their own personal laws. Other religious groups, Sikh, Buddhist and Jain, are subsumed under Hindu personal law. No one may opt out of a religious identity, and therefore no one is exempt from personal law. Proponents of personal law claim that it secures religious difference, Behl said.

“Personal law associated with India’s religious communities shapes every aspect of a woman’s life – her status at birth; her capacity to own, inherit and manage property; her freedom to work, marry, divorce and remarry; and her relationship with her children,” she [Natasha Behl] said.

“Personal law effectively suspends Indian women’s most basic rights on behalf of group rights. The issue of personal law divides women on multiple fronts – between their respective religious communities, between civil rights and minority rights, and between gender equality and minority claims for recognition.”

The interviews Behl conducted for the “Situated citizenship” article document situations including a disconnect between property and inheritance rights for women, which in theory are legally protected, and the reality in the community. “Practically speaking, girls don’t receive any land from their parents, and they don’t receive any land from their in-laws,” one interviewee told her.

Deep multiculturalism focus on group rights rather than ‘shallow’ multiculturalism focussing on individual rights as in Canada, Australia etc.

Citizenship in India not gender-neutral, ASU professor asserts | ASU News.

Toronto school fundraising raises questions about equity in public-education system

Given that one of Canada’s strength in education, as measured by the OECD’s PISA studies, is with respect to equity in education, the funding disparity suggests that this may diminish over time:

Schools in Toronto’s most affluent neighbourhoods are fundraising 300 times more money per student than needier schools, using the cash for field trips and playground renovations and raising questions about equity in the public-education system.

Fundraising figures for elementary schools provided by the Toronto District School Board and analyzed by The Globe and Mail found that children in those affluent neighbourhoods are getting almost as much as $900 each in educational extras, from new playgrounds to Scientists in Schools. The money is raised through events such as fun fairs and pizza lunches. Some schools in lower-income neighbourhoods raise as little as $3 a student.

Canada’s largest school board provides special grants to schools in high-needs communities to help compensate for the vast differences.

But it still cannot catch up to the hundreds of thousands of dollars schools in the city’s richest neighbourhoods raise. Blythwood Junior Public School, situated around Mount Pleasant Road and Lawrence Avenue East, a wealthy neighbourhood, raised almost $700 a student in the 2012-13 academic year. Thorncliffe Park Public School, located in an area that serves as a landing pad for recent immigrants, raised about $45.

The board can’t afford to fully make up the differences, according to Carla Kisko, associate director of the TDSB. “It’s a serious concern because there are significant differences between communities,” she said.

Certainly nothing like the US system, where much of school funding is by neighbourhood in contrast to the block funding in Canada, but still something to watch.

Toronto school fundraising raises questions about equity in public-education system – The Globe and Mail.

Deradicalization programs aim to get ahead of the curve in stopping extremists

Good overview on various deradicalization programs (and the absence of Canadian ones), and the challenge of measuring their effectiveness:

While there is greater interest in deradicalization programs, questions remain about their effectiveness.

McCants at the Brookings Institution acknowledges that the Saudi program has had some success in turning detainees into productive members of society, but “whether they’ve left the ideology behind is a harder question to answer.”

The Saudi government has acknowledged some of the graduates of its deradicalization program have returned to extremist activity, including one who became deputy commander of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.

Brian Jenkins, a counterterrorism expert at the Rand Corporation, says that while a lot of things are being tried, the success of deradicalization strategies is notoriously difficult to measure.

According to a story published in the Christian Science Monitor in July, Hayat Berlin had steered 20 individuals from fighting in Syria. But even if they had proceeded to the front lines, it doesn’t necessarily mean they would have returned to wage attacks at home.

“Is there some comparative statistic that says, does this particular technique work, did that particular technique work? I havent seen anything that tells me that,” says Jenkins. “The statistics aren’t there.”

Part of that may be deliberately hedging on the part of the governments involved, says Jenkins, but it also reflects the fact that while its easy to keep statistics on criminal incidents, “its hard to count things that don’t occur.”

Deradicalization programs aim to get ahead of the curve in stopping extremists – CBC News – Latest Canada, World, Entertainment and Business News.

ICYMI: Lone wolves, police state – Gagnon

Good commentary by Lysiane Gagnon, detailing all the limits of current government soundings of proposals to reduce the risk of violent extremism, particularly for “lone wolves” like Couture-Rouleau and Zehaf-Bibeau.

She concludes with:

These are repugnant opinions [justifying terrorism], but even the most abhorrent ideas must be tolerated for freedom of speech to exist. This is what makes Canada a liberal democracy. Denying it would be granting a moral victory to the terrorists who are fighting against this country’s most fundamental values.

Lone wolves, police state – The Globe and Mail.

Interview with Ratna Omidvar – Flight and Freedom

Good interview between Dana Wagner and Ratna Omidvar on their forthcoming book, Flight and Freedom, recounting the experiences and personal stories on refugees taking refuge in Canada:

Dana: You’re describing something that’s very intimate, because you and your husband fled Iran in 1981 as refugees. What do you want Canadians to know about the experience of flight?

Ratna: Yes, these stories are close to my heart. My husband and I made our own escape from Iran when it became clear our lives were not safe under Tehran’s new rulers. We couldn’t raise a family the way we wanted, and war with Iraq threatened to call my husband to the frontline. So we boarded a bus to Turkey with our young daughter, found our way to Germany, and ultimately decided on Canada. Our escape does not approach the danger and hardship so many others face fleeing countries worldwide including Iran. But a few of the most vivid moments of my life occurred on that journey. One was in a cold customs room at the border crossing with Turkey, when our future was uncertain. Forward, or back? What punishment would we face for attempted escape? The second was in a plane, over a vast land of forests broken by silver lakes. In Canadian skies, I began to breathe again.

This glimpse of the terror involved in escape, and the unparalleled exhilaration of freedom, does not fade fast. It’s in everything, a permanent imprint behind my eyelids. There has been a deep link for me between the personal and the professional from my family’s experience. I embraced this country, and because of what it gave me – its protection and opportunities – I will always strive to change it for the better. After a time, I gave myself license to start rearranging the furniture in my new home. The desire to thrive and to give back is palpable in refugees who come to Canada. We think of refugees taking and needing, but they enrich our communities in incredible ways.

Well worth reading the complete interview as well as checking out their site, Flight and Freedom.

Interview with Ratna Omidvar – Flight and Freedom.

Ontario’s Teacher Diversity Gap

Interesting study on the gap between visible minority representation among teachers and the student population in Ontario and Toronto, including comparisons with the USA:

  • The demographic divide between teachers and students in Ontario and the Toronto CMA is large. In Ontario, racial minorities represent 26% of the population, yet make up only 10% of the 70,520 secondary school teachers and 9% of the 117,905 elementary school and kindergarten teachers. In the Toronto CMA, racial minorities represent 47% of the population, yet make up 20% of secondary school teachers and 18% of elementary school and kindergarten teachers.
  • The Teacher Diversity Gap is worse in Ontario and the Toronto CMA than for the United States overall. While Ontario and the Toronto CMA are doing a slightly better job of reflecting the diversity of the student population than states such as Ohio, we are also doing worse than other states, including New York, Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana. The Teacher Diversity Gap for the United States as a whole is slightly smaller than the gap for Ontario and the Toronto CMA.
  • The Teacher Diversity Gap is no better for the Toronto CMA than it is for Ontario. The Teacher Diversity Gap in the Toronto CMA is .40, while the gap for Ontario is .38. This means that the demographic divide between teachers and students is just about the same for students in the Toronto CMA as it is for students in the rest of the province.
  • The gap could get worse as the population becomes more diverse. While we currently face a large Teacher Diversity Gap, the province is rapidly becoming more diverse. Statistics Canada data shows that racial minorities currently represent 26% of the Ontario population and 47% of the Toronto CMA population. Statistics Canada projects that by 2031 racial minorities could make up 63% of the Toronto CMA population. As such, without significant changes to the composition of the teaching population, the Teacher Diversity Gap may widen.

Previous  employment equity reporting provided much more detail (e.g, 2006 reports cited) compared to today’s high level overview limited to the Canadian public service and federally regulated sectors (banking, communications, transportation).

Combination of budget cuts and change in government priorities.

Ontarios Teacher Diversity Gap – TURNER CONSULTING GROUP INC..

Why online Islamophobia is difficult to stop

More on Islamophobia from both the UK and Canadian perspectives:

Online Islamophobia is also flourishing in Canada. The National Council of Canadian Muslims NCCM is receiving a growing number of reports.

But there are now fewer means for prosecuting online hate speech in Canada. Section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act protected against the wilful promotion of hate online, but it was repealed by Bill C-304 in 2012.

“It’s kind of hard to say what the impact is, because even when it existed, there weren’t a lot of complaints brought under it,” says Cara Zwibel of the Canadian Civil Liberties Association.

Though there is a criminal code provision that protects against online hate speech, it requires the attorney general’s approval in order to lay charges — and that rarely occurs, says Zwibel.

Section 319 of the Criminal Code of Canada forbids the incitement of hatred against “any section of the public distinguished by colour, race, religion, ethnic origin or sexual orientation.” A judge can order online material removed from a public forum such as social media if it is severe enough, but if it is housed on a server outside of the country, this can be difficult.

Ihsaan Gardee, executive director of NCCM, says without changes, anti-Muslim hate speech will continue to go unpunished online, which he says especially concerns moderate Muslims.

“They worry about people perceiving them as sharing the same values these militants and these Islamic extremists are espousing.”

Same issues arise with antisemitism.

Ironic that the government is publicly musing about measures to curtail ISIS and related radicalization messaging on-line given their elimination of s 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act (hate speech).

Why online Islamophobia is difficult to stop – CBC News – Latest Canada, World, Entertainment and Business News.

Harper’s silence on anti-Muslim backlash disheartens Muslim groups

They have a point. Silence from the top speaks:

Muslim groups have condemned the killings and the extremist beliefs which apparently motivated them. But they say their efforts to demonstrate that most Muslims do not share those beliefs and to show solidarity with non-Muslim Canadians need to be reinforced by political leaders, particularly the prime minister.

“We are trying to work together with our law enforcement and our authorities to end this what is called radicalization of youth. We are trying to do our utmost to help,” said Mostefa.

But when political leaders denounce Muslim extremists but don’t come to the defence of moderate Muslims, Mostefa said young Muslims will think: “This is my country and you don’t come to my support to stand by my side.”

And that sends “the wrong message.”

….. “Our leaders have a very important role to play,” concurred Amira Elghawaby, human rights co-ordinator for the National Council of Canadian Muslims.

“It’s the leaders who have to set the positive tone.”

Immediately following the 9-11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, Elghawaby noted that then-prime minister Jean Chretien visited a mosque “just to show Canadians that there’s no such thing as collective guilt.”

She said her group expects Harper, “as leader of our country, to speak up for the minorities that live here.”

“He has a responsibility to represent everyone and certainly Canadian Muslim communities are extremely worried about a backlash and I think that needs to be spoken to.”

Alia Hogben, executive director of the Canadian Council of Muslim Women, said it’s “very disheartening” that Harper has not bothered to speak out against the anti-Muslim backlash. But it’s not surprising to her.

“I don’t think he much likes Muslims,” Hogben said.

Canada is a multicultural country with over 1 million Muslims, most of whom are Canadian citizens whose religion is only part of their identity, she pointed out.

“I think it’s absolutely vital that the head of the country, like the prime minister, would accept that and also somehow reinforce it and reassure people.”

Asked why Harper has not specifically denounced any of the recent anti-Muslim incidents, the prime minister’s spokesman Jason MacDonald said: “These acts are obviously unacceptable.

Contrast this to any number of statements and the like on antisemitic incidents.

Harpers silence on anti-Muslim backlash disheartens Muslim groups.

Refugee health cuts: Ottawa has until Nov. 4 to put in place new policy

A pretty resounding defeat (again) for the Government for a particularly mean-spirited policy change, one whose policy rationale sharply diminished given the dramatic reduction in the number of refugee claimants following refugee reform:

A spokesman for Immigration Minister Chris Alexander was critical of the decision.

“Our government disagrees with the courts flawed decision and will continue to do whats necessary to protect the interests of Canadian taxpayers and genuine refugees,” Kevin Menard said in an email.

Lawyers for the refugee claimants who brought the case had argued the stay was unnecessary as the government could just revert to the pre-2012 system referred to in Fridays decision as the 1957 program, which granted coverage to everyone.

The Conservatives had implemented a new refugee health-care program in 2012 which drastically cut coverage and meted it out depending on the nature of the refugee claim itself.

They argued that since the old program is no longer operational, the four months given by the Federal Court to create a new one wasnt enough time.

In his decision, Webb said allowing the stay would have meant saddling affected refugees with reduced health-care coverage for an undetermined period while the case continued to churn through the courts.

“It seems to me that the effect of denying the stay which would mean that the changes to the 1957 program … would not be made would be to defer these changes until the final resolution of the appeal, if the appellants are successful,” he wrote.

“The harm that would be caused by reverting to the 1957 program … is outweighed, in this case, by the harm that would be suffered by those who would have reduced health coverage under the 2012 program if the stay is granted and the respondents are ultimately successful.”

We will see if the Government chooses to respond by creating “confusion” or just gets on with implementing the change.

Refugee health cuts: Ottawa has until Nov. 4 to put in place new policy – Politics – CBC News.