US: Obesity Maps Put Racial Differences On Stark Display

Obesity_Maps_Put_Racial_Differences_On_Stark_Display___Shots_-_Health_News___NPRCorrelation between race, socio-economic status and obesity:

Take a look at the latest obesity data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and you can see that the country’s obesity epidemic is far from over.

Even in Colorado, the state with the lowest rate, 21.3 percent of its population is obese. Arkansas tops the list with 35.9 percent.

“It is the largest epidemic of a chronic disease that we’ve ever seen in human history,” says Dr. Donald Lloyd-Jones, chair of the department of preventive medicine at the Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine.

Click on the CDC’s obesity prevalence maps and you’ll see something even more startling — the disparity among different ethnic groups. It’s not new that the obesity epidemic is hitting African-Americans the hardest, followed by Hispanics, but the maps highlight this worrying trend.

For African-Americans for example, there are 33 states with an obesity rate of at least 35 percent, whereas for white Americans only 1 state reports that rate. Nine states estimate the Hispanic obesity rate at 35 percent or higher.

“It is not about one group doing something wrong,” says Lloyd-Jones, who was not involved in creating the CDC maps. “It is about the environment that we have built that sets people up to fail.”

Race and ethnicity are often a surrogate for low socioeconomic status, he says.

“Our neighborhoods, workplaces and schools expose people, especially poor people, to less choices of healthy foods,” Lloyd-Jones says. There are also fewer places outside to be safe and burn off calories.

This has huge implications for the health of individuals and for health costs in the future, because obesity causes significant downstream health problems like diabetes, heart disease and cancer.

Source: Obesity Maps Put Racial Differences On Stark Display : Shots – Health News : NPR

Is ‘they all look alike to me’ pure racism or is there a scientific reason for mistaken identity?

Another aspect of how our brains work and the implications in terms of how we see others:

Scientists, pointing to decades of research, believe something else was at work. They call it the “other-race effect,” a cognitive phenomenon that makes it harder for people of one race to readily recognize or identify individuals of another.

It is not bias or bigotry, the researchers say, that makes it difficult for people to distinguish between people of another race. It is the lack of early and meaningful exposure to other groups that often makes it easier for us to quickly identify and remember people of our own ethnicity or race while we often struggle to do the same for others.

That racially loaded phrase “they all look alike to me,” turns out to be largely scientifically accurate, according to Roy S. Malpass, a professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Texas at El Paso who has studied the subject since the 1960s. “It has a lot of validity,” he said.

Looking for examples? There is no shortage — in the workplace, at schools and universities, and, of course, on the public stage.

Lucy Liu, the actress, has been mistaken for Lisa Ling, the journalist. “It’s like saying Hillary Clinton looks like Janet Reno,” Liu told USA Today.

Samuel L. Jackson, the actor, took umbrage last year when an entertainment reporter confused him with the actor Laurence Fishburne during a live television interview.

“Really? Really?” Jackson said, chiding the interviewer. “There’s more than one black guy doing a commercial. I’m the ‘What’s in your wallet?’ black guy. He’s the car black guy. Morgan Freeman is the other credit card black guy.”

And as a Washington correspondent, I managed a strained smile every time white officials and others remarked on my striking resemblance to Condoleezza Rice, then the secretary of state in the Bush administration. (No, we do not look alike.)

Psychologists say that starting when they are infants and young children, people become attuned to the key facial features and characteristics of the those around them. Whites often become accustomed to focusing on differences in hair color and eye color. African-Americans grow more familiar with subtle shadings of skin color.

“It’s a product of our perceptual experience,” said Christian A. Meissner, a professor of psychology at Iowa State University, “the extent to which we spend time with, the extent to which we have close friends of another race or ethnicity.”

(Minorities tend to be better at cross-race identification than whites, Meissner said, in part because they have more extensive and meaningful exposure to whites than the other way around.)

Distinguishing between two people of a race different from your own is certainly not impossible, cognitive experts say, but it can be difficult, even for those who are keenly aware of their limitations.

Alice O’Toole, a face-recognition expert and professor of behavioral and brain sciences at the University of Texas at Dallas, admits that she often confuses two of her Chinese graduate students, despite her expertise.

“It’s embarrassing, really embarrassing,” O’Toole, director of the university’s Face Perception Research Lab, said. “I think almost everyone has experienced it.”

But as Blake’s case has demonstrated, the other-race effect can have serious consequences, particularly in policing and the criminal justice system. …

If you sometimes mix up people of different races, it might not be racism but an effect of psychological development, researchers say.

Malpass, who has trained police officers and border patrol agents, urges law enforcement agencies to make sure black or Hispanic officers are involved when creating lineups of black and Hispanic suspects. And he warns of the dangers of relying on cross-racial identifications from eyewitnesses, who can be fallible.

The good news is that we can improve our cross-racial perceptions, researchers say, particularly if there is a strong need to do so. A white woman relocating to Accra, Ghana, for instance, would heighten her ability to distinguish between black faces, just as a black man living in Shanghai would enhance his ability to recognize Asians. (Malpass believes that people who need to identify those of other races — in the workplace or elsewhere — are more likely to be successful than people who simply have meaningful experiences with members of other racial groups.)

Source: Is ‘they all look alike to me’ pure racism or is there a scientific reason for mistaken identity?

Excluding expats from voting process is wrong. We’re global citizens: Loat and McArthur

One of the clearest, if most inadvertent, identification of the segment most interested in having indefinite expatriate voting: internationally mobile professionals, or in popular parlance, the “elites”:

Our nation’s challenge is to develop a new conception of citizenship, one that celebrates professionals aspiring to work around the world while maintaining ties to their home country. We cannot afford to be the old “General Motors” of citizenship, presuming a single life-long job in a single location. Many people still have that benefit, but in the increasing Uber-ization of the world economy, a growing share of Canadians will juggle many professional roles over a lifetime of mixed geographies.

There could be countless creative ways to engage Canadians living abroad, ranging from an expatriate voting tax, to professional councils targeting specific communities and skills, to parliamentary representation for citizens abroad. At the deepest level, we need to find every way we can to tell these Canadians that their homeland wants their contributions, rather than pushing them away.

It’s an old trope to say the “the world needs more Canada.” This may well be true. But as a colleague of ours recently put it, “Canada needs more world.” A new conception of global citizenship is a pivotal building block for getting there.

I still don’t see how long-term expatriates, whatever their substantial contribution to Canada, are connected enough to the day-to-day issues that our elections are about. Self-interest – nothing wrong with that – leads them to pursue opportunities abroad.
For those who missed it, an earlier post showed a very small number of Canadian expat voters (Reframing the debate over expat voting: Russell and Sevi, Globe editorial).

Australia: Returning multiculturalism to the ministry

Marking a move back to the centre:

Overlooked so far in coverage of Prime Minister Turnbull’s remaking of the Australian government has been one intriguing change — the return of a Minister for Multiculturalism. Senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells’ promotion from Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Services to Assistant Minister for Multicultural Affairs has gone largely unreported.

The possible significance is not in the nomenclature, as the new Prime Minister remarked when announcing his ministry, parliamentary secretaries are in fact assistant ministers and should be referred to as such.

The senator’s new title means that multicultural affairs are once again acknowledged formally in the ministerial line-up. This small change has leaders in the culturally and linguistically diverse sector wondering whether it signals any change in priorities.

Australia is a migrant nation, with almost half of us coming from overseas or having at least one parent born overseas. While most newcomers identify as proud Aussies, they often maintain their links with countries of origin and sustain legacy languages.

Neither side of politics owns their votes, but this powerful constituency has been recognised and courted by successive governments over decades.

While the demographics have evolved with time and prosperity, migrant communities have often settled in marginal seats such as those in western Sydney which are regarded as likely to decide the outcome of the next election.

Some, reportedly, were worried when the Abbott Government did not include a minister for ethnic or multicultural affairs on coming to power. There were concerns the previous administration did not see this sector as important.

As the Turnbull government signals a move back to the centre of Australian politics, there are hopes in community organisations that this political recognition means that Australian multiculturalism is again valued.

Source: Returning multiculturalism to the ministry | Business Spectator

Immigrants are not a monolithic voting block

Ethnic_Voting_Cochrane_SlideGood panel organized by the Munk Centre:

If the Conservative Party is banking on the immigrant and ethnic minority vote to win them the election, as some believe they did in 2011, they might need to revisit that narrative.

“They do well with white immigrants, not visible minority immigrants. I think there is a disconnect with the narrative and reality,” says Chris Cochrane, an associate professor of political science at the University of Toronto Scarborough.

Cochrane took part today in the University of Toronto’s Munk School panel, “Courting the Ethnic Vote: Immigration and Multiculturalism in the 2015 Federal Election.” The panel of experts discussed a variety of topics facing ethnic minorities, from the racialization of candidates to the importance of diversity in politics.

Jeffrey Reitz, the president of the Harney Program in Ethnic, Immigration and Pluralism Studies at the Munk Centre, moderated the panel and opened it by discussing the traditional voting narrative of immigrants in Canada: for generations, immigrants voted for the Liberal Party of Canada, because “they were the party of open immigration,” or for the New Democratic Party, because they were the “party of the underdog.”

There was an apparent breakthrough for the Conservative Party in getting the ethnic vote when the former minister of citizenship and immigration, Jason Kenney, embarked on a major outreach effort during the last federal election, said Reitz.

“Old-stock Canadians with conservative values meet new-stock Canadians with conservative values, that was the story.”

“There is no question about the dominance of the narrative of Conservative inroads among immigrant communities,” said Cochrane, but his findings show different conclusions.

But immigrants who have moved to Canada from the Middle East showed an almost equal vote distribution amongst the parties. South Asians voted strongly for the Liberals, and African immigrants voted for the NDP. The Conservatives were favoured by Europeans, East Asians and Americans.

“A story of a massive special immigrant vote that abandoned the Liberal Party, and shifted to the Conservative Party, outside of Quebec doesn’t seem to be consistent with the data.”

Cochrane’s findings on ethnic minority and immigrant voting patterns came from the “exit surveys” conducted by the research company IPSOS. They surveyed over 100,000 Canadians in the past three federal elections — including over 12,000 immigrant voters.

“This is a unique data set that allows us to look at small communities and discuss it with high statistical confidence, he told iPolitics.”

“Outside of Quebec, the immigrant as a whole mirrors to a larger extent the vote of other Canadians, and is equally heterogeneous. There is a lot of variation in diversity in the immigrant community — just as there is in the non-immigrant community.”

Source: Immigrants are not a monolithic voting block (paywall)

Another good presentation was by Erin Tolley, looking at the news coverage of immigrants and minorities in Canadian politics, sharing the results of her forthcoming book, Framed: Media and the Coverage of Race in Canadian Politics (see her earlier op-ed in the Globe Parties pigeonhole visible minority candidates)

Harper’s ‘old-stock Canadians’ line is part deliberate strategy: pollster (Ekos)

More on the intent behind ‘old-stock Canadians:’

Conservative leader Stephen Harper’s line about “old-stock Canadians” during  the Thursday leaders’ debate was a deliberate move to energize the Conservative base on an emotional topic, a pollster says.

Frank Graves, president of EKOS Research, says that kind of divisional tactic has been used successfully in the past.

“It’s part of the deliberate strategy to sort Harper’s constituency from the rest of the electorate,” Graves told CBC Montreal’s Daybreak. “It creates a sense of us versus others.”

Graves describes Harper’s comment as a “dog whistle”: something meant to be heard by a target audience, but misheard or ignored by the rest.

Harper made the comment while addressing health care for immigrants and refugees.

Source: Harper’s ‘old-stock Canadians’ line is part deliberate strategy: pollster – Montreal – CBC News

The contrary view is expressed by Andrew Coyne (Andrew Coyne: Harper’s ‘old stock’ faux pas was little more than that) and Lysiane Gagnon (In Quebec, old stock is just a fact of life) who maintain that it simply used in a descriptive sense. But words matter, and are chosen for both explicit and implicit messaging, with ‘old-stock’ having an implicit message in the political context.

Muslim, newcomer groups join coalition supporting sex-ed

A reminder of the diversity within and among newcomer groups:

Organizations representing Muslim parents and recent immigrants have joined a new, diverse coalition of 144 groups that plans to fight the ongoing anti-sex-education boycotts and billboards with their own public service announcements and open appeal to Ontarians.

“We have examined the new sex-ed curriculum and as people who live and breathe the health and well-being of Ontario’s diverse communities, we say that the curriculum stands on solid, honest ground,” says the Ontario Coalition Supporting Health Education, in an open letter.

Members of the new coalition will gather at Queen’s Park on Wednesday to voice their support for the new curriculum and to release the letter and a video that were provided to the Star in advance of the launch.

While opposition to the updated health curriculum has come from different faith and community groups — with thousands of families pulling their children out of school last spring for up to a week in protest — the epicentre of the controversy continues in Toronto’s Thorncliffe Park neighbourhood, where the local public school was half-empty on the first day and where 120 students remain out of school, most of them from Muslim families who oppose a curriculum they consider immoral and age-inappropriate.

Another province-wide school boycott is scheduled Oct. 1 and billboards are now springing up across the province warning the curriculum threatens children.

“It seems like the opposition as it exists is not just Muslim, but that has captured the narrative. But on the ground, it is really diverse” — and just as diverse as those who support the curriculum, says Toronto mom Rabea Murtaza, who founded the 682-member Muslims for Ontario’s Health and Physical Education Curriculum, which has joined the coalition.

“I’ve heard from a lot of people. I’m part of a number of Muslim mom Facebook groups and … they care about education. The debate is really rich in these groups and there are lots of voices that say ‘it’s OK, we came here for education, our kids need this.’ ”

The coalition comprises religious organizations, First Nations groups, hospitals, universities, parents and community health agencies, and was created to counter those who oppose the sex-ed curriculum, an issue it says has “polarized community agencies and parents across the province.”

Maya Roy, executive director of Newcomer Women’s Services Toronto, said her agency got onside after some of its South Asian members worked on a project where “aunties and grandmothers were trained to go out and run sharing circles in homes and mosques and temples” about domestic violence, and “they were shocked to find out that you can have sexual assault and rape within a marriage” and wanted to inform their own children and grandchildren about that as well as issues like inappropriate touching, which is covered in the new curriculum.

“We feel a small minority is getting a lot of attention,” said Roy, who heads the service that helps 3,000 women a year. “It’s been hijacked — the entire conversation has been hijacked.”

The curriculum itself is “benign,” she argues, and faith-based criticisms, even in her own Bengali community “don’t hold water,” said Roy, who is Hindu. Critics say the curriculum violates family values “but it actually supports family values and encourages kids to talk to an elder or go to a mosque or temple” for guidance.

Le niqab, source de discorde: Election positioning

Further to Chantal Hébert’s speculation that a future Conservative government would invoke the notwithstanding clause to avoid a Charter challenge to a niqab ban (Proposed niqab ban could be thin edge of the wedge: Hébert):

La délicate question du port du niqab s’est imposée dans la campagne électorale depuis que la Cour d’appel fédérale a confirmé que le gouvernement conservateur n’avait pas l’autorité d’empêcher, par une simple directive ministérielle, le port de ce voile aux cérémonies de citoyenneté. Les troupes de Stephen Harper ont porté le jugement en appel à la Cour suprême et promis de légiférer dans les 100 premiers jours s’ils sont réélus.

M. Mulcair appuiera-t-il une loi conservatrice ? « Pas plus que je voterais en faveur d’une loi qui vous enlèverait la liberté de presse, voyons donc », a lancé le chef du NPD à la journaliste qui venait de lui poser la question. « Un gouvernement ne peut pas enlever votre liberté d’expression ou la liberté de presse, pas plus qu’on ne peut interférer dans d’autres libertés. » L’obligation de se dévoiler en privé pour s’identifier, avant la cérémonie, est jugée suffisante par M. Mulcair.

Justin Trudeau est du même avis. Le chef libéral a fait valoir que personne au pays ne lui avait parlé de cette question et il a dénoncé « ces propositions de [Stephen] Harper, de [Gilles] Duceppe, en matière de division et de peur ».

C’est que les chefs conservateur et bloquiste se trouvent dans le camp adverse, voulant tous deux interdire le niqab pour le serment de citoyenneté. Dès la décision de la Cour d’appel fédérale tombée, l’équipe de Stephen Harper a aussitôt annoncé qu’elle prendrait la voix législative pour empêcher qu’une femme puisse demeurer voilée pendant la durée de la cérémonie.

Qu’adviendrait-il si la loi conservatrice ne réussisait pas le test des tribunaux ? Gilles Duceppe « serait pour le “ nonobstant ” si jamais une telle loi contrevenait à la Charte [canadienne des droits et libertés] ». Car la clause dérogatoire, permettant de l’outrepasser, a été prévue « justement pour faire face à des situations semblables », a fait valoir le chef bloquiste.

Stephen Harper a évité de s’avancer aussi loin, évitant soigneusement de répondre à la question. Le chef conservateur s’est plutôt dit « convaincu que nous avons la position correcte. […] Ça reflète nos valeurs et l’égalité des hommes et des femmes au Canada ». La clause dérogatoire n’a été utilisée qu’à une seule reprise, par Québec pour maintenir la Charte de la langue française.

Source: Le niqab, source de discorde | Le Devoir

Manon Cornellier’s excellent commentary:

Il n’est pas question d’ignorer la montée des intégrismes et leur manifestation dans l’espace public, mais ce n’est pas en transformant quelques femmes en chair à canon électorale qu’on fera avancer les choses. Quand, dans ce genre de débat, des chefs manquent de hauteur de vue et ne cernent pas la juste mesure du problème, ils alimentent, qu’ils le veuillent ou non, les préjugés contre les musulmans et les Arabes, et c’est désolant.

Voile politique

And one of the better English language summaries:

Gilles Duceppe Favours Notwithstanding Clause To Ban Niqab At Citizenship Ceremonies

Proposed niqab ban could be thin edge of the wedge: Hébert

Chantal Hébert speculates on the possible invoking the notwithstanding clause in the event a new Conservative government is elected and, as promised, passes a niqab-banning law:

If the Supreme Court agrees to hear the government’s appeal of its latest reversal, it will not address whether there is an irreconcilable conflict between the charter-guaranteed freedom of religion and a veil ban because that is simply not at issue in this case.

As an aside, if the top court were ever asked to pronounce on whether a veil ban is constitutional, the Conservatives might not like the answer, even if it turned out to be positive.

If the principle of gender equality or the secular character of the Canadian state could sustain a policy that requires the removing of the Muslim veil in order to take a citizenship oath, would the same argument not apply to just about any religion-related vestment or accessory?

The main consequence of the Conservatives’ efforts to keep their technically flawed case alive by appealing it all the way to the Supreme Court has been to turn the matter into a wedge issue in the election campaign.

At is happens, both the Liberals and the New Democrats oppose a ban on veils on constitutional and legal grounds.

The Conservatives are not the only party that believes there are points to be scored on the niqab issue. Support for a veil ban runs nowhere higher than in Quebec, the long-standing locale of a debate over the accommodation of religious minorities.

In a campaign that has the Bloc Québécois clutching at straws to justify its ongoing presence in Parliament, leader Gilles Duceppe has seized on the fact that the NDP — its main opponent in the election — is offside with the majority of voters on the niqab.

Since Bloc-sponsored attack ads came out late last week, NDP campaign signs have been defaced, with the word Islam scrawled across the face of some local Montreal candidates.

This may be only the first half of a larger game to be played out — if the Conservatives secure a majority — after the Oct. 19 election.

Harper has promised, if he is re-elected, to pass the niqab ban into law. If he wanted to pre-emptively bulletproof such a law from an all-but-certain charter challenge, he could use the notwithstanding clause of the Constitution.

It allows governments to shelter a law from the dispositions of the charter for a renewable period of five years. Over its 30-plus years of existence, it has never been used at the federal level. Some Conservative strategists have been shopping for an issue consensual enough to allow their government to break what has become a political taboo.

Support for the niqab ban extends well outside the Conservative base. It enjoys the backing of many progressive Canadians, including more than a few feminists. It would be tailor-made for that purpose.

Those same strategists believe that once the ice is broken, the use of the notwithstanding clause to suspend the fundamental freedoms that get in the way of the government’s legislative ambitions could eventually become as banal as the now-routine production of catch-all budget bills.

From medically assisted suicide to life imprisonment without parole and including supervised injection sites for drug addicts, the list of issues on which the Conservatives could find it convenient to free themselves of an inconvenient charter of rights is an extensive one.

Young Muslim voters matter more than ever

Interesting contrast between the first generation and the second generation in terms of political engagement.

Canadian Muslims form between 15 and 20 percent in six ridings (Toronto’s Mississauga-Erin Mills, Mississauga Centre and Don Valley East; Montreal’s Saint-Laurent and Saint-Léonard-Saint-Michel; and, Ottawa South):

Yet for many Canadian Muslim youth, this country is the only home they have ever known.

Unlike many of their parents, who migrated to the country in the ’70s and ’80s, more than one in four Muslims in Canada were born here, according to a report published earlier this year by Ottawa-based researcher Daood Hamdani for The Canadian Dawn Foundation.

“Both my feet are planted here. There is no ‘back home’ for me,” says 37-year-old Mohammed Hashim of Mississauga, Ont.

‘I want Canada to go back to what it was.’— Sanaa Ali-Mohammed, 26

That’s a sentiment that the older generation doesn’t always share, Ali-Mohammed says. “For my parents, I think it’s more of a transactional relationship. They’ll be good citizens but there’s always this undertone of ‘we don’t really belong here.'”

Islamic Institute of Toronto president Fareed Amin is a first-generation immigrant to Canada and has seen this sentiment among his age group first-hand. “Many of them come from countries where whether you participate or not doesn’t make a difference, so sometimes there’s that skepticism to participate in the political process .”

Some new Canadians also carry with them the view that political involvement is potentially dangerous because of the tenuous political climates they left behind.

“I don’t think our young people have the same baggage that some of the first-generation immigrants have,” Amin says. “They’re born-and-bred Canadians.”

Back in Brampton, Ali says part of being Canadian is the freedom to be whoever you are. “My parents chose to come here because you can’t always be that in Pakistan.”

His hope for the election? “I want Canada to go back to what it was; the country my parents came to.”