Canadian ISIL suspect with ties to Chatham could settle in Ottawa after repatriation

Sigh… An overly sympathetic treatment of an apparent ISIL member, UK born and raised, whose UK citizenship revocation allowed the UK government to “offload” him to Canada, despite his having never lived here. While I understand the desire of parents to do everything for their son, government should appeal this particular case (a Canadian is a Canadian need not necessarily be deemed a Canadian in cases such as this):

An activist working with the family of an alleged terrorist connected to Chatham and held for the past five years in Syria says Jack Letts could wind up living in Ottawa with his mother if he’s brought back to Canada.

Letts, a former British national nicknamed “Jihadi Jack” by the media there, is one of four Canadian men a court ruled last week must be repatriated to Canada. Stripped of his U.K. citizenship by the British government for alleged ties to ISIL, the Oxford-born Letts still retains a Canadian citizenship through his father, who is originally from the Chatham-Kent region but now lives in England.
Matthew Behrens, an advocate with the group Stop Canadian Involvement In Torture, which has been working with the Letts family on their repatriation efforts, said the “hope is that he will join his mom in Ottawa”He said Letts’ mother, Sally Lane, moved to the nation’s capital a few years ago after her son was stripped of his British citizenship. Behrens said Lane decided to move to Ottawa to maintain pressure on the Canadian government to bring her son home “because Jack is a Canadian citizen who has a right to return here.”

Source: Canadian ISIL suspect with ties to Chatham could settle in Ottawa after repatriation

Déri: De la fausse opposition entre excellence et diversité à l’université

A reply to some of the criticism regarding diversity objectives and measures in academic hiring:

Rarement les médias se sont-ils autant intéressés à l’université. Cette obsession s’exprime dans des reportages et des textes d’opinion catastrophistes qui présentent toujours la « diversité et l’inclusion » comme une menace pour l’excellence universitaire. Au nom de la méritocratie, ces polémiques justifient des inégalités sur les campus et nuisent au développement d’un enseignement et d’une recherche de qualité.

Ces dernières semaines, on s’inquiétait ainsi que le Fonds de recherche du Québec demande aux candidats de bourses doctorales de réfléchir à l’enjeu de la diversité dans leur projet (mais ce n’est pas conditionnel à l’octroi d’une bourse). On déplorait aussi que la nouvelle présidente de l’Université Harvard, la politologue Claudine Gay, ait été choisie — dit-on — parce qu’elle est afro-américaine d’origine haïtienne, alors que son dossier universitaire ne serait pas à la hauteur pour ce poste (consistant principalement en des tâches protocolaires et de représentation pour amasser de l’argent).

Enfin, la ministre Pascale Déry, dans une lettre publiée au Devoir, a écrit aux directions d’universités pour les avertir que l’exigence de diversité et d’inclusion du programme fédéral de chaires de recherche menacerait l’excellence (cette ministre de l’Éducation supérieure détient une maîtrise en science politique de l’UQAM, ce qui est très bien, mais pas de doctorat, ce qui ne l’empêcha pas de si bien défendre, à titre de porte-parole d’Air Canada, le président Michael Rousseau, unilingue anglophone : l’excellence, elle connaît ça, et elle ne laissera pas de futiles enjeux identitaires la menacer…).

Toujours la même rhétorique

À noter qu’on s’inquiète moins quand les emplois intéressent peu les hommes blancs, comme travailleur agricole ou préposé aux bénéficiaires, qu’on peut laisser aux populations migrantes. Mais pour des postes prestigieux, on répète que les hommes blancs sont nécessairement compétents, même si c’est rarement dit explicitement, alors que les « autres » sont nécessairement sélectionnés en tant que « minorité », mais sans compétences, ce qui est dit explicitement.

On nous a servi cette thèse en 2006, quand la loi imposa qu’il y ait au moins 40 % de femmes sur les conseils d’administration des sociétés d’État (Hydro-Québec, Société des alcools, Caisse de dépôt et placement, etc.). Quelle polémique !

Cette fable nous empêche, malheureusement, de considérer quelques réalités importantes au sujet de la vie universitaire et l’importance de la diversité sur les campus.

Premièrement, l’université répond à diverses missions sociales, en plus de la recherche de la fameuse vérité. Le réseau public des universités duQuébec, par exemple, a été fondé en 1968 pour favoriser le développement de certaines régions et l’accès à l’université pour les francophones demilieux modestes. Concrètement, l’université est aussi un outil de promotion sociale et forme les cadres appelés à gérer les institutions de la société.

Par ailleurs, les biais à la sélection pour les bourses et les postes de professeurs ont été analysés depuis longtemps. Des études montrent qu’on évalue plus généreusement la candidature d’un homme que d’une femme, sans oublier les biais racistes — voir, entre autres, « Does gender bias still affect women in science? », dans Microbiology and Molecular Biology Reviews (2019) et « How gender and race stereotypes impact the advancement of scholars… », dans Sex Roles (2020).

L’oubli de la diversité peut aussi limiter nos connaissances et mener à des erreurs, tout comme des biais sexistes et racistes, y compris en sciences « dures » — voir, entre autres, « Racial bias in pain assessment and treatment recommendations… », dans Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (2016). À l’inverse, la diversité a tendance à favoriser les innovations dans la recherche et l’enseignement — voir, entre autres, « Making genderdiversity work for scientific discovery and innovation », dans Nature Human Behavior (2018).

Enfin, la concurrence est très forte pour les bourses et les postes, sans même parler des chaires. Les candidatures sont, aujourd’hui, bien plus impressionnantes qu’il y a 20 ans. Il est banal d’être embauché après avoir effectué un ou même deux stages postdoctoraux, en plus du doctorat. Les jeunes collègues s’imposent souvent une surcharge de travail, qui peut même s’accroître si vous êtes membres d’une « minorité » (attentes institutionnelles de représentation, etc.). Vous devez donc être compétent, voire excellent, quelle que soit votre identité.

Opposer fallacieusement l’excellence et la diversité apparaît donc comme une manoeuvre politique pour agiter l’opinion publique et discréditer des solutions avancées pour réduire les inégalités et l’exclusion. Ces polémiques nuisent, en réalité, au développement des connaissances, à la qualité et à la portée des activités universitaires.

Source: De la fausse opposition entre excellence et diversité à l’université

StatsCan: Housing conditions among racialized groups: A brief overview

Of note:

In response to Canada’s Anti-Racism Strategy, Statistics Canada’s Centre for Gender, Diversity and Inclusion Statistics is releasing a second set of five data tables on social inclusion. Over 20 new indicators, for a total of over 120 indicators, can now be used to examine various socioeconomic facets of racialized Canadians. For more information on the new indicators released today, please see the Note to readers. 

Using data from the 2016 and 2021 censuses, this release presents some indicators of the social inclusion of racialized groups under the theme of basic needs and housing, more specifically, the population in core housing need and the population living in a dwelling owned by one or some members of the household.

Living in acceptable housing can play a key role in the satisfaction within a given community and in the social connections in the neighbourhood. Housing is also an anchor that offers security and access to local and essential services, such as transportation, education services, public facilities and green space for leisure.

For these reasons, housing characteristics, such as core housing need and home ownership, are indicators of social inclusion relevant to developing anti-racism and anti-discrimination policies that aim to improve inclusivity.

The proportion of racialized Canadians in core housing need is on the decline 

The COVID-19 pandemic shook the housing and rental market and, in many ways, redefined the needs for and functions of housing in the world of work, education and health. For some population groups, including racialized groups, finding adequate and suitable housing that is within their budget and meets their space requirements may have been particularly challenging.

The term “core housing need” refers to a household whose dwelling does not meet the threshold of at least one of the housing adequacy, affordability or suitability indicators and that would have to spend at least 30% of its total before-tax income on the median rent of another acceptable dwelling. For more information on the measure of each indicator, see Core housing need in the Dictionary, Census of Population, 2021.

Living in core housing need can have a negative impact on a variety of aspects. For example, unaffordable housing can constrain a household’s financial capacity to cover other essential expenses, such as groceries, transportation and clothing, especially for those with lower incomes. Poor housing conditions, such as the need for major repairs and overcrowding (i.e., unsuitable dwelling), can increase the risk of infectious or chronic diseases and injuries and affect children’s development and educational attainment.

In 2021, 11.3% of racialized Canadians lived in a household in core housing need, a decrease of 6.5 percentage points from the 2016 Census.

However, these proportions were higher than those observed in the total population in both the 2016 and 2021 censuses.

Among racialized groups, West Asian, Korean and Arab populations have the highest proportions of people in core housing need 

Among racialized groups, West Asian (19.5%), Korean (18.7%) and Arab (14.9%) Canadians were the most likely to be in core housing need, while Filipino (5.1%), South Asian (9.1%) and Japanese (9.4%) Canadians posted the lowest proportions.

Just as the overall trend, the percentage of each racialized group in core housing need saw a decline from 2016 to 2021. West Asian, Arab, Korean, South Asian and Black Canadians reported the largest declines in percentage points.

These results can be explained in large part by the temporary pandemic income supports, especially for people with lower income. In 2016, the West Asian, Korean and Black racialized groups were among those that posted the lowest average employment income and average weekly earnings of full-time employees. The additional source of income during the pandemic reduced the share of income dedicated to housing cost and contributed to improved housing conditions by allowing some people to live in more affordable housing.

Chart 1  
Racialized groups living in core housing need, by group, 2016 and 2021

Chart 1: Racialized groups living in core housing need, by group, 2016 and 2021

Racialized Canadians who came to Canada as immigrants are more likely to be in core housing need than their non-immigrant counterparts 

One of the factors behind the prevalence of living in core housing need is related to the socioeconomic situation that can be transitory for certain population groups, such as those who were born outside Canada and recently arrived through the immigration process.

Overall, and for most racialized groups, core housing need was higher among individuals who were members of racialized groups and were also immigrants (11.4%) than among their non-immigrant counterparts (9.8%).

In terms of the period of immigration, the gap was larger between immigrants who have established in Canada in the past 10 years (13.2%), from 2011 to 2021, and immigrants who came to the country more than 10 years ago (10.5%).

The Arab, Chinese and West Asian Canadians who have established in Canada in the past 10 years were among the racialized groups that posted the largest differences in percentage points compared with their counterparts who have been in the country for more than 10 years.

Among racialized Canadians who settled in Canada in the past 10 years, West Asian (22.3%), Arab (21.5%) and Chinese (19.4%) people were also among the groups that were most likely to be in core housing need.

The prevalence of living in core housing need is lower in urban centres of Quebec 

The housing conditions of racialized groups varied by census metropolitan area (CMA).

In 2021, among the 10 CMAs with the highest proportion of the racialized population in core housing need, 6 were in Ontario: Ottawa–Gatineau (Ontario part) (14.3%), Toronto (14.2%), London (12.4%), Barrie (11.8%), Guelph (10.9%) and St. Catharines–Niagara (10.2%). Conversely, 6 of the 10 CMAs with the lowest proportion of the racialized population living in core housing need were in Quebec. The proportions ranged from 5.5% (Drummondville) to 2.7% (Trois-Rivières). 

Chart 2  
Racialized groups living in core housing need, by census metropolitan areas, 2021

Chart 2: Racialized groups living in core housing need, by census metropolitan areas, 2021

Among racialized groups, Chinese, South Asian and Southeast Asian populations are most likely to live in owner household

In addition to being an investment, home ownership may provide stability and indicate a long-term settlement in a given community. However, it can also constitute a larger financial burden. The 2021 Census results on housing show a decline in the proportion of Canadian households that own their home.

While the racialized population is no exception to this general trend, some groups have remained more likely over time to live in a dwelling owned by one or some members of the household.

In 2021, among racialized groups, Chinese (84.5%), Southeast Asian (71.9%) and South Asian (70.3%) populations had the highest proportions of home ownership.

In contrast, the Black (45.2%), Arab (48.0%) and Latin American (48.6%) populations were least likely to live in a dwelling owned by one or some members of the household. For the total Canadian population, the proportion was 71.9% in 2021.

Chart 3  
Racialized groups living in a dwelling owned by one or some members of their household, by group, 2016 and 2021

Chart 3: Racialized groups living in a dwelling owned by one or some members of their household, by group, 2016 and 2021

Looking ahead 

The indicators published today complement those currently available in the Gender, Diversity and Inclusion Statistics Hub. They are part of a broader conceptual framework that covers a total of 11 themes for the analysis of the social inclusion of racialized groups. These themes are participation in the labour market, representation in decision-making positions, civic engagement and political participation, basic needs and housing, health and well-being, education and skills development, income and wealth, social connections and personal networks, local community, public services and institutions, and discrimination and victimization.

Statistics Canada will continue to update the indicators using the latest available data. The currently available tables are based on the 2006 and the 2016 censuses, 2011 National Household Survey, 2021 Canadian Housing Survey, 2021 Uniform Crime Reporting Survey, 2020 Canadian Community Health Survey, 2020 General Social Survey – Social Identity and 2019 General Social Survey – Victimization. 

Source: Housing conditions among racialized groups: A brief overview

Phillips: Justin Trudeau has not learned from Hillary Clinton’s infamous ‘deplorables’ gaffe

Good advice:

Remember Hillary Clinton’s “basket of deplorables?”

She came up with that peculiar turn of phrase in September, 2016, when she was campaigning for the U.S. presidency against Donald Trump. Half of Trump’s supporters, she declared, were among those deplorables — people who are “racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic and Islamophobic.”

There were plenty of reasons why Clinton lost to Trump, but pretty much everyone agrees that dismissing maybe a quarter of American voters as racist, sexist, etc., was one of them. Even Clinton conceded the point in the end. In her memoir of the campaign, “What Happened,” she said she regretted handing Trump “a political gift” by insulting millions of well-intentioned (but wrong) voters.

The lesson — a pretty basic one, you’d think — is that while it’s fine to attack your opponent it’s hardly ever fine to attack their supporters. In the end, you’re after their votes. Not all of them, certainly. Some will never be won over, and some no doubt will be “deplorable” in one way or the other.

But you want to persuade the persuadables, and tarring them with labels like racist and sexist is bound to push people away, not bring them over to your side. At least, that’s how it turned out for Clinton, with tragic results for the United States and the rest of us as well.

In light of that, what to make of Justin Trudeau’s most recent diagnosis of what’s fuelling support for his Conservative rival, Pierre Poilievre?

In a revealing interview with the Star’s Susan Delacourt, the prime minister was eager to take on Poilievre. Trudeau, Delacourt wrote over the weekend, accuses the Conservative leader of “whipping up the anger to appeal to those Canadians who are nostalgic for a country that worked well for them, maybe not so much for others.”

In Trudeau’s words: “He’s playing and preying on the kinds of anger and anxieties about some Canada that used to be — where men were men and white men ruled.”

This is red meat for Poilievre and his core supporters, so it was no surprise to see him jump right on those words. The Conservative leader posted a three-minute video, one of those, “Hey Justin” jobs he’s become so expert at, accusing Trudeau of saying “the reason you claim you’re so unpopular with Canadians is that Canadians are racist.”

So, basic fact check: is that what Trudeau said? Certainly not. Is Poilievre distorting his words for crass political advantage? Of course. 

But is there something to what Poilievre says? Well, kind of. Trudeau didn’t say Canadians are racist; he didn’t even say Poilievre’s supporters are racist. But he did link Canadians’ anger and anxieties to something that could reasonably be interpreted as racist — a fond memory, or nostalgia as Delacourt put it, for a once-upon-a-time Canada where “white men ruled.”

At this point there are people who will be thinking something along the lines of: Right on, Justin. That’s what Poilievre’s really all about. Good for you for “calling out” him and his sleazy supporters. 

To those people, all I would say is — fine, go ahead and think that. But to Trudeau and those around him I would say — don’t go there. If you didn’t actually cross the line into accusing Conservative supporters of being racist, you did edge up to it and took a good look.

Trudeau is actually very thoughtful on these issues. After living through the pandemic and the convoy protests he’s had plenty of opportunity to reflect on what animates the anger across the country — including the fury directed at him personally.

He’s quite right that many people are upset at the way society has changed, and not always for good reasons. But his job isn’t to be a political analyst; it’s to manage that change in a way that unites people and brings as many as possible over to his side. 

To succeed at that, he needs to take on board the lesson Hillary Clinton learned the hard way. Don’t insult people on the other side. It’ll only come back and hit you in the face.

Source: Justin Trudeau has not learned from Hillary Clinton’s infamous ‘deplorables’ gaffe

Court orders government to repatriate 4 Canadian men detained in Syria

Of note. One of the arguments used against the previous government’s citizenship legislation revocation provision was that countries would “offload” their problem citizens to other countries. Jack Letts, a Canadian citizen by descent had his British citizenship revoked, forcing Canada to be responsible, despite him having minimal ties.

Gurski is likely correct that none of the returnees will ever be prosecuted given difficulties in obtaining evidence and witnesses:

The Federal Court has ordered the government to repatriate four Canadian men currently being held in northeastern Syria.

The Canadians are among a number of foreign nationals in Syrian prisons for suspected ISIS members that are run by the Kurdish forces that reclaimed the war-torn region from the extremist group.

Family members of 23 detained Canadians — four men, six women and 13 children — had asked the court to order the government to arrange for their return. They argued that refusing to do so would violate their charter rights.

The government agreed Thursday to move forward on repatriating the 19 Canadian women and children.

In the written decision, the judge cited the conditions of the prison and the fact that the men haven’t been charged and brought to trial.

“The conditions of the … men are even more dire than those of the women and children who Canada has just agreed to repatriate,” the decision reads.

“There is no evidence any of them have been tried or convicted, let alone tried in a manner recognized or sanctioned by international law.”

The judge also noted that the court was not asked to rule on why the applicants went to the region and that the government didn’t provide evidence that they took part in terrorist activities.

Lawrence Greenspon, the lawyer for most of the applicants, said that if there is any evidence the Canadians took part in terrorist activities, Canada should put them on trial here.

“These are Canadian citizens, they are being unlawfully, arbitrarily detained in either detention camps or in prisons, they haven’t been charged with anything,” Greenspon told CBC.

“There’s no likelihood that they’re ever going to be charged with anything over there. So bring them home.”

Jack Letts, who has been imprisoned in Syria for more than four years after allegedly joining ISIS, is among the four men.

Letts admitted in a 2019 interview to joining ISIS in Syria. His family says he made that admission under duress and there is no evidence that he ever fought for the group.

The former British-Canadian dual citizen, who was born and raised in Oxford, U.K., had his British citizenship revoked three years ago, leaving the Canadian government as his only viable means of escaping.

Barbara Jackman, the lawyer representing the Letts family, told CBC on Thursday that it is a violation of the detainees’ human rights to hold them without trial.

“This case was based on the human rights that are detained abroad and whether Canada, as a country, is obligated to help them,” she said.

Former CSIS analyst Phil Gurski told CBC News Network on Thursday that he doubts any of the adults returning would face justice for any crimes they may have committed.

“The witnesses aren’t here, the evidence isn’t here,” he told host Natasha Fatah. “As a Canadian citizen, I’m outraged that people are going to get away with it.”

Gurski said it would also put extra pressure on Canada’s intelligence bodies to monitor the individuals that do return.

In a statement Saturday, Global Affairs Canada said the department is reviewing the decision.

“The safety and security of Canadians is our government’s top priority. We remain committed to taking a robust approach to this issue.”

Source: Court orders government to repatriate 4 Canadian men detained in Syria

Australia: Why a cultural diversity target for public sector leadership is overdue

Surprising that Australia doesn’t have comparable reports to Canada’s employment equity reports. Their report is high level and has limited data tables, with visible minority data largely limited to immigrants. The Canadian approach of consistent detailed reporting, enhanced for the last five years with disaggregated data, has generated steady increases in representation:

The latest Census data shows that Australia is more multicultural than ever before, however senior leadership in the Australian Public Service (APS) does not reflect Australia’s diversity. A target should be implemented to elevate a greater percentage of culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) Australians into senior APS roles.

Introducing diversity targets in the APS is not a new concept. Targets are a tried and tested method of achieving systemic change and overcoming institutionalised biases in government hiring practices. For example, through a whole-of-government target, 50-50 gender parity has been achieved in all APS levels of leadership.

The latest Census data is concrete evidence of the increasingly multicultural identity of Australia, where half of Australians were born overseas or have a parent born overseas.

But rather than perceiving this as a “nice-to-have”, the business case for increased CALD leadership in the APS is clear.

The intercultural and linguistic skills of CALD Australians are invaluable in filling the capability gaps in the public sector. For example, leveraging the skills of the Chinese-Australian community will create a more China-literate APS, especially in roles relating to trade, foreign policy, national security, and cyber.

Cultural and linguistic competency is also relevant to domestic policymaking. During the height of COVID-19, Google Translate was used by the Department of Home Affairs to communicate public health messaging to CALD communities. If a senior public servant with multilingual skills and lived experience of engaging with CALD communities was present in the room at the time, they could have easily advised against the inadequacies of automated translation.

Enhanced CALD leadership can also increase staff retention in the APS. For CALD Australians who wish to ascend the career ladder but see a lack of diverse leadership above them, the problem of “you can’t be what you can’t see” serves as a barrier. One consequence of underrepresentation in leadership is increased turnover of staff from that underrepresented background.

For example, research from the UK government found that more than half of surveyed black, Asian, and minority ethnic employees perceived that they would have to leave their current workplaces for promotion opportunities.

While increased CALD leadership in the APS is a clear value-add, the road to reform will not be easy.

Existing CALD-related data in the APS is patchy since the provision of diversity data to the APS except for gender by employees is voluntary. Without comprehensive data, understanding the extent of CALD underrepresentation in leadership as a first step will be difficult to determine.

The finite pool of Diversity and Inclusion (D&I) resources in the APS is another roadblock. Addressing the systematic biases that plague other diverse groups such women, First Nations Australians, and people with disability is equally as important in achieving equity for all in the public sector. Implementing a CALD leadership target may detract time and effort from D&I initiatives aimed at these other underrepresented groups.

At the same time, public discourse has become more vocal in recent years regarding the importance of increased CALD representation in positions of power. The diversity gains in politics have been much applauded and are case studies for what public sector leadership could look like.

In 2013, now-deputy leader of the Greens senator Mehreen Faruqi was the first Muslim woman to enter any Australian parliament. Another win for diversity can be seen with Malaysian-born senator Penny Wong, who last year became Australia’s first foreign-born foreign minister.

Although the road to public sector reform is difficult, the creation of a CALD target in the APS is not impossible. The business case is there, and the public appetite for change exists.

All that’s left now is to convince government that now is the time to act.

Source: Why a cultural diversity target for public sector leadership is overdue

Douglas Todd: China’s thrashing of ‘racist’ West disguises its own sins

Of note:

A UBC professor recently told me that when his family members flew back to work in China after the Christmas holidays they had to get a PCR test to prove to border officials that they did not have COVID.

He was taken aback, because he follows multiple Canadian and international media sources. The reports he had seen had tended to sympathize with Chinese officials who claimed Western nations that instituted test requirements for incoming Chinese citizens were “discriminating”.

The professor hadn’t realized Communist Party officials were simply displaying chutzpah, if not hypocrisy. It was not adequately reported that China, which has experienced an outbreak of COVID after lifting restrictions recently, demands anyone entering the country of 1.4 billion people provide a negative COVID test taken 48 hours before arrival.

Much media coverage had either totally failed to report China’s test requirement, or hardly noted it. Instead, many journalists behaved as if China had an important moral complaint: Western politicians were displaying anti-Chinese prejudice.

It’s a small example of a phenomenon common in the West. Many Canadian politicians, media outlets and activists often fall for China’s strategy of putting the West on the defensive with accusations of anti-Chinese racism. Among other things, it covers up China’s own disturbing reality.

While polls suggest about three in 10 Chinese-Canadians experienced insults during the first year of the pandemic (largely because of reports that the coronavirus began in Wuhan), there are countless examples of Canadians going along with China’s political tactic of amplifying and exaggerating incidents in the West, to avoid criticism of themselves.

One example is Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Repeating a theme, Trudeau tried to shut down Opposition complaints about how he covered up Ottawa’s engagement with China’s military at an infectious-disease laboratory in Winnipeg, where two scientists were arrested. Trudeau claimed Conservatives feared Asians, accusing party supporters of “intolerance toward Canadians of diverse origins.”

Liberal cabinet minister Patty Hajdu and Sen. Yuen Pau Woo also stand out as Beijing sycophants — for the way they have repeatedly charged Canadians who want to know more about the origins of COVID, and China’s infiltration into Canadian politics, of resorting to nasty “witchhunts” and “conspiracy theories” against people of Chinese background.

In B.C., the list of examples is long. It includes former Conservative MP Kenny Chiu (Richmond-Steveston East), who lost re-election after a torrent of abusive claims of being anti-Chinese after calling for a foreign-influence registry; Richmond lawyer Hong Guo, who has advised China’s state bodies, charging the B.C. Law Society with being anti-Chinese for disciplining her; B.C. scholars enduring the racist label for researching foreign investment in Vancouver housing; Chinese-language media branding former Vancouver mayor Kennedy Stewart a divisive ideologue for saying Canada’s spy agency is monitoring foreign political intrusion; and scores of Chinese-Canadian advocates for democracy in Hong Kong and Tibet routinely being cited for hating people from China.

China’s authoritarian leaders especially pull out the race card to crush people who point to the incarceration, mass surveillance and draconian clampdown on China’s 10 million Muslim Uyghurs.

The Chinese state-controlled Global Times has tried to stop Canadian criticism of the treatment of Uyghurs by pointing fingers at this country’s residential school system for Indigenous children.

This is not to overlook how accusations of anti-China prejudice are among the milder things thrown at Chinese-Canadians and others who fight for the rights of Uyghurs, Tibetans or Falun Gong members. China also intimidates through threats to health and livelihoods, including of family members in the motherland.

If anyone should doubt that race-baiting is a concerted strategy of China’s (as it is in Russia), check out last year’s statement from China’s embassy in the U.S. in response to the Democrat’s outlining their position on China. In a lengthy diatribe, the embassy accused Americans of white supremacy, flagrant hatred toward Asian-Americans, modern-day slavery, torturing immigrants, bullying and despising Muslims, forced labour, and slaughtering Indigenous people.

Bill Chu, a Vancouver anti-racism advocate, worries many in the West are being fooled by the propaganda spread in Chinese-language media and through pro-Beijing organizations that anti-Chinese hatred is widespread.

“A favourite PRC tactic is to use the terms ‘China,’ ‘Chinese’ and ‘Chinese Communist Party’ interchangeably. The PRC has mixed them all up so often and for so long that criticism of the CCP is now interpreted by China as a criticism of the people, and thus a racist act. The purpose of labelling such criticism as racism is to silence Western critics and politicians,” said Chu, who has been honoured for his work in Indigenous reconciliation.

“Canadians are so used to political pluralism that many assume Chinese citizens in the People’s Republic of China are enjoying the same,” Chu said. But while critics of the West have freedom of expression, the one-party dictatorship practices draconian censorship, lacks the West’s ethnic diversity, and allows almost no permanent immigration.

China’s record is shocking on racism, even while the Communist Party’s goal is to portray it as largely a Western phenomenon. In addition to brutal treatment of Muslims and Tibetan Buddhists, many reports have monitored abuse of Black people. In largely homogeneous China, where citizens are 90 per cent of Han ethnicity, Filipinos also complain of brazen discrimination.

While repressive China denies its own racist reality, Chu reminds North Americans to go in the opposite direction: “To be fair and acknowledge mistakes by the West.”

How are Chinese-Canadians responding? It’s tricky to capture the views of the 1.7 million people of Chinese origin in Canada, of which 831,000 were born in China, 487,000 in Canada, 228,000 in Hong Kong, and 72,000 in Taiwan.

An Angus Reid Institute poll of Canadians during the pandemic suggested about one-third of residents born in China “feel like an outsider in Canada,” a higher rate than for other ethnic Chinese.

However, a hefty 88 per cent of all Chinese-Canadians also said “I love Canada and what it stands for.” That was virtually the same proportion who agreed, “I feel a strong sense of belonging to Canada.” StatsCan reports many are doing well in education and careers.

Combining such polling results with recent reports about how Chinese nationals’ interest in emigrating to Canada had spiked 28-fold during the country’s lockdown, it would seem not many are truly buying Communist leaders’ accusations this country is a vipers’ pit of hate.

Source: Douglas Todd: China’s thrashing of ‘racist’ West disguises its own sins

Suella Braverman proved it again: racism is a fire the Tories love to play with

Over the top commentary but elements of truth and unfair to conflate recent politicians with those living in a different time and context, with many similarities in various countries:

Last Friday, an 82-year-old woman wrapped up warm and set off on a 200-mile round trip for a meeting that she half suspected wouldn’t even let her in. As you read this, the film of her speaking that evening has been viewed more than five million times. Which is odd, because it’s not much to look at: a wobbly side-view of a woman with white hair, intense closeups of grey cardigan. Bridgerton this is not.

But it’s the words that count. Joan Salter has got herself down to Hampshire for a public meeting with the home secretary, and now it is her turn to ask a question. As a child survivor of the Holocaust, she hears Suella Braverman demean and dehumanise refugees and it is a reminder of how the Nazis justified murdering Jews like her. So why do it?

Even as the words come out, Braverman’s face freezes. The evening so far has been a Tory activists’ love-in, which, Salter tells me later, made her nervous about being the sole dissenter. But then the home secretary responds, “I won’t apologise for the language I’ve used” – and a disturbing truth is exposed about what Britain has become.

Braverman labels those seeking sanctuary in Britain an “invasion”. Quite the word, invasion. It strips people of their humanity and pretends they are instead a hostile army, sent to maraud our borders. Her junior minister Robert Jenrick once begged colleagues not to “demonise” migrants; now he stars in videos almost licking his jowls over “the Albanians” forced on to a flight to Tirana. Salter is right to say such attitudes from the top fuel and license extremists on the ground. We saw it after the toxic Brexit campaign, when Polish-origin schoolchildren in Huntingdon were called “vermin” on cards left outside their school gates, as race and religious hate crimes soared that summer.

Today, the air is once again poisonous. Far-right groups have been visiting accommodation for asylum seekers, trying to terrify those inside – many of whom have fled terror to come here – often before sharing their videos on social media. The anti-fascist campaigners Hope Not Hate recorded 182 such jaunts last year alone, culminating in a petrol bomb tossed at an asylum centre in Dover by a man with links to far-right groups and who would post about how “all Muslims are guilty of grooming … they only rape non-Muslims”.

Unlike those big men in their big boots frightening innocent people, Salter isn’t chasing social media clout. The grandmother wants to warn us not to return to the times that sent her, at the age of three, running with her parents across Europe in search of sanctuary. She does make a mistake in yoking the home secretary to the term “swarms”. As far as I can see, this figurehead for the new Tory extremism has yet to use that vile word. But I can think of a Tory prime minister who has used that word: David Cameron, the Old Etonian never shy of blowing on a dog whistle, who made a speech denouncing multiculturalism even as Tommy Robinson’s troops marched on Luton. And Margaret Thatcher talked of how the British felt “rather swamped” by immigrants. In those venerable names from the party’s past lies the big picture about the Conservatives’ chronic addiction to racist politics.

Source: Suella Braverman proved it again: racism is a fire the Tories love to play with

Moreau: Être ou ne pas être, les impasses de l’auto-identification

Self-identification and identity. Recently, most of the cases have been with respect to Indigenous identity, As ancestries become mixed over time, challenges for self-identification, and for organizations, will continue to increase:

Les mesures de « discrimination positive » imposées aux universités pour leur recrutement de professeurs-chercheurs soulèvent bien des questions en lien avec la justice, le caractère égalitaire, la transparence des processus d’embauche, sans compter le rôle de l’excellence dans le choix des meilleurs candidats. Ces enjeux, fondamentaux dans une démocratie, ont été mentionnés et analysés par de nombreux commentateurs. Il en est un, en revanche, qui n’a pas encore faire l’objet de toute l’attention qu’il mérite : celui qui entoure le principe de l’auto-identification.

On demande en effet aux postulants, dans le cadre de ces mesures d’action positive, de s’auto-identifier comme étant des Autochtones, des personnes en situation de handicap, des femmes, ou encore comme appartenant à l’une ou l’autre des minorités racisées ou de genre.

Or, au fur et à mesure que les demandes d’auto-identification du genre vont se multiplier (et on peut être certain qu’elles se multiplieront), tout en devenant de plus en plus impératives pour l’obtention d’une chaire du Canada, puis d’un poste à l’université, dans les institutions culturelles, dans les diverses administrations, etc., elles vont immanquablement donner lieu à de fausses déclarations.

On a déjà vu, ces dernières années, au Canada, au moins trois femmes se faire passer pour autochtones, alors que, semble-t-il, elles ne l’étaient pas : la cinéaste Michelle Latimer, en 2020 ; la prétendue « gardienne du savoir » Suzy Kies, également coprésidente de la Commission des peuples autochtones du Parti libéral du Canada et, accessoirement, instigatrice d’autodafés en Ontario ; et, plus récemment, la chercheuse Carrie Bourassa, de l’Université de la Saskatchewan, qui était aussi directrice scientifique de l’Institut de santé des Autochtones.

« Autoautochtonisation »

Et on peut être absolument certain qu’il y en aura d’autres, tout comme on verra monter en flèche le nombre de candidats à des postes ici ou là qui feront valoir leur appartenance à une minorité racisée ou de genre, puisque ces auto-identifications deviendront des sésames recherchés.

Si l’on en doute, il suffit pour s’en convaincre de considérer qu’un mot a déjà été inventé pour définir le premier phénomène : « l’autoautochtonisation ». Selon la Loi sur l’équité en matière d’emploi, il suffit d’avoir un parent issu d’une « minorité visible » pour être réputé appartenir à une « minorité visible », ce qui ouvre la porte à des recherches généalogiques intéressées. Tandis que le fait de se déclarer non binaire ou bisexuel, par exemple, n’engage à rien de très précis en termes de comportement ou de relations amoureuses.

À leur tour, ces auto-identifications frauduleuses obligeront évidemment les institutions concernées à se livrer à des vérifications de plus en plus poussées. Mais comment ? D’ores et déjà, à la suite de ce qu’il est convenu d’appeler « l’affaire Carrie Bourassa », l’Université de la Saskatchewan a modifié ses règles d’embauche. L’auto-identification ne suffit plus, il faut désormais prouver son identité, ce qui ne manque pas d’engendrer d’autres imbroglios.

Ainsi, cette université a rejeté il y a quelque temps la candidature de Réal Carrière, un professeur d’études autochtones qui avait été sélectionné par un jury unanime et lui-même composé de professeurs autochtones, car il ne pouvait pas fournir de preuves écrites de son identité supposée.

Faudra-t-il alors remettre à l’honneur ces « statuts de pureté du sang » qui avaient cours autrefois dans l’empire espagnol et exiger de chaque candidat qu’il prouve, arbre généalogique en main, la fiabilité de son identité à travers l’exposé public de ses origines ? Faudra-t-il également que l’État remette son nez dans les chambres à coucher de ces mêmes candidats pour s’assurer qu’ils appartiennent bien à une minorité sexuelle ou de genre ?

Ce genre d’immixtion dans la vie privée risque de devenir inévitable dans la vérification de ces identités revendiquées. D’autant plus que les litiges qui ne manqueront pas de surgir à ce sujet aboutiront inéluctablement devant les tribunaux, qui auront donc la charge délicate de trancher ces questions identitaires, de décréter qui est vraiment autochtone, réellement racisé, authentiquement non binaire, etc. Bonne chance !

Pour régler cette question de façon définitive, on pourrait aussi faire en sorte, comme on le fait sous d’autres cieux pour l’appartenance religieuse, que cette identité se voie inscrite dans les documents officiels et les pages intérieures de nos passeports. Nul besoin alors de continuer à s’auto-identifier. Le problème serait enfin résolu. Mais à quel prix ? Et serait-ce vraiment un progrès ?

L’auteur est professeur de littérature à Montréal, rédacteur en chef de la revue Argument et essayiste. Il a notamment publié Ces mots qui pensent à notre place (Liber, 2017) et La prose d’Alain Grandbois. Ou lire et relire Les voyages de Marco Polo (Nota bene, 2019).

Source: Être ou ne pas être, les impasses de l’auto-identification

Expliquer le racisme, ce n’est pas culpabiliser les Blancs: Réplique à Lisée

More on the Lisée column:

Dans sa chronique de mercredi, « Les boomers, ces racistes ! », Jean-François Lisée critique une vidéo éducative dont je suis l’auteur, intitulée Racisme, ses origines, son histoire et lue par le professeur Laurent Turcot.

Selon le chroniqueur, ma vidéo nous apprend que « ce n’est qu’en Occident qu’on “retrouve une discrimination parfaitement assumée” ». Voici l’extrait complet : « Naturellement, le racisme n’est pas exclusif aux Blancs ou encore au monde occidental, mais c’est seulement en Occident qu’on va retrouver le paradoxe de sociétés supposément égalitaires et où on retrouve également une discrimination parfaitement assumée. »

Cet extrait, qu’on entend dans la première minute de la vidéo, infirme les intentions que me prête le chroniqueur, qui m’accuse de véhiculer une « fausseté historique ». Je n’ai jamais prétendu que le racisme était exclusif à l’Occident. J’affirme même le contraire dans cette phrase qui n’est citée qu’à moitié. Par contre, il est vrai que ce n’est qu’en Occident qu’on maintenait l’institution de l’esclavage tout en prétendant que « tous les hommes naissent libres et égaux ». Les pays africains ou arabes où se pratiquait l’esclavage ne prétendaient pas partager ces idéaux universels.

Le chroniqueur poursuit : « D’ailleurs, “il faut attendre que les Européens découvrent l’Afrique noire pour qu’on puisse commencer à parler de racisme comme on l’entend aujourd’hui”. » Voilà une autre phrase citée hors contexte et vidée de son sens. Cet extrait de la vidéo explique qu’avant la Renaissance, la discrimination oppose des Blancs à d’autres Blancs — les Slaves réduits en esclavage par l’empire germanique, par exemple. Ce n’est qu’avec l’exploration de l’Afrique subsaharienne et le début du commerce des esclaves qui s’ensuit que commence l’association entre peau noire et servilité. L’objectif de la vidéo est d’expliquer comment le racisme en Occident a évolué au fil des siècles et non pas de pointer les Blancs du doigt.

Selon M. Lisée, « les jeunes sortant de ce visionnement seraient choqués d’apprendre que l’esclavage a été présent sur tous les continents, que les Africains le pratiquaient entre eux avant l’arrivée des Blancs, que les Autochtones d’Amérique le pratiquaient entre eux avant l’arrivée des colons européens ». Les jeunes seraient choqués d’apprendre cela uniquement si les enseignants d’éthique et culture religieuse se contentaient de laisser cette vidéo donner le cours pour eux. Pour avoir participé à la formation de plusieurs cohortes de futurs enseignants, j’ose croire que ce n’est pas le cas.

Dernier reproche que m’adresse le chroniqueur : « Pas un mot non plus sur le fait que les Québécois francophones furent victimes de racisme, ou du moins de discrimination linguistique. » La vidéo vise un large public et ne s’adresse pas spécialement aux élèves québécois. Mon objectif était de résumer en 20 minutes l’histoire du racisme en Occident. J’ai donc dû faire des choix. Pourquoi parler des Québécois plutôt que des Bretons, des Catalans ou de n’importe quelle autre minorité linguistique ? Lorsqu’on parle du racisme au XXe siècle en Occident, il me semble plus parlant de décrire l’antisémitisme allemand, la ségrégation américaine et l’apartheid sud-africain.

La critique de M. Lisée repose sur les intentions qu’il nous prête, à moi et à l’enseignante citée dans sa chronique : culpabiliser les Blancs en général et les Québécois en particulier. C’est un réflexe hélas répandu chez certains nationalistes, qui se placent sur la défensive dès qu’on leur parle de racisme. Si on n’affirme pas en caractères gras qu’il s’est fait pire ailleurs, que le racisme existe aussi au Canada anglais, que Montréal n’est pas Detroit et que la Nouvelle-France n’était pas la Nouvelle-Espagne, on nous reproche de faire le procès du Québec. Et une vidéo éducative se fait accuser d’être de la propagande alors qu’elle cherche seulement à expliquer et à faire réfléchir.

Jean-François Lisée a bien raison d’estimer que ma vidéo ne suffit pas à faire comprendre « la réalité du racisme et de l’antiracisme au Québec ». Je ne prétends pas le contraire, puisque tel n’a jamais été mon objectif. Je regrette toutefois de voir mon travail être considéré comme faisant partie de « la bouillie mensongère et culpabilisatrice » dénoncée par le chroniqueur.

Réplique du chroniqueur

Cher Alexandre Dumas,
D’abord, encore bravo pour vos récents ouvrages sur l’époque duplessiste. Je ne vous tiens évidemment pas pour responsable des lamentables propos tenus dans le reste du cours, mais permettez-moi d’insister : il est faux d’affirmer, comme vous le faites dans cette vidéo, que la discrimination sur la base de distinctions raciales est née avec le trafic occidental d’esclaves noirs. L’esclavage des Vietnamiens par les Chinois est vieux de 2000 ans, celui de Blancs européens par l’Empire musulman y est également antérieur et « parfaitement assumé ». Il n’est par ailleurs pas question d’être, comme vous le dites, à l’offensive ou sur la défensive sur la question du racisme et de l’esclavage, mais de respecter la réalité historique et de reconnaître à la fois la cruauté du racisme, la bravoure de ceux qui l’ont fait reculer et les réels progrès. Ainsi, j’ai été peiné de constater que vous attribuez les grandes avancées antiracistes états-uniennes des années 1960 à des impératifs de politique africaine de Washington plutôt qu’au colossal travail de Martin Luther King et des Noirs américains appuyés par un grand nombre de Blancs, dont plusieurs juifs, qui ont mis leur vie en danger pour cette cause.

Bien cordialement,
Jean-François Lisée

Source: Expliquer le racisme, ce n’est pas culpabiliser les Blancs