ADL head: On NY Islamic center, we were wrong, plain and simple

An example of a clear, unequivocal apology (politicians and others to take note):

Around the world Jews are celebrating the High Holy Days. During this time, Jews focus on the need for Teshuvah, or self-examination and repentance. But self-examination need not be limited to individuals.

Institutions, especially century-old institutions like ADL, also can commit to the practice of self-examination and Teshuvah. And it is in this spirit that I have been reflecting on a stance ADL took 11 years ago when we opposed the location of the then-proposed Park51 Islamic Community Center & Mosque near Ground Zero in Lower Manhattan. Originally known as Cordoba House, and modeled after the 92nd Street Y, the project planned to include community and cultural spaces with the goal of fostering interfaith dialogue and promoting peace and understanding. I believe the stance we took is one for which we owe the Muslim community an apology.

Further, amidst ADL’s reflection, and approaching the 20th anniversary of the September 11th terrorist attacks, our nation’s sudden and disastrously planned withdrawal from Afghanistan is heartbreaking. For me personally, and ADL as a whole, this catastrophe made our Teshuvah all the more urgent.
Today one can see how the Cordoba House could have helped to heal our country as we nursed the wounds from the horror of 9/11. As we near the 20th anniversary of that tragic day, the need for healing remains. Arguably, it has attained an increased urgency after the tumult of recent years and especially now as we prepare to welcome refugees from Afghanistan, including many who supported our troops and our ideals, and now flee the onslaught of the Taliban. Sadly, rather than heal, we have seen Islamophobia persist in ugly ways.
As the leading anti-hate organization in the US, with experts tracking extremism of all sorts, ADL is committed to help our Muslim allies counter Islamophobia. Indeed, we have been doing so for many decades. And this is exactly why, as a dear Muslim friend told me recently, ADL’s stance on the Cordoba House project was “a punch in the gut to the Muslim community.” I hope that by righting this wrong, we can be better allies in the fight against the rise in anti-Muslim hate that is coming — and it is coming.
I say this, because as most Americans were praying for the Afghan people, generously donating funds and preparing to welcome some number of Afghan civilians into our great nation, some so-called “experts” began spreading alarmist and Islamophobic disinformation in shameless attempts to block these brutalized civilians from coming to the United States. Adding to the alarm, these insidious conspiracy theories are coming during a time that the FBI is reportingthe highest level of hate crimes in over a decade.
And that is likely just the opening chorus of anti-Muslim sentiment that I fear will swell in the weeks, months and years ahead.
We’ve seen it before.
We saw it in the aftermath of the September 11th terrorist attacks. The FBI tracked a massive spike in anti-Muslim hate crimes in 2001, compared to 2000: a jump from 28 incidents to 481. Muslims were profiled, attacked and killed, mosques were desecrated, slander flowed in the media and even members of the Sikh community were attacked simply because they wore turbans.
And we saw it again in 2010, when a media storm rose up around Cordoba House. While the country was in many ways less polarized in 2010 than in our present moment, it was still a fraught time. A time when you could almost see the lines that divide us today being drawn.
When Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf and Daisy Khan envisioned the creation of Cordoba House, they intended to foster better relations between the Islamic world and America, and to serve as a public rejection of extremism.
Sadly, it was portrayed very differently. Some polemicists immediately pounced. The media dubbed it the “Ground Zero Mosque,” an unfair name that instantly cast the project in a negative light. Mayor Michael Bloomberg argued for it. Former Speaker Newt Gingrich railed against it. The impassioned families of victims could be heard on both sides of the debate. Other public figures piled on, virtually climbing over each other to be heard. The tension reached a boiling point as local community boards repeatedly voted in favorof the project amidst continued protests and counter protests.
Then ADL weighed in. Although before my tenure, I know that ADL struggled with the decision, trying to balance a genuine desire to support a noble endeavor but also to support the victims and families of the 9/11 terrorist attack who voiced opposition. And so, ADL decided not to oppose the project outright, but instead tried to take a nuanced position, advocating for a location change that the organization felt would help lead to the type of reconciliation the project itself was meant to represent.
There are likely other ways ADL’s voice could have improved rather than impaired the conversation. For instance, as some of the organizers later reflected, more engagement early on with victims’ families could have gone a long way in achieving the ultimate goal of fostering reconciliation and peace. Daisy Kahn once explained how the goal of Cordoba House was to “repair the breach and be at the front and center to start the healing.” Perhaps ADL should have helped facilitate such a discussion.
And yet, we chose to weigh in differently. And through deep reflection and conversation with many friends within the Muslim community, the real lesson is a simple one: we were wrong, plain and simple.
Ultimately, the project as envisioned never came to be — with the development primarily becoming another familiar condominium tower.
We can’t change the past. But we accept responsibility for our unwise stance on Cordoba House, apologize without caveat and commit to doing our utmost going forward to use our expertise to fight anti-Muslim bias as allies.
As we see the signs of another surge in anti-Muslim hate, it is imperative that the collective we — civil society, the business community, elected officials and the American citizenry writ large — embrace the idea and intent of Cordoba House and work together to foster peace.
We have seen Muslims demonized in recent years in ways that make the heart ache — from the early talk of a “Muslim registry” in days after the 2016 election to the travel ban imposed the following year on Muslim-majority countries to the unfounded conspiratorial claims of Muslims invading the US that still show up in the rantings of some prime-time cable news personalities. This is in addition to the all-too frequent use of slander and stereotypes of Islam on social media platforms. ADL’s most recent survey of online hate and harassment found that Muslim respondents regularly experience identity-based harassment. This kind of ugliness seems to be on a permanent loop.
It’s clear that some of the wild charges lodged against Cordoba House — that it was organized by “radical Islamists” and “terrorist sympathizers” — were part of this pattern. And we must not allow this pattern to continue, especially as Afghans seek refuge in the promise of America.
This must start with the Biden administration stepping up to ensure Afghan refugees do not face burdensome roadblocks or are unjustly denied entry to our nation. This is why over 300 organizations, including ADL, signed a recent letter to President Joe Biden expressing “our support for a robust humanitarian response from the United States and our commitment to assist Afghans in danger” while also imploring the administration to “expand opportunities for Afghans to seek refuge.”
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But the work doesn’t stop there. It is on all of us to fight back against the Islamophobic attempts to prevent refugees from gaining asylum. Again, we already see the disturbing “invasion” claim being thrown around again in direct reference to Afghan refugees. Some have tried to rationalize their hate by invoking the White supremacist “Great Replacement” theory. All of it is wrong.
We are better than this. We actively can choose not only to reject hate, but to embrace those in need. ADL’s stance on Cordoba House was an error that pales alongside the abrupt abandonment of our Afghan allies, but all of us should draw upon our better angels and welcome those poor and huddled masses who today seek our support.

Source: ADL head: On NY Islamic center, we were wrong, plain and simple

The word โ€˜racismโ€™ doesnโ€™t appear anywhere in the Conservative partyโ€™s campaign platform

Notable and significant:

Discrimination against visible and religious minorities in Canada has been hotly debated during the year leading up to this summerโ€™s federal election, but the issue gets scant mention in the campaign platform released by the Conservative party this week.

The words โ€œracismโ€ and โ€œantisemitismโ€ do not appear anywhere in the partyโ€™s 160-page policy platform, which largely focuses on the fallout and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. Nor are there any references to Black Canadians.

And in the aftermath of the deadly June attack targeting a Muslim family in London, Ont. โ€” which saw Conservative Leader Erin Oโ€™Toole calling for โ€œurgent actionโ€ to support Canadian Muslims โ€” the term โ€œIslamophobiaโ€ is missing, too.

The omissions are somewhat at odds with the opening notes of the platform, in which Oโ€™Toole writes that it is โ€œtime for Conservatives to take inequality seriously, because thatโ€™s becoming more of a problem in our country,โ€ and says that Canada is a society where โ€œeveryone can fulfil his or her potential.โ€

It also doesnโ€™t address last yearโ€™s nationwide call for racial justice, sparked by a reckoning over police brutality targeting Black and Indigenous people.

Instead, the document tackles discrimination and bridge-building through the lens of international human rights and foreign policy, rather than grappling with its existence in Canada.

Among a handful of proposals, the Conservatives would establish an Office of Religious Freedom and Conscience that advises cabinet ministers โ€œon threats to international security, engages in diplomacy to religious communities, and informs Canadian international development programs to promote freedom, pluralism, religious coexistence and tolerance.โ€

The Conservatives are also promising to appoint the countryโ€™s โ€œfirst Muslim ambassador and first ambassador to the Organization of Islamic Cooperationโ€ to help engage with the worldโ€™s Muslim-majority nations.

The party also wants to see the creation of an international human rights advisory committee, made up of a โ€œbroad range of cultural and religious communities in Canadaโ€ to advise the government on issues abroad.

Mustafa Farooq, CEO of the National Council of Canadian Muslims, said that while the platform is โ€œlightโ€ on addressing domestic Islamophobia, it does offer some encouraging promises.

The Tories acknowledged, for example, their support for the Muslim minority Uyghur population in China, and said they would boost funding and expand the accessibility of the Ottawaโ€™s security infrastructure program, which helps protect places of worship and other institutions from hate-motivated attacks.

โ€œCertainly, I would have liked to see clear articulations about … what theyโ€™re going to be doing to challenge Islamophobia through clear policy promises and commitments,โ€ Farooq said.

On the other hand, the New Democrats โ€” the only other major federal party to release its policy promises โ€” are running on a platform that has dedicated an entire plank to confronting racism and other forms of discrimination, though the details are vague.

The NDP document emphasizes the rise in hateful incidents facing Muslim, Jewish and Black Canadians, along with Indigenous people. The party is promising to enact a national action plan to โ€œdismantle far-right extremist organizationsโ€ and address โ€œwhite supremacist and neo-Nazi groups.โ€ The NDP is also pledging to better identify and catalogue hate-related incidents and how they are handled within Canadaโ€™s justice system.

The collection of race-based data, reviewing employment discrimination and addressing the overrepresentation of Black and Indigenous people in the federal prison population also factor into the NDP plan.

Both the NDP and the Conservatives, however, have pledged to counter online hate, with the New Democrats seeking to convene a national working group on the issue and the Tories promising to criminalize statements that encourage violence against other groups while protecting non-violent forms of speech and criticism.

The two parties have also put forth specific reconciliation plans focused on addressing the injustices wrought by the residential school system, self determination, economic development and improving access to clean drinking water.

Source: The word โ€˜racismโ€™ doesnโ€™t appear anywhere in the Conservative partyโ€™s campaign platform

Europe’s Hijab Test: War of the Headscarves and Death of Multiculturalism

Of note:

In mid-July, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) ruled that private employers in the EU can ban employees from wearing religious symbols, including headscarves, in order to present an image of โ€œpolitical, philosophical, and religious neutralityโ€ in the workplace. The verdict reaffirmed a 2017 CJEU ruling and highlights longstanding tensions over multiculturalism in Europe. In particular, it raises the question of whether there is a place for visibly Muslim women in European public life.

I have spent the last several months interviewing Muslim women, many of them citizens and residents of European countries, about their portrayal in the media and perception of belonging in their countries. While many reported similar experiences of ostracism or harassment, the European women, particularly those who choose to wear the hijab (head covering), told me time and again: โ€œI feel like I donโ€™t exist.โ€ The hijab is more than a religious symbol to those who wear it. Muslim women cover their hair out of tradition, to maintain a connection to their cultural heritage, or for reasons of modesty. Several young European women I spoke to explained that they wear the hijab despite protests from their immigrant families, who do not want them to face undue scrutiny or discrimination at work.

But their choice carries a high personal cost. The rampant European misperception of the hijab as a symbol of a supposedly misogynistic Islamic culture has made women who wear one feel like faceless, nameless โ€œvictimsโ€ who must be saved, instead of empowered individuals making a personal decision. โ€œItโ€™s frustrating, because [the media] always brings out [sic] the male members of the family,โ€ one of them, Sama, said in a message she sent me from Italy. โ€œItโ€™s like, โ€˜did your father force you to make this choice that I actually made?โ€™โ€ Likewise, Lama, a French-Algerian woman now living outside France, laments the phenomenon of โ€œwhite men in the media debating whether we should have the hijab.โ€ The problem, she says, is that โ€œitโ€™s never about the objective garment, itโ€™s about what the garment symbolizes [to them].โ€

The CJEUโ€™s recent ruling resurfaces tensions between the right to freedom of religion and Europeansโ€™ increasing discomfort regarding the visible face of Islam in the region. Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights sets a high bar for limiting the manifestation of freedom of religion. But the CJEUโ€™s 2017 and 2021 rulings appear to attach greater weight to the concept of overall โ€œneutralityโ€ and, in the case of its recent decision, the effect on others โ€“ an issue that already weighs heavily on many Muslim womenโ€™s minds. Several women I spoke to described going through a draining mental exercise before leaving their homes โ€“ what I call the โ€œfriendly enoughโ€ test. โ€œMuslim women look in the mirror in the morning and think, โ€˜do I look friendly? Do I look approachable?โ€™โ€ Maha, a journalist, explained. And it is not only men whose judgment these women worry about. Khadija, a young French-Algerian woman, confessed that she once stopped to put on red lipstick before going to an interview for a babysitting job. โ€œI told them I wore the hijab ahead of time. I donโ€™t know why I did that, preparing them for me,โ€ she said. โ€œI took out my lipstick and put it on so that [the mother] can see I am French, [that] I am not a terrorist.โ€

These psychological strains underscore the agonizing choice forced upon European Muslim women today between their faith and identity on one hand, and their nationality on the other. Whereas most European girls can dream of pursuing the career of their choice, Muslim girls in Europe face a demoralizing caveat: โ€œbut you cannot wear the hijab.โ€ In a post-#MeToo world where young women are increasingly taught to be empowered, Europeโ€™s Muslim women are being held back by legislation and told that their very appearance is problematic. Khadija went on to tell me that the experience of removing her hijab for a job when she was 19 left her feeling denigrated and ashamed. โ€œIt made me feel like I am nothing,โ€ she said. โ€œI am not the same as everyone else. I am a little bit lower.โ€ She went on to ask, rhetorically, โ€œWhat gives you the right to do that?โ€

Despite Europeโ€™s stated values of emancipation, freedom, and self-sufficiency, the dearth of female Muslim voices in the European public debate over the hijab leaves many young women with little hope that the conversation will change. In a stark display of hypocrisy, some of the European politicians who decry Islam for being repressive and anti-feminist champion laws that threaten to strip away Muslim womenโ€™s agency. โ€œMuslim women exist and have things to say when the subject concerns them,โ€ Soumaya, 15, told me. โ€œWe are not objects, we think, we feel, we have free will, we are strong and intelligent and, above all, capable.โ€ But, she said, โ€œthe media does not want to recognize that. Itโ€™s a pity.โ€

Rather than asking whether Islam is liberal enough to belong in Europe, the more relevant question today appears to be whether Europe is liberal enough to accept its female Muslim citizens โ€“ regardless of their attire โ€“ in public life. The debate will no doubt continue in Europeโ€™s courtrooms. In the meantime, the lives and livelihoods of the regionโ€™s female Muslim population hang in the balance. As one young woman said to me resignedly, โ€œI have to wait for a woman who doesnโ€™t wear the hijab or a man to fight for me, because right now I donโ€™t exist. I am no one.โ€

โ€˜Europeโ€™s Hijab Testโ€™ โ€“ Commentary by Jasmine M. El-Gamal โ€“ Project Syndicate.

Source: Europe’s Hijab Test: War of the Headscarves and Death of Multiculturalism

Khan: We all have a role to play in rooting out Islamophobia

While I am not a fan of one-time summits to effect change, Khan’s more positive commentary worth noting. Noteworthy that the silence of the PM and other leaders on Quebec’s discriminatory bill 21 is highlighted. Money quote:

“With a federal election on the horizon, here are a few recommendations to party leaders whose words and actions carry great responsibility: Disqualify any candidate who has expressed xenophobia or has been affiliated with extremist groups; reject dog whistles to rile up your base; and finally, sign a memorandum of understanding among all party leaders to speak in unison against Bill 21 as an affront to fundamental human rights. Stop jockeying for Quebec votes on the backs of religious minorities.”

William Wordsworth famously wrote โ€œthe child is father of the man,โ€ implying that childhood experiences shape our development into adulthood. Trauma, if left unaddressed, often leads to devastating consequences. We see this today in the aftermath of the Canadian governmentโ€™s 150-year-old policy of cultural genocide toward the Indigenous peoples of this land.

Unfortunately, we are witnessing the emergence of aย traumatized generation of Canadian childrenย due to Islamophobia, exacerbated by the targeted killings of Muslims in Quebec City, Etobicoke and London. This alarming state of affairs was described in depth by lawyer Nusaiba Al-Azem at the National Summit on Islamophobia recently, which brought together government officials and members of the Muslim community for a spirited dialogue on ways to confront the scourge of anti-Muslim sentiment.

The summit wasnโ€™t merely a gabfest, but provided a platform for community groups and experts to submit concreteย policy recommendations, such as a national support fund for survivors of hate-motivated crimes, a special envoy for Islamophobia, and amendments to municipal bylaws and the federal Criminal Code to better deal with hate crimes.

On the issue of children, many panelists emphasized the importance of raising awareness of different cultures and faiths in our schools, so as to broaden the outlook of Canadaโ€™s youth. One excellent resource is the comprehensiveย Islamic Heritage Month Resource Guidebook for Educatorsย developed for the Toronto District School Board. Pleas were made to review school curriculums with an anti-Islamophobic lens.

The plethora of voices at the summit included a new generation of leaders within the Muslim community that is articulate, insightful and fully immersed in Canadian culture and politics. A number of common themes did emerge from the diversity of opinions at the event.

First and foremost, there is an expectation that there will be tangible government action on the recommendations. Further consultations without action are not acceptable.

There is a pressing need to address online hate through legislation, since social media companies have failed to rein it in โ€“ with devastating consequences. This was tied to demands that the federal government take more forceful action against white supremacist groups.

Another common theme included the need to investigate anti-Muslim bias in a number of federal agencies, such as the Canada Revenue Agency, the Canada Border Services Agency and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service.

Gendered Islamophobia also emerged as concern, given that it is Muslim women who areย bearing the bruntย of hate-motivated incidents. The spate of attacks against veiled Muslim women inย Edmonton,ย Calgary, andย Hamiltonrequires immediate action. No woman should ever be assaulted โ€“ let alone for what she chooses to wear in public. On the flip side, many hate incidents go unreported because victims donโ€™t believe the police will take any concrete action. We need to build trust between law enforcement, the justice system and communities subject to hate-motivated attacks.

And while Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, cabinet ministers, elected MPs and other government officials all expressed support for many of these initiatives, their steely silence on one issue spoke volumes. Muslim panelists unanimously spoke of the harm fostered by Quebecโ€™s Bill 21, which forbids public employees from wearing religious-based symbols in the workplace. Judge Marc-Andrรฉ Blanchard, ruling on Bill 21 this spring,ย describedย how it ostracizes, excludes and dehumanizes those targeted, but said it was nonetheless legal because of the notwithstanding clause. All groups at the summit called for the attorney-general to be involved in legal challenges to this discriminatory law, which targets religious minorities.

Rarely discussed at the summit was the role of the political class in fostering anti-Muslim sentiment. Erica Ifill, writing in The Hill Times, lays out theย evidenceย of โ€œa direct line from the political and policy responses following 9/11 to the murder of the Afzaal-Salman family.โ€ Muslims were vilified as a result of the โ€œbarbaric practicesโ€ snitch line and the banning of theย niqabย at citizenship ceremonies. Less than two months after the mass shooting of Muslims at a Quebec City mosque, Conservative and Bloc MPs voted against a non-binding motion condemning Islamophobia.

With a federal election on the horizon, here are a few recommendations to party leaders whose words and actions carry great responsibility: Disqualify any candidate who has expressed xenophobia or has been affiliated with extremist groups; reject dog whistles to rile up your base; and finally, sign a memorandum of understanding among all party leaders to speak in unison against Bill 21 as an affront to fundamental human rights. Stop jockeying for Quebec votes on the backs of religious minorities.

Letโ€™s not forget that each of us has the responsibility to work toward the kind of society we wish to foster โ€“ a place where every member feels safe, where we value the humanity of every individual, and where we respect differences โ€“ remembering that it is our common values that unite us.

Sheema Khan is the author ofย Of Hockey and Hijab: Reflections of a Canadian Muslim Woman.

Source: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-we-all-have-a-role-to-play-in-rooting-out-islamophobia/

Douglas Todd: Not much difference between Islamophobia and Christophobia

Or any other religious phobia.
In terms of hate crimes, official and unofficial statistics show a difference, as church burnings and attacks were virtually unheard of until the “discovery” of unmarked graves at former residential schools.
The extent of discrimination, bias and prejudice against Muslims and the Muslim faith is, as numerous surveys have indicated, is of course much higher than with Christians.
โ€œIslamophobia: Dislike of or prejudice against Islam or Muslims, especially as a political force.โ€
โ€œChristophobia: Intense dislike or fear of Christianity; hostility or prejudice towards Christians.โ€ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย ย  โ€“ Oxford Lexico

Is there a difference between Islamophobia and Christophobia?

The Oxford Lexico suggests subtle differentiations. But the similarities are more important: Both terms describe prejudice toward a religious group. And, tragically, in Canada there is now no shortage of shocking displays of both Islamophobia and Christophobia.

There have been assaults on Muslims, some deadly. There has been arson attack after attack on churches. Vandalism against sacred symbols is becoming the norm. Social media pours forth hate speech toward people of faith. Twitter doesnโ€™t seem to care.

And this rising vitriol is not a result of animosity between Muslims or Christians. Something stranger is going on.Most Westerners are familiar with the term Islamophobia: Canadian politicians and others cite it often. As they do the scourge of anti-Semitism. Christophobia (which is also known as Christianophobia or anti-Christianity) is much less invoked: Itโ€™s virtually never named by Canadaโ€™s elected officials or commentators.

The extended definitions of Islamophobia and Christophobia, however, often refer to how the fear and dislike of these religions is โ€œirrational.โ€ Thatโ€™s a crucial distinction, because there is little wrong with rational criticism of Christianity or Islam or any other world view, including atheism.

Any wisdom traditions that have been around for more than a millennia and which have so many followers (Islam 1.8 billion, Christianity 2.3 billion) are bound to have produced great things, but also deformities. Free expression includes the right to disapprove of a religion.But what we have been witnessing across Canada in recent months is something else: Itโ€™s violent bigotry.

A Muslim family was mowed down last month in a planned truck attack in London, Ont. Last week in Hamilton a Muslim woman and her daughter were openly threatened. These Islamophobic outrages come four years after a gunman killed six people attending a mosque in Quebec City.

And in the past month Christophobia has led to 25 Canadian churches across the country being burned to the ground, defaced or vandalized. In Surrey this week a Coptic Orthodox Church, frequented mostly by immigrants from Egypt, was destroyed by fire.

Journalists canโ€™t keep up with the mayhem. And neither can the police, who are making precious few arrests. Theyโ€™re silent about these being hate crimes.While brutal religious persecution has been common in many countries for centuries, the wave of attacks, arsons and vandalism in supposedly tolerant Canada is new.

Even though the arsonists arenโ€™t revealing their motives, the church attacks appear to be a reaction to reports of hundreds of unmarked graves being found near government-funded residential schools, which began operating in the late 1800s.

There is now no shortage of rhetoric inciting the loathing of churches Ottawa hired to run many of the schools. But most of the online animosity is not coming from Indigenous people.

While many Indigenous leaders are angry at the legacy of the defunct school system, dozens of chiefs have decried the destruction of churches, including those on First Nations territory โ€” given that a majority of Indigenous people are Christian.

Many โ€œalliesโ€ of Indigenous people, however, are too ignorant and arrogant to listen to the chiefsโ€™ messages.

Try inserting the term โ€œCatholic churchโ€ into Twitter and see the casual contempt from non-Indigenous people. Youโ€™ll quickly find young influencers like @buggirl, who says, โ€œif i donโ€™t get to see the catholic church crash and burn to the ground within my lifetime i swear to fโ€”ing godโ€ฆ.โ€

Tragically, some so-called mainstream figures have fired off similar inflammatory comments. Harsha Walia, executive director of the once-venerable B.C. Civil Liberties Association, reacted to a tweet about the arson of two Catholic churches by remarking, โ€œBurn it all down.โ€ Which, her defenders say, is also a call for decolonization. At least she โ€œresigned.โ€
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, despite diverting attention from Ottawaโ€™s control of the schools by calling on the pope to apologize, has cautiously called the arson attacks โ€œunacceptable and wrong.โ€ But Trudeauโ€™s long-time friend and former principal secretary, Gerald Butts, remarked on Twitter they are โ€œunderstandable.โ€Meanwhile, Surreyโ€™s Coptic Church leaders on Monday prodded B.C. Premier John Horgan to do more than blandly say earlier that burning down churches โ€œis not the way forward.โ€ Despite his meek statement on Twitter, many non-Indigenous activists mocked the premier for suggesting Christians deserve respect.

For some twisted reasons the burning of churches does not horrify a certain cohort.

Itโ€™s a cohort that would presumably be the first to say, rightly, itโ€™s never โ€œunderstandableโ€ to attack a mosque โ€” or a gurdwara, synagogue or Buddhist or Hindu temple.Do those who โ€œunderstandโ€ the torching of church sanctuaries forget Ottawa established residential schools in the first place? Would they support burning the Parliament Buildings? (Iโ€™m afraid to hear the answer.)

Maybe the rationale for believing itโ€™s fine to hate Christianity and Christians is they represent the โ€œdominantโ€ religion of white Canada. The trouble with that is church attenders are a minority in the 21st century in Canada โ€“ and secular places like B.C. have never have been โ€œChristianโ€ provinces.

Thatโ€™s not to mention two out of five immigrants to Canada are Christians. And a large proportion of Canadian Christians are people of colour: More than 120 Chinese churches, for instance, are peppered throughout Metro Vancouver, serving roughly 100,000 ethnic Chinese people. There are now 600 million Christians in Africa and 400 million in Asia.

The new Canadian brand of Christophobia seems most linked to those who trumpet decolonialization. The term originally meant โ€œthe process of a state withdrawing from a former colony.โ€ But with almost no one leaving Canada, itโ€™s now a fraught vision for the โ€œremoval or undoing of colonial elementsโ€ from throughout the land.

What that exactly means is hard to figure. But we are seeing signs of how this once-academic term is being understood by a dangerous fringe who would presumably condemn an Islamophobic attack but adopt a double standard on Christophobic arsons.

โ€œAll outbursts of anti-religious violence have at least one thing in common: They convey an ugly intolerance of difference and a refusal to recognize the humanity of an individual or a community,โ€ says Ray Pennings, of Cardus, a Canadian think tank. โ€œI fear church burnings could be an indication that Canadians are losing the ability to discuss faith publicly, using the vocabulary of civility and respect.โ€

We might never find out whatโ€™s going on in the fevered minds of the arsonists. But itโ€™s clear there is tension between Canadaโ€™s decolonization movement and the ideals of truth and reconciliation.

For instance, when vandals on the weekend used a metal saw to cut down a decades-old cross overlooking the Cowichan Valley, Vancouver Islandโ€™s Indigenous leaders again expressed their distress.

Some of the social-media crowd, however, urged replacing the eradicated Christian cross with a totem pole. Which sounds more like rewarding vandalsโ€™ criminal behaviour than reconciliation.

Canada is becoming increasingly filled with division and distrust. Itโ€™s hard to think itโ€™s going to get better.

Source: Douglas Todd: Not much difference between Islamophobia and Christophobia

Antisemitism and Islamophobia summits: Side-by-side commitment comparisons

For reference, the side-by-side comparison, showing a common approach.

I don’t understand why opposition leaders were not provided speaking opportunities, the Harper government did so when it hosted the Inter-parliamentary Coalition for Combating Anti-Semitism (ICCA) in 2009:

Ottawa is holding separate summits on anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. Should it have tackled them together?

Yes, they should have given some of the commonalities and the need for all Canadians, whatever their origins, religions or other characteristic have to work on reducing bias, discrimination and prejudice together.

Otherwise, more for show and signalling than the longer-term work required:

As two anti-hate summits grappling with a rising tide of hatred against Canadaโ€™s Jewish and Muslim communities get underway, could both groups forge a stronger path forward if they were to convene as one?

Thatโ€™s a question being posed by Bernie Farber, the chair of the Canadian Anti-Hate Network and former CEO of the Canadian Jewish Congress, who will be attending both events.

โ€œThese are two groups, two faith communities, that have travelled parallel roads but have rarely intersected. And they are two communities that face the same form of hateful, violent targeting,โ€ Farber told the Star.

โ€œWouldnโ€™t it have made maybe a little bit more sense, in my view, to have had a summit … that would focus on both anti-Semitism and Islamophobia instead of having two separate ones, which has a tendency to not bring us together but to keep us apart?โ€

On Wednesday, the federal government will host a virtual summit on anti-Semitism, bringing together municipal and provincial political leaders to hear how the Jewish community would like to see hate, discrimination and harassment stamped out on a national scale. Former justice minister Irwin Cotler, now Canadaโ€™s special envoy for preserving Holocaust remembrance and combating anti-Semitism, will take part in the event.

Just one day later, the same task will befall members of Canadaโ€™s Muslim community, many of whom are still reeling from a targeted attack in June that killed four members of a Muslim family in London, Ont., as they were out for an evening walk. MPs unanimously voted in favour of a motion to hold a national summit on Islamophobia in the aftermath of the violent incident.ย 

But as political tensions over the conflict in the Middle East began to boil over earlier this year โ€” leading to clashes and police intervention at several rallies between pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian demonstrators across the country โ€” so did hateful acts targeting Jews and Muslims.

โ€œOnce youโ€™ve targeted people here in Canada for something that may have happened in the Middle East … it is either Islamophobia or anti-Semitism,โ€ Farber said.

The tensions also trickled down to two leading Jewish and Muslim groups in Canada.

In May, the Centre of Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA) sent an email to members of the federal government laying out the groundwork for an emergency summit to combat โ€œa shocking wave of anti-Semitismโ€ in Canada.

In one paragraph of the email, which was viewed by the Star, the organization called on Ottawa to โ€œengage directly โ€” and privatelyโ€ with the National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM), to โ€œchallenge them to recalibrate their rhetoric and activities in a way that ensures the safety of the public square for all.โ€

NCCM, which released its list of priority policy recommendations on Monday ahead of Thursdayโ€™s summit, would not comment on the email.

The remarks referred to NCCMโ€™s call to the federal government to โ€œdenounce in no uncertain terms Israelโ€™s deliberate attack on the Al-Aqsa Mosque,โ€ a compound in Jerusalemโ€™s Old City that is part of a site revered in both Islam and Judaism.ย 

In a statement to the Star, CIJA CEO Shimon Koffler Fogler said such language has been used to โ€œfoment angerโ€ and violence against Jews in the past.

โ€œWe have communicated these concerns โ€” in particular, the need for all civil society groups to engage with the issues in a constructive and respectful manner โ€” directly to the NCCM as well as our government,โ€ the statement read.

Farber, who has worked closely with Jewish and Muslim groups in Canada, told the Star he has worked โ€œfor yearsโ€ to bring the groups together to jointly tackle hate.

โ€œWe canโ€™t battle hatred from different outposts. There is strength in numbers. And I would say eventually, wouldnโ€™t it be nice if we could actually bring all these targeted groups together under one umbrella, to share ideas, to share strategies?โ€

Mustafa Farooq, CEO of NCCM, said he would be happy to โ€œwork towards a broader summitโ€ in Canada for all groups facing an upswing in hate.

โ€œThe reality is, we are facing a unique time where itโ€™s all on the rise,โ€ he said.ย 

But first, Farooq is focused on harms plaguing his own community.

โ€œWe are committed to working with all communities to solve Islamophobia and all forms of hate, but we do need to address the specific problems facing the Muslim community,โ€ he said.

In an interview with the Star last Friday, Diversity and Inclusion Minister Bardish Chagger said itโ€™s still clear there is โ€œa lot more work to doโ€ to eradicate hate in this country.

Chagger acknowledged that there is a โ€œsense of urgencyโ€ in addressing these issues at the upcoming summits, particularly since the COVID-19 pandemic exposed even more inequities in Canadian society.

โ€œIt is important that the government listen and hear the ideas and suggestions and try to put them into actionable items,โ€ she said.ย 

Source: https://www.thestar.com/politics/federal/2021/07/19/ottawa-is-holding-separate-summits-on-anti-semitism-and-islamophobia-should-it-have-tackled-them-together.html

โ€˜Words are no longer enoughโ€™: Muslim group releases 60 calls to action ahead of National Summit on Islamophobia

Of note. Summits are often short-term political events to respond to community and raise broader awareness, providing platforms for organizations and political leaders. More substantive approaches involve more time and preparation than a one-day summit on the eve of an election, which runs the risk of being more virtue signalling than substantive.

And the risk of separate summits for Islamophobia and antisemitism is that the focus on the particular communities distracts from the fundamental commonalities of all groups that experience prejudice, bias and discrimination:

The National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM) has released a list of policy recommendations for federal, provincial and municipal governments in Canada to tackle violent and systemic forms of Islamophobia.ย 

Among theย 60 policy recommendationsย are calls for the federal government to create an anti-Islamophobia strategy by the end of the year, for provincial Ministries of Education to develop localized strategies to address anti-Muslim sentiment, and for municipalities to invest in alternative forms of policing to combat increasing harassment and violence against Muslims.

The NCCM is also calling on governments to expand legislation to dismantle white supremacist groups in Canada, to challenge Bill 21 in Quebec, and to provide resources to empower Muslim Canadians to tell their own stories.

The 60 calls to action will be presented at the National Summit on Islamophobia, which will be hosted by the federal government on July 22. A National Summit on anti-Semitism will be held on July 21.

โ€œThese summits will bring together a diverse group of community and political leaders, academics, activists, and members with intersectional identities within these communities,โ€ย according to a statementย by Bardish Chagger, minister of diversity, inclusion and youth of Canada.ย 

On its website, the NCCM says it is an independent and non-partisan organization โ€œthat protects Canadian human rights and civil liberties, challenges discrimination and Islamophobia, builds mutual understanding, and advocates for the public concerns of Canadian Muslims.โ€

For Mustafa Farooq, the CEO of NCCM, the only way to measure the success for the upcoming summit will be whether action is taken or commitments are made in regards to the 60 calls to action and recommendations from other groups. Farooq says the NCCM will release an updated document following the summit to record any commitments made by governments and track any agreed-upon timelines.ย 

โ€œThis is not about getting together to talk about best practices,โ€ he told the Star. โ€œThis is about committing to action.โ€

Thursdayโ€™s summit comes in the wake of the deadly June attack on a Muslim family in London, Ontario, along with a steep rise in targeted hate crimes against Muslims across the country. According to the NCCM, more Muslims have been killed in targeted hate attacks in Canada than any other G-7 country in the past five years because of Islamophobia. In Alberta alone, atย least nine attacks have been reported against Muslim women,ย most of them Black and wearing a hijab, since December.

On June 11, following calls from the Muslim community and a petition from the NCCM, the House of Commons gaveย unanimous consent to an NDP motion to convene an emergency summit on Islamophobia. The motion also called on leaders from all levels of government to โ€œurgently change policy to prevent another attack targeting Canadian Muslims.โ€

Following the motion, the NCCM launched consultations with Canadian Muslims from coast to coast, in search of tangible policy solutions.

โ€œCanada doesnโ€™t have the appropriate infrastructure to challenge Islamophobia,โ€ Farooq told the Star. โ€œThere isnโ€™t a single body of governance in this country that is dedicated to fighting Islamophobia. This despite the fact that the impacts of Islamophobia have resulted in the worst attack on a religious institution in modern Canadian history.โ€

Thus, an overarching theme of the NCCMโ€™s calls to action is the need to institutionalize the fight against anti-Muslim sentiment. This includes the creation of an Office of the Special Envoy on Islamophobia.ย 

โ€œThis position needs to work with various ministries to inform policy, programming and financing of efforts that impact Canadian Muslims,โ€ the document reads. โ€œThe envoy should have the powers of a commissioner to investigate different issues relating to Islamophobia in Canada, and to conduct third-party reviews across all sectors of the federal government relating to concerns of Islamophobia.โ€

Another theme found in the NCCMโ€™s recommendations is the need to address the way that education in Canada deals with Islamophobia.ย Specifically, the organization recommends that provincial education ministries develop anti-Islamophobia strategies that are responsive to local contexts. This includes changes to curricula that relate to Islam, improving religious accommodations for Muslim students and staff, anti-Islamophobia training.

โ€œThe reality is that (Quebec City mosque attacker) Alexandre Bissonette and (alleged London attacker) Nathaniel Veltman were young men,โ€ Farooq told the Star. โ€œWe need to see a different approach to education, and the way that young people are learning about Canadian Muslims. A large percentage of Canadians have suspicions towards their Canadian Muslim brothers and sisters, and we think education and anti-Islamophobia awareness is a key component.โ€

NCCMโ€™s document is broader than the 30 calls to action to combat systemic racism and hate that was published by aย federal Heritage committee in 2017. However, Farooq believes that now is the time to take bold action.

โ€œWords are no longer enough,โ€ he told the Star. โ€œThe reality is that at this point, every single federal political party, the vast majority of the provinces, dozens of municipalities have all expressed their concerns about Islamophobia and Islamophobic violence. Faith communities are united about this, civil society folks are united โ€” Canadians are united about the fact that things need to change. We just need to translate this into real political will to move things forward.โ€


Here are some of the recommendations from the NCCMโ€™s 60 calls to action.

  • The NCCM is calling for the release of a federal anti-Islamophobia strategy by yearโ€™s end. The NCCM recommends the strategy include a clear definition of Islamophobia to be adopted across government, plus funding and resources for research, programs and education campaigns to address Islamophobia.
  • The NCCM wants the federal government to take action against Quebecโ€™s Bill 21, which bans public servants from wearing religious symbols. Specifically, it wants the attorney general to commit to being an official intervener in court battles on the legislation. The document calls Bill 21 โ€œa fundamentally discriminatory lawโ€ that perpetuates the idea โ€œthat Islam, Muslims, and open religious expression in general, have no place in Quebec.โ€ The NCCM is also calling for the creation of a fund to financially assist those affected by the legislation.
  • Citing the rising tide of online hate and Islamophobia on social media, the NCCM is calling on the federal government to complete a legislative review of the Canadian Human Rights Act, in order to ensure that Canada is equipped to deal with modern forms of Islamophobia and hate. 
  • The NCCM is calling on the federal government to invest in a national support fund for survivors of hate-motivated incidents or attacks. The NCCM is also recommending changes to the countryโ€™s Security Infrastructure Program, to provide funding for security upgrades to mosques and community organizations under threat.
  • There are several calls to action dedicated to reforming national security and dismantling white supremacist groups. These include creating legislation โ€œto implement provisions that place any entity that finances, facilitates, or participates in violent white supremacist and/or neo-Nazi activities on a list of violent white supremacist groups, which is separate and distinct from the terror-listing provisions.โ€ The NCCM also calls on provincial governments to introduce legislation that bans white supremacist groups from incorporating.
  • The NCCM wants the Criminal Code changed to better deal with what is often called a โ€œhate crime.โ€ Specifically, the group is calling for amendments that โ€œreinvigorate how we approach hate crimes, and that strengthens a prosecutorial approach that lacks consistency, clarity and resourcing across the country,โ€ according to Farooq. 
  • The document includes several policy changes to tackle systemic Islamophobia at a federal level, including changes to the Canadian Border Services, the Canadian Revenue Agency and Canadaโ€™s approach to security and counterterrorism. For example, the NCCM is calling for the establishment of an oversight body specifically for the Canadian Border Services Agency, citing allegations that the agency engages in racial profiling that disproportionately targets Muslims.
  • The NCCM is recommending changes to policing at the municipal and provincial levels. This includes investing in alternative forms of policing for municipalities and introducing street harassment bylaws that protect Canadians against hateful verbal assaults. The NCCM also recommends that all provinces adopt the recommendations of Ontarioโ€™s 2017 Tulloch report, which calls for a sweeping overhaul in police oversight.
  • The document also includes several calls for governments to invest in and collaborate with storytellers, artists and filmmakers to help Muslim Canadians tell their stories and challenge narratives that contribute to all forms of Islamophobia. This includes funding local initiatives to celebrate the long history and contributions of Muslim Canadians.

Source: https://www.thestar.com/politics/federal/2021/07/19/words-are-no-longer-enough-how-one-muslim-group-wants-canada-to-deal-with-islamophobia.html

A French Teenagerโ€™s Anti-Islam Rant Unleashed Death Threats. Now 13 Are on Trial.

No excuse for death threats, words have consequences:

The French girl, 16, was sharing highly personal details about her life in a livestream on Instagram, including her attraction to women. Just not Black or Arab women, she said.

When insults and death threats started pouring in to her Instagram account in response to her comments in January 2020, some from viewers saying she was an affront to Islam, the teenager, Mila, dug in, quickly posting another video.

โ€œI hate religion,โ€ she declared. โ€œThe Quran is a religion of hatred.โ€ She also used profanity to describe Islam and the crudest of imagery in referring to God.

The ensuing onslaught of threats after the video went viral has landed 13 people in court on charges of online harassment.

The case has put a spotlight on the roiling French debate over freedom of expression and blasphemy, especially when it touches on Islam. It is also a landmark test for recent legislation that broadens Franceโ€™s definition of cyberharassment in regards to attacks on the internet, where vitriol is plentiful, modulated debate less so.

โ€œWe are setting the rules of what is acceptable and what is unacceptable,โ€ Michaรซl Humbert, the presiding judge, said at the trial.

Some looked to history to capture the brutality of what Mila experienced online. Milaโ€™s lawyer said she had been subjected to a digital stoning. The prosecutor in the case spoke of a โ€œlynching 2.0.โ€

More than a year after Mila โ€” The New York Times is withholding her last name because she has been the subject of harassment โ€” posted her videos, her life remains in a tumult. She lives under police protection and she no longer attends school in person.

The 13 defendants, some teenagers themselves, are on trial in Paris, most accused of making death threats. They face the possibility of jail. The verdict is expected Wednesday.

Mahmud Jamalโ€™s nomination to Canadaโ€™s Supreme Court scores a win against the name barrier

Of note:

A few years ago, frustrated that I kept being detained at airports just because my name bore a resemblance to someone who was on a terrorist watchlist, I decided to adopt a middle name.

At the time, I struggled with what name I should choose. I thought long and hard about taking an Anglo-Saxon one, so as to appear less threatening to airport authorities. However, the thought of having to change an integral part of myself in order to live my life without unnecessary incursions based on the notion that I posed a danger irked me inside. Why should I have to do it, when others donโ€™t? This is a dissonance that I imagine most immigrants or children of recent immigrants face as they navigate their professional lives. How much of your cultural heritage do you keep? And what is worth shedding as you attempt to move up the rungs of Canadian society?

So rather than anglicizing my name, I adopted the Arabic middle name Majid, after my maternal grandfather Abdul-Majid. At the time, I knew my decision could actually attract more scrutiny at airports, rather than less. It also provided another opportunity for others to misspell, mispronounce or generally feel uncomfortable saying my name.

That prospect was ingrained in my mind, as those were all experiences I underwent growing up as a South Asian-Canadian in the relatively small and homogeneous city of St. Catharines, Ont., where even well-meaning people struggled to say my name in what would be considered its โ€œauthenticโ€ Arabic pronunciation. I found myself too shy to correct them โ€“ either out of a sense of fear or, otherwise, because I didnโ€™t deem myself important enough to canvass a conversation around my name and, more essentially, my parentโ€™s culture and ancestral history.

But with the accumulated baggage of life deep in the recesses of my mind, I felt some sense of vindication when Mahmud Jamal was nominated recently to the Supreme Court of Canada. Upon his appointment, he will be the first person of colour to serve on our countryโ€™s highest court.

With Justice Jamalโ€™s appointment, as well as other recent high-profile appointments โ€“ including the selection of Reem Bahdi as the next dean of the University of Windsorโ€™s law school โ€“ we are starting to see the erosion of both name and colour barriers in the upper echelons of the legal profession. Even the most reticent and conservative lawyers will now have to come face to face with a sitting judge who does not look like anyone from the past. 

Moreover, they will be forced to write and pronounce Justice Jamalโ€™s name (correctly, I hope) under a new dynamic in which a member of a racialized minority group now occupies a seat of power.

For most of us who come from racialized communities, the authority that Justice Jamal will exercise from the high court is not the overwhelming reality of our existence. Rather, in Canada, we are often placed in hierarchal relationships in which an individual with an Anglo-Saxon name occupies the more authoritative position. 

So when our names are pronounced incorrectly, confused with someone elseโ€™s or even neglected, we find ourselves biting our tongues so as to avoid upsetting the status quo. This was my childhood reality and, for many, a lifelong one. This scenario has become exhausting and increasingly depressing as we await the promised inclusiveness of the country we or our parents chose.

Just as I refused to anglicize my middle name, my wife and I chose an โ€œethnicโ€ name for our son when he was born two years ago. We were not ignorant of the realities we grew up in and that persist until today with regard to pronouncing and, by inference, accepting foreign-sounding names. As such, we chose a name for him that could be pronounced by the array of ethnic communities that compose our great land without the sense of trepidation that I have always thought those around me have felt. But erasing our ancestry altogether was not an option. And for us and others in our position, the nomination of Justice Jamal stands to makes us more comfortable in our shoes, not afraid to express our cultural identities all the while attempting to break whatever glass ceilings remain.

The choice that I made to affirm my roots through my middle name was a difficult one. It required concerted thought and effort. Thanks in part to the appointment of a man whose name is making history, my son will not have to take the same pains to reconcile his heritage and his ambitions.

Hassan M. Ahmad is a law professor at the University of Ottawa.

Source: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-mahmud-jamals-nomination-to-canadas-supreme-court-is-a-win-for/