Dan Delmar: Dissecting Drainville’s faulty identity rhetoric | National Post

Good dissection by Dan Delmar on the hapless rationalizations and excuses of former Minister Drainville, the main public face of the Charter:

Indeed, the Charter of Values didn’t go far enough in a number of areas; among them, the supposed secularization of institutions. A good start would be to cut financing and tax breaks to religious organizations and private religious schools; to stop funding the incessant and costly renovation of the plethora of churches in Quebec that no one attends; to, again, remove the Assembly’s crucifix, because no credible secular jurisdiction has Jesus Christ perched above the heads of men and women who are enacting laws.

Drainville also wanted to curb Islamism: You can’t counter ghettoization by further excluding Muslims from the government jobs they weren’t able to get in the first place. During a campaign press conference featuring former Premier Pauline Marois, I wandered off into the very next room of an east-end Montreal employment centre. A dozen people were receiving job training; nearly all were visible minorities and four were hijabi women. Marois, like Drainville, didn’t seem to comprehend how their Charter would exacerbate the problem of ethnic integration.

Dan Delmar: Dissecting Drainville’s faulty identity rhetoric | National Post.

Charte: Drainville répond aux critiques de ses collègues | Le Devoir

The debate has started within the PQ regarding the role or not of the proposed Charter in the election results:

Dès le lendemain de l’élection, le député de Lac-Saint-Jean, Alexandre Cloutier, est l’un de ceux qui ont affirmé que le PQ aurait dû « se concentrer sur ce qui faisait davantage consensus » plutôt que de s’acharner à vouloir adopter la charte dans son intégralité. Selon lui, le PQ aurait pu légiférer sur les signes ostentatoires en concluant un compromis avec la Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ).

Jean-François Lisée a pour sa part indiqué qu’il trouvait exagéré que la charte interdise le port de signes religieux ostentatoires dans les hôpitaux, les universités ainsi que dans les municipalités. Le député de Rosemont a aussi confié qu’une période de transition plus longue aurait été préférable pour mettre en place les mesures de la charte. Le PQ avait notamment prévu une période d’un an pour les employés de l’État et de cinq ans pour les fonctionnaires du milieu universitaire, médical et municipal.

Charte: Drainville répond aux critiques de ses collègues | Le Devoir.

Drainville, for his part, demonstrates his total ignorance of Canadian multiculturalism, and remains in at least a defensive if not denial mode:

Le modèle de multiculturalisme canadien préconise une forme de cohabitation côte à côte dans laquelle les différentes communautés vivent séparément. Il n’y a pas dans le multiculturalisme de volonté de construire une fondation commune. Nous croyons le fait que de définir clairement un espace où les différentes religions ne s’immiscent pas dans le rapport entre les citoyens et leur État est un gage d’égalité et de respect pour tout un chacun. L’État, comme une grande table où tous les citoyens sont invités à venir s’asseoir. Peu importe leurs différences de sexe, d’orientation sexuelle, d’origine, de croyance ou de non-croyance. L’interdiction du port de signes religieux pour les employés de l’État visait cet objectif. Tout le contraire d’exclure.

Évidemment, nous étions conscients que nous en demandions à certaines communautés plus qu’à d’autres. Nous en étions conscients et préoccupés ; d’où la création d’une période de transition d’un an pour tous les employés de l’État et jusqu’à cinq ans pour les employés du réseau de la santé, des municipalités, des cégeps et des universités.

La charte des valeurs, un premier bilan

Quebec Liberals vow their charter will be based on ‘consensus’

Will be interesting to see the Liberal version of the Charter and how the debate plays out but the fundamental premise, of ensuring this is consensus-based and does not discriminate against religious minorities in government, is welcome. While one can argue regarding the need for such a charter or not, likely necessary to help close the debate given the currents and fears in Quebec regarding accommodation:

“We will legislate on the issue, with the elements that form a consensus and on which we could have already acted,” Mr. Couillard said on Tuesday.

The Liberal charter would include measures to fight religious extremism, force Quebeckers to offer and receive government services with their faces uncovered, and propose a framework to settle demands for religious accommodation.

Liberals vow their charter will be based on ‘consensus’ – The Globe and Mail.

Quebec Election – Initial Reactions

Quite an evening last night, watching the QC election results. Apart from the famous Peladeau raised fist for independence miscalculation, this election hopefully marks the end of divisive identity politics as exemplified in the QC Charter of Values. The gambit clearly did not work in combination with the referendum uncertainty and even Premier Marois’ overall gracious concession speech still played to les Québécois de souche, rather than the more inclusive messages of Couillard and Legault.

Clearly, the PQ needs a period of serious internal reflection and introspection. The leading candidates to replace former Premier Marois will need to get over their Kubler-Ross denial phase quickly (Drainville, Lisée and Peladeau were awful last night preaching to the shrunken PQ base) and it will be interesting to see the how the relative positions of the PQ and the CAQ evolved over the next few years.

I would not go so far as Andrew Coyne or Chantal Hébert as saying the PQ’s raison d’être of independence is completely dead, but it certainly would appear to be on life support.

From Le Devoir, a few articles on the magnitude of the PQ defeat:

À son premier test électoral, le chef libéral a fait des gains dans presque toutes les régions du Québec. Il a peint en rouge toute la ville de Laval et a arraché deux circonscriptions au PQ sur l’île de Montréal, en plus de remporter des sièges dans le Centre-du-Québec et dans la région de Québec, notamment. Le Dr Gaétan Barrette, candidat vedette parachuté contre l’indépendante Fatima Houda-Pepin, a facilement remporté la circonscription de La Pinière, sur la Rive-Sud.

Philippe Couillard met le PQ K.-O.

Avant même que ne commence le dévoilement des votes dans les circonscriptions, plusieurs membres du personnel péquiste concédaient la victoire au Parti libéral. Un consensus se dégageait : la campagne menée par Pauline Marois avait été désastreuse et on se promettait un bilan aussi exhaustif que sévère. Une majorité d’entre eux espéraient à tout le moins une défaite honorable, mais jamais les stratèges, appuyés par des sondages quotidiens faits selon les règles de l’art, n’avaient prévu pareille dégelée.

Catastrophe au Parti québécois

More commentary on the significance of the elections will come in the next few days but for some of the initial commentary:

Au Parti québécois, cette défaite provoquera de douloureux questionnements. La formation fondée par René Lévesque devra remettre en question le virage identitaire pris au cours des dernières années, virage qui, pour des raisons strictement partisanes, a fait un tort considérable au Québec.

Encore plus difficile sera la réflexion sur la raison d’être du PQ, l’indépendance. Quel que soit l’aboutissement de cette introspection, les résultats d’hier devraient inciter les péquistes à abandonner la stratégie de l’équivoque au profit de celle de la clarté.

Les Québécois ont dit NON (André Pratte, La Presse)

And finally, who leads this decimated party? Because the knives are already out. Drainville, Lisée and Péladeau prefixed Marois’s farewell speech with what amounted to stump speeches. This pack of restless egos all come with their own baggage: Péladeau is a capitalist boogeyman who derailed the whole campaign by declaring his sovereignist credentials. Drainville designed and executed the whole charter gambit, then thoroughly bellyflopped. Lisée went along with both, because he thought Péladeau and the charter was the one-two punch that, to paraphrase the title of his own book, would deliver a K.O. to the opposition.

Macleans. (Martin Patriquin)

It is impossible to overstate what a watershed this is. For thirty years after the Quiet Revolution, Quebecers were told the choice before them was either special status, under whatever name, or separation. At times the two were so blurred in definition that each could be made out to be the other. But what was clear was that they weren’t the status quo. They were better, in all sorts of fantastic ways….

But in the years since then, and in particular since the Secession Reference and the Clarity Act, it has slowly been dawning on Quebecers: neither of these choices is actually available. The choice is the status quo or the status quo. The rest of Canada is simply unwilling to make any more constitutional concessions, and wouldn’t be able to deliver them if it did, so tied up in knots has the constitutional amending formula become. Ditto separation: even if the rest of Canada tried to be helpful, the negotiations would go nowhere.

And as that realization has begun to sunk in, another, equally startling, has begun to take hold: The status quo is not so bad. We are not oppressed. We are not impoverished. We are not miserable. As Mr. Couillard said during the campaign, “we are happy in Canada.” What a revelation!

Quebecers have not only just said no to separation, but yes to the 1982 Constitution (Andrew Coyne)

Over the past month, that self-imposed tone-deafness has led to a campaign of false notes, from the second-coming atmosphere that attended the recruitment of media mogul Pierre Karl Péladeau as a star candidate, to Marois’s end-of-campaign mea culpa that she spent too much time entertaining the twin notions of sovereignty and a winning referendum.

One of the PQ’s worst fears has long been that it would turn out to be the party of a single generation.

Over their short time in office, Marois and her team have done much to turn that fear into a self-fulfilling prophecy.

It has long been apparent that the so-called secularism charter that has been the signature initiative of the outgoing government repelled more young Quebecers than it attracted to the secessionist cause.

For the first time in its history, the PQ is more popular among older voters aged 55 and over than among any other age group.

Parti Québécois could be party of a single generation:  Chantal Hébert

Why the PQ is losing Quebec’s election

Great piece by Paul Wells. Of course, polls are polls and we will see what will happen Monday evening:

The PQ has always been the party of hope when it was winning. (I know, anglophones never felt it that way, but the René Lévesque was a pure product of the Quiet Revolution, when Quebec left behind insularity and finger-pointing and tried to do great things in the world. Those of us who are too young to remember those days directly can get a taste of that spirit reading Rick Salutin’s classic play Les Canadiens (written “with an assist by Ken Dryden”), whose climax is set at the Forum on the night of Nov. 15, 1976; as the bewildered Habs play a winning game, they notice the crowd cheering at odd moments and realize the Forum’s scoreboard is showing election results as Lévesque’s PQ is elected to government for the first time. Salutin has said it’s a moment when Quebecers found new heroes. Whose hero is Pauline Marois?

While the PQ’s self-destructive campaign is the story of this election, I think too much commentary overlooks the contribution Philippe Couillard is making to his own success. And yet he’s making no secret of things. The biggest word on the side of his bus is ENSEMBLE, together. His ads are upbeat and explicitly inclusive in message:

Why the PQ is losing Quebec’s election.

Why the Quebec values charter hasn’t been a runaway success, PKP interview

Martin Patriquin’s analysis of why the Charter has not worked out the way the PQ hoped for:

Yet for a variety of reasons, the charter hasn’t been nearly the electoral success the PQ thought it would be. Durand calls the charter support “weak and volatile”, largely because the PQ lost nearly as much support as it gained. For PQ strategists, minister Bernard Drainville in particular, it must be a vexing question: why would a piece of legislation tailor-made to exploit the deep fears felt by French Quebecers be only a mitigated success?

One answer may be Quebecers aren’t as obsessed about language and identity as they once were. For all the charter’s sound and fury, the charter barely registers on Quebecers’ radar of priorities. They are far more preoccupied with the meat-and-potato issues of government spending, taxes and corruption, according to a L’Actualité poll conducted following the charter’s introduction. The charter was 10th out of a list off 11 priorities. The 11th priority? A sovereignist government.

There’s another reason why Quebecers might not be so peachy keen on the charter, one teased out in a telling Léger Marketing poll from January. Support for the charter, at 57 per cent amongst Francophones, plummeted by 17 points when Léger raised the spectre that people might lose their jobs as a result of what’s on their head or around their neck.

Why the Quebec values charter hasn’t been a runaway success.

And an interesting interview with Pierre Karl Peladeau, the star candidate for the PQ and media mogul who sent the PQ campaign off-message with his strong independence messaging at the beginning of the campaign:

C’est beau tout ça, vous parlez en tant qu’actionnaire de contrôle de Québecor, mais vous êtes en politique, M. Péladeau. Comment allez-vous faire pour éviter les conflits d’intérêts là-dessus si vous êtes au gouvernement ? Vous ne pourrez pas participer aux décisions sur le sport professionnel, la culture, la politique de prix unique du livre…

« J’espère que je vais pouvoir continuer à en parler, au contraire, ce sont des sujets sur lesquels je pense avoir une grande expertise », répond-il, insensible aux critiques. Certains ont même comparé Pierre Karl Péladeau à Berlusconi, l’ancien président et magnat de la presse en Italie. Il s’en fout : « Andrew Coyne a dit que j’étais devenu un oligarque russe et Lysiane Gagnon a dit que j’étais d’extrême droite. Allez-y, en termes de comparaison, tout est permis. »

Un café avec PKP

Chris Selley: Pauline Marois’ alternate reality, Farzana Hassan’s Endorsement of the Charter

Good summary by Chris Selley of some of the reasonable accommodation issues that have arisen in Quebec over the past years, and a reminder that the proposed Charter would not address any of them:

But finally, this week, Mr. Couillard seemed to gain some traction. “If the PQ is saying you can’t work with something on your head that doesn’t please certain people, the logical conclusion is that you will be fired if you don’t do it,” he said. Indeed. Also: If you lower the speed limit on Highway 401 from 100 to 90, people might get tickets for going 100. Also: If you mandate a six-month minimum sentence for people who grow six marijuana plants, people might get six-month sentences for growing six marijuana plants. See how this works?

The incoherence is to some extent understandable. Like all effective wedge policies, the PQ’s secularism charter invites people to project content, motivations and outcomes on to it that aren’t really there. Janette Bertrand thinks it will prevent rich Muslims from taking over private swimming pools and barring women from them. Commentator Tarek Fatah thinks it will combat “Saudi-based Islamism” — which it theoretically might, if indeed Saudi-based Islamists are “us[ing] the freedom of religion clauses enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to ‘impose their political agenda’ in Quebec,” but which hardly explains it targeting Jews and Sikhs as well.

Chris Selley: Pauline Marois’ alternate reality | National Post.

And Farzana Hassan’s different take in The Sun, similar to Tarek Fatah’s (I say ‘Vote PQ to save Canada’!).

While I can understand the visceral fear some have given past experience in their country of origin (and have spent enough time in Saudi Arabia and Iran to appreciate this), I can’t understand just how far Tarek and Farzana take this fear.

For example, the nurse who took my blood sample this week wore a hijab. She works in a mixed environment, provides service to women and men, and whether or not she chooses to wear a hijab is irrelevant, as it is for others who provide public services of other faiths who wear a kippa, turban, or cross.

Part of our national identity includes religious freedom, subject of course to the balance of other freedoms, and religious “headgear” is largely not a problem (apart from the niqab):

Many religious people do not feel obliged to wear or display their religious symbols at work, one of the exceptions being devout Muslims, who have distinct religious attire they consider mandatory.

In fact, the Quebec charter seems mainly aimed at fundamentalist Muslims, who often seek to advance a political agenda rather than simply express pious serenity through their dress.

In my view, invoking the notwithstanding clause to counter this assertive religiosity is desirable.

Using the Quebec values charter would help check the spread of patriarchal values and the virtual segregation of women.

If you are a hijabi or niqabi worried about this, rest assured Islam does not mandate the veiling of women.

Marois may appear xenophobic to some and a liberator to others, but her nationalistic zeal has shown Canada a way to preserve its own identity.

The rest of Canada should also move to ban such religious symbols from public display.

Sun News : Quebec’s values charter is a good idea.

 

Graeme Hamilton: Marois may be the one ‘reintegrating in another job’ after the election

Cleverly written and the irony of Marois’ juxtaposed photo op and messaging:

If it had been held a day earlier, Parti Québécois Premier Pauline Marois’ visit Wednesday to a centre helping immigrant women find work would have made more sense: “We are a welcoming nation. We want more immigrants from North Africa. We need to combat discrimination in hiring … April Fools!”

But Ms. Marois, whose charter of Quebec values would prohibit women wearing the hijab from working in the public sector, kept a straight face as she praised her government’s openness one minute, then said a daycare worker who refused to remove her hijab would lose her job the next.

“At that point they will have to make a choice, that’s for sure,” she told reporters, noting that the centre she was visiting, the Collectif des femmes immigrantes du Québec, is skilled at helping immigrants find jobs. “There are people who we can help to reintegrate in another job.”

Graeme Hamilton: Marois may be the one ‘reintegrating in another job’ after the election | National Post.

Haroon Siddiqui is equally critical on the use of minorities to advance the Charter message:

Anti-Semites usually insist they have Jewish friends. The late Pim Fortuyn, the gay right-wing Dutch politician, claimed he had several Moroccan boyfriends. The PQ parades its female Jewish and Muslim candidates — Evelyne Abitbol, of Moroccan Jewish ancestry, and Yasmina Chouakri, Leila Mahiout and Djemila Benhabib, all of Algerian Muslim descent. The PQ also backs Fatima Houda-Pepin, of Moroccan Muslim ancestry, who quit the Liberal party because of her support of the charter and is running as an independent. They are all entitled to their views and political choices. But the ironies of their high-profile candidacies are inescapable.
They are peddling their religious identities to champion the removal of religious identities from the state. They are feminists who want to fire vulnerable women from work. They promote post-religious modernism by importing the intra-religious divisions of their homelands rather than adhering to the Canadian rule of law that guarantees equality for people of all faiths or no faith.

Parti Québécois apes demagoguery of European right: Siddiqui

In the last few days of the election, communities are mobilizing their vote to defeat the Charter. While the focus of this article is with respect to the Jewish community in Quebec, expect that other community organizations are also active:

« Nous n’avons pas été épargnés par les débats publics décevants entourant la controversée charte des valeurs québécoises proposée par le gouvernement que dirige le Parti québécois », indique un courriel interne de la Fédération CJA, l’organisation qui représente les communautés juives de Montréal, obtenu par Le Devoir.

« Nous encourageons les membres de la communauté à faire tout leur possible, le jour des élections, pour aller voter pour le parti de leur choix. Même dans les circonscriptions qui semblent gagnées d’avance, les bulletins ont tous leur importance, car le financement des partis politiques est calculé au prorata du nombre de votes reçus à l’élection précédente. […] En ces jours qui précèdent l’élection, jouez un rôle actif dans notre démocratie et encouragez ceux qui vous entourent à s’exprimer », ajoute le message signé par Susan Laxer, présidente, et Deborah Corber, chef de la direction de la Fédération CJA.

Charte: les opposants sur un pied d’alerte | Le Devoir.

 

I say ‘Vote PQ to save Canada’! | Tarek Fatah

I think Tarek in his consistent opposition to Muslim fundamentalism lost it in this column on the Quebec election, and the usual casting of aspersions of Couillard’s time in Saudi Arabia (which was no different from many other Canadians and others).

Does Tarek really mean to insinuate that Couillard supports Islamic fundamentalism?: see Charte des valeurs québécoises – Le Québec pourrait en payer le prix, dit Couillard where he is very clear “J’ai connu, moi, c’est quoi, un régime autoritaire. J’ai connu, moi, c’est quoi, un régime qui exclut”):

The main opposition to the PQ comes from the Liberal party, led by Phillipe Couillard, who has been called upon in the campaign to explain his relationship with Saudi authorities from the time he worked as a surgeon for a state-owned oil company in the Kingdom and as a consultant to the government in 2010.

Couillard was attacked by Houda-Pepin, who called him a “strategic ally” of Islamic fundamentalists who, she said, use the freedom of religion clauses enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to “impose their political agenda” in Quebec.

I asked the Quebec Liberal leader to comment on his past relationship with Saudi officials but received no response to my e-mail.

In other published reports, Couillard has rejected allegations he endorses Islamic fundamentalism or the policies of the Saudi government, which he said most Quebecers reject.

Just because someone goes to work in a foreign country, he argued, doesn’t mean they automatically endorse its policies.

Still, between Marois, who is fighting against Saudi-based Islamism with her secular charter and Couillard, to whom this issue doesn’t appear to be a priority, I say, “Vote PQ to save Canada.”

I say ‘Vote PQ to save Canada’! | Columnists | Opinion | Toronto Sun.

Andrew Coyne: Marois’ PQ joins ranks of those who would use notwithstanding clause to block minority rights

Cat out of the bag, as the PQ admits that the proposed Charter would require use of the notwithstanding clause in order to survive legal challenge:

How very Canadian: notwithstanding if necessary but not necessarily notwithstanding. Still, Ms. Marois has clarified matters, even if inadvertently. Not only do her remarks suggest the PQ knew all along that the bill it was proposing, the centrepiece of its platform, was unconstitutional, a violation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, but it had no intention of amending it to bring it into conformity. Either it planned to deliberately blow it up, as in La Presse’s version [Le choc, la charge, la charte | Vincent Marissal], or it would invoke the constitutional override, a possibility it had never conceded until now.

Andrew Coyne: Marois’ PQ joins ranks of those who would use notwithstanding clause to block minority rights | National Post.

Chantal Hébert in L’Actualité:

1- Il n’a jamais fait de doute que la Charte serait contestée devant les tribunaux. Sa compatibilité avec les libertés fondamentales a toujours été matière à débat, et pas seulement à l’extérieur des rangs gouvernementaux. Autrement, le gouvernement aurait produit les avis juridiques que ses propres avocats lui ont certainement préparés au moment de son élaboration.

2- Un gouvernement curieux de savoir comment son projet cohabitait avec les libertés fondamentales aurait pris les devants et l’aurait soumis à la Cour d’appel du Québec pour avoir son avis.

3- Ce ne sont pas de lointains Canadiens qui vont contester la Charte, mais plutôt des citoyens ou, même, des groupes ou des organismes québécois. La Ville de Montréal et la plupart des universités, de même qu’un nombre conséquent d’associations professionnelles et même syndicales, s’opposent fermement à son application.

4- La clause dite nonobstant est renouvelable aux cinq ans sur un vote majoritaire de l’Assemblée nationale. S’il fallait y avoir recours pour appliquer une Charte de la laïcité, attendez-vous à refaire le débat.

Chantal Hébert : La Charte, les chartes et la clause nonobstant

Federal government reaction has been appropriately cautious on this point during the campaign, although all three parties were very strong when the Charter was announced:

Utilisation de la clause dérogatoire par le PQ: les députés fédéraux prudents OTTAWA