Canada Gave Them Citizenship. Then Changed Its Mind

Alternative headline: IRCC developed an overly generous policy without thinking through the implications and impact. None of the witnesses nor officials and ministers discussed this during the various Senate and Commons hearings:

…For applicants such as Jeep, this was not an ordinary immigration pathway. They were not asking Canada to admit them as newcomers and then allow them to work toward citizenship. A successful application under Bill C-3 bestows citizenship by descent rather than through naturalization, with applicants recognized as Canadians since birth or January 1, 1947—when Canadian citizenship became a legal status—whichever was later.

That legal distinction sits awkwardly inside the politics of the moment. Ottawa has been trying to reduce temporary-resident numbers, with IRCC announcing plans to set targets for that demographic for the first time and to bring their numbers down to 5 percent of Canada’s population. At the same time, Bill C-3 opened a path for people living abroad—some with little or no recent connection to Canada—to have citizenship recognized through ancestry.

Eligible descendants did not have to first live in Canada, pass a citizenship test, show knowledge of English or French, or complete the process expected of permanent residents seeking naturalization. Some may never move here. Others, including Americans worried about conditions in the US, saw the law as something more practical: a route to safety, mobility, a respectable dual citizenship, or a possible future in Canada.

That is where the certificate suspensions became more than a paperwork problem. Canada had widened the legal doorway to citizenship. But when early applicants stepped through it, IRCC appeared unprepared for the old records, complicated family histories, and the political meaning they brought with them….

IMMIGRATION LAWYER Amandeep Hayer, who has advised several affected certificate holders, says historical citizenship cases inevitably require evidence beyond modern birth certificates. Civil registration did not begin at the same time or with the same consistency across every province. Someone trying to prove where an ancestor was born in the nineteenth century may have no birth certificate to obtain, regardless of how thoroughly they search.

In those circumstances, a census, church register, marriage record, or another archival document may be the best evidence that survives. Hayer says the problem at the time was that IRCC’s guidance did not clearly define which alternative records would be considered valid, with the result that officers initially accepted the evidence and issued certificates, only for the department to later question whether the documentation was sufficient. He says IRCC has since provided more clarity on the matter.

But the suspensions also raise constitutional questions. Some immigration lawyers have argued that forcing certificate holders to surrender proof of citizenship without first identifying the specific problem in their file could engage mobility rights, due-process protections, and equality concerns, especially where passports were also revoked. The issue has not yet been tested in court in the context of the Bill C-3 suspensions.

For nearly two weeks after the first surrender letters became public, IRCC offered little public explanation. At a June 23 media availability, Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Lena Metlege Diab said she had asked officials to look into the issue after learning of concerns with citizenship certificates issued under Bill C-3. Two days later, Prime Minister Mark Carney was asked whether the people affected deserved a timely explanation. “The simple answer is yes,” he said, “and I’ll be following up to ensure they get that.”…

The Citizenship Regulations allow the government to require surrender of a certificate when it has reason to believe the holder may not be entitled to it. The question is how IRCC reached that belief—and what the department should have done in all fairness when its own unclear instructions helped create the uncertainty. For Jeep, Maher, Tossell, and others caught in the review, integrity also means explaining how those decisions were made, why they were reversed, and—more fundamentally—whether the government will stand by the documents it issues.

Source: Canada Gave Them Citizenship. Then Changed Its Mind

Canada is spending big to recruit top global minds. They may find it hard to stay in the country — if they can even get in

Well, if there wasn’t rigorous screening…. Presumably easier for Chinese, Indian and Iranian academics who have also spent time in the USA, EU and other similar countries:

…Recruiting international talent was a highlight of Prime Minister Mark Carney’s 2025 budget, and the Immigration Department has a key role. A $1.7 million investment is meant to lure world-class researchers and top doctoral and post-doctoral fellows to Canada, and support universities in hiring internationally.

While institutions can go all-out to invite prospective talent, experts say success hinges on whether the recruits can make it to Canada in a timely way and secure permanent residence after their stay. The lack of a streamlined system and delays in security processing, they said, are hindering the effort.

“There’s not a co-ordination between the immigration side and the science” recruitment, said Christina Clark-Kazak, a professor in public and international affairs at the University of Ottawa.

“Many people were already starting to say, ‘How are these people ever going to get visas?’ So you’re investing all this time and they’re coming here for a few years. What are they going to do at the end of that? What’s the immigration pathway?”

Visas stalled by backlogged security screening

The Canada Global Impact+ Research Talent Initiative has different streams, providing funding to hire world-leading research chairs and teams, early-career researchers, top doctoral students and post-doctoral researchers, as well as investment in infrastructure and facilities they need.

The Star’s Janet Hurley recently reported that after Americans, Chinese, Iranian and Indian nationals were the top source countries of the 659 graduate students and post-docs from 72 countries selected in the first phase of the training awards program, focusing on early-career talent. Doctoral candidates will receive $40,000 annually for three years and post-docs $70,000 a year for two years.

Yet, China, Iran and India also top the list of immigration applicants who are referred to comprehensive security screening by the Canada Border Services Agency and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service. Immigration officials said assessments are conducted by its partners and processing times vary, depending on the backlog and complexity of a case. It can take months, or years. …

Source: Canada is spending big to recruit top global minds. They may find it hard to stay in the country — if they can even get in

Geist: Denial, Hate, and Silence: The Three Responses to Overwhelming Evidence of Canada’s Campus Antisemitism Crisis

Valid:

…The first response is denial, with some groups claiming the survey is unrepresentative, its methodology flawed, and that it conflates Jewish identity with Zionism. The objections do not withstand scrutiny. The survey’s community-recruited, non-probability approach is the standard methodology for researching discrimination against small, hard-to-reach populations. Indeed, it served as the methodology for surveys on 2SLGBTQ youthurban Indigenous health studiesanti-Asian racism data, and trans communities. Governments have used the resulting data for policy development and few demanded probability samples before treating that research as a basis for action. Moreover, while relying on the IHRA definition is precisely what a study backed by a government that has itself adopted that definition should do, the findings do not depend on definitions. Set aside every Israel and Zionism-related item in the survey and the data still shows 56% of Jewish students witnessing discriminatory treatment of Jews as Jews, 54% witnessing intimidation or threats, 22% witnessing physical violence, and 45% regularly encountering Holocaust denial. No definition is required to classify “Hitler should have finished you off”, “the Holocaust did not really happen”, or “Jews, Jews, you cannot hide.” Critics themselves concede that the report documents “unmistakable antisemitism,” but are left to quibble at the edges by debating definitions rather than confronting what the data shows.

The second response is hate. Once again, my posts about the survey attracted replies on my social media that read like a live enactment of the report’s findings, validating a national dataset in real time. The survey found that 45% of Jewish students regularly encounter Holocaust denial or distortion; the replies included the claim that the Holocaust is “fake, just exaggerated slop to position yourselves as victims.” The survey found that more than 70% of Jewish students report harm to their mental health; the replies mocked that finding with comments about “mental illnesses suffered by Ashkenazi jews” lying “in the genes.” The survey documented students hiding their identity and considering leaving their universities; the replies suggested Jewish students “should transfer to Tel Aviv” and dismissed them as “professional victims.”

The most important response, however, was the non-response or silence from those who must act. One week after a government-backed report found that 70% of Jewish students believe their universities do not take antisemitism seriously, I could find no responses from university presidents, Universities Canada or other organizations. Political leaders have been little better: Culture Minister Marc Miller called the findings “alarming”, but a broader response or sense of urgency from governments has been missing. The Advisory Council on Rights, Equality and Inclusion, which serves as the government’s replacement for the Special Envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism (who commissioned the CASE report), continues to signal that it is not a serious effort to combat antisemitism. At the report’s release, Council member and former senator Marc Gold read the Minister’s statement, declined to respond to criticism of the government’s approach, and described the council’s progress as: “we’re getting to know each other and we are providing input into a work plan.” The house is on fire and they are getting to know each other.

Simply put, silence is not neutral, as it confirms students’ worst fears and risks making them even more skeptical about reporting their experiences. The NECA recommendations released alongside the report provide a ready-made starting point, beginning with enforcing the policies universities already have. With the fall term just weeks away, no university leader can claim to be unaware of what returning Jewish students face.

The report’s findings were overwhelming, and so is what the past week has revealed. The deniers cannot bring themselves to accept what the data shows, the haters keep demonstrating it, and the institutions with the power to act have said nothing at all. It is time for a fourth response: action.

Source: Denial, Hate, and Silence: The Three Responses to Overwhelming Evidence of Canada’s Campus Antisemitism Crisis

Conservatives call for Liberals to block ‘candy sentences’ for immigrants convicted of crimes

More on CPC immigration messaging. Valid to argue that this has been excessively enabled by the courts:

Conservative immigration critic Michelle Rempel Garner reiterated her call Tuesday for the Liberal government to amend the Criminal Code to put an end to “candy sentences” that she says allow immigrants who commit crimes to avoid deportation.

Speaking to reporters in Ottawa, the longtime Conservative MP argued that a slew of recent headlines detailing how non-Canadians charged with various crimes but received reduced sentences so as to avoid deportation proceedings was “insane and disgusting.”

“These types of rulings now happen so frequently that a judge in Montreal accused Montreal prosecutors of proposing candy sentences for criminals at risk of deportation, affirming that this is a common practice across the country,” she said.

“Practices that let certain people commit crimes with impunity are corrosive to a high-trust society. It makes Canada unsafe, leading to a society that is less trusting to everyone, including immigrants who have come to Canada and work hard and play by the rules.”

National Post has recently detailed many cases where a judge cited an accused’s immigration status as a mitigating factor when issuing a criminal sentence. In one case cited by Rempel Garner, a judge granted a Ghanaian man and loan shark who violently stole a woman’s phone a conditional discharge, citing his immigration status.

The Conservative MP once again called on the Liberals to amend the Criminal Code to prevent immigration status from being a consideration during sentencing for a crime. She also re-iterated her longstanding call for Immigration Minister Lena Diab and Justice Minister Sean Fraser to resign….

Source: Conservatives call for Liberals to block ‘candy sentences’ for immigrants convicted of crimes

Quebec law ending mandatory oath to King faces constitutional challenge

Another one to watch:

A constitutional lawyer is seeking to strike down a 2022 Quebec law that abolished the mandatory Oath of Allegiance to the King for members of the province’s National Assembly, arguing the provincial government overstepped its constitutional powers.

The application was filed in Quebec Superior Court in Montreal on Monday by the Public Interest Litigation Institute and its founder, Lawrence David, who teaches at University of Ottawa’s faculty of law.

The lawsuit names the Attorney General of Quebec as the respondent and the Attorney General of Canada as an interested party….

Source: Quebec law ending mandatory oath to King faces constitutional challenge

Brunner: Making immigrants into settlers: settler colonial common sense in Canadian citizenship guides

One of the rare examinations of the language and approach across different citizenship guides (Nora Sobel did an earlier analysis). This analysis also covers the evolution of the guides but fails to acknowledge IMO the reality that any such guide will invariably present a somewhat sanitized version of our history, and a guide that presents an overly “black armband” of Canadian history would never be accepted by any serious political party and by the vast majority of old and new stock Canadians. The last para of their conclusion partially acknowledges that reality.

Whether the current government releases its version of Discover Canada, first announced five ministers ago, remains to be seen. My guess is not, given other priorities and a weak Minister:

In federal citizenship guides, settler colonialism is never named; the foundational structure of the Indian Act is omitted; references to reserves appear as decontextualized descriptions; and residential schools are minimized in ways that individualize harm. Treaties are absent until 1995 and, when introduced, are framed through a transactional logic that naturalizes settler title and casts Indigenous rights as historical accommodations rather than living, nation-to-nation obligations. Land is repeatedly depicted through frontier and extractive imaginaries, while Indigenous relations to land are relegated to culture or history.

In the context of ongoing settler colonial dispossession, education alone cannot serve as the ‘key condition for reconciliation’ (Chatterjee 2018, 3). State-produced citizenship guides in settler colonial contexts will not escape settler logics, nor can a revised narrative‘undo’ settlerism. Yet these texts still matter. They can either deepen so-called consensus and reinforce settler ignorance, or create openings for interruption.

As Chickasaw scholar Jodi Byrd (2011) writes, ‘settler, native, and arrivant [must] each acknowledge their own positions within empire and then reconceptualize space and history to make visible what imperialism. has sought to obscure’ (xxx). Within settler states, even this more modest demand – for truth rather than structural transformation – remains politically fraught. Citizenship guides operate within an apparatus designed to stabilize, rather than interrupt, settler colonial authority; yet they nonetheless constitute one of the few official sites through which prospective citizens encounter state-sanctioned narratives of belonging. At minimum, such texts could invite immigrants – differently positioned within racial hierarchies and imperial histories – to confront citizenship not as an untroubled inheritance, but as a relationship constituted through ongoing colonial conditions and responsibilities. While this falls far short of dismantling settler colonialism, it gestures toward a refusal of innocence, historical amnesia, and citizenship as a completed project.

Source: Making immigrants into settlers: settler colonial common sense in Canadian citizenship guides

ICYMI – Snow: CBC’s progressive bias revealed: What 6 years of corrections by the public broadcaster show

Appreciate this data-based approach. Interesting finding and also interesting that political party bias only formed about five percent of total:

…The data can help us understand the subjects where the CBC most frequently issues corrections, especially when it comes to the broadcaster leaning in a consistent ideological direction. CBC has often been accused of ideological bias against both the Conservative Party and conservatives more broadly. As such, I sought to determine how often partisanship or ideology appeared in CBC’s corrections.

In total, only 10 of the 209 correction notices involved Liberals or Conservatives, or liberalism or conservatism more broadly. Two were minor technical corrections for which partisanship or ideology was incidental. Of the remaining eight, two concerned Liberals and six concerned conservatives. Strikingly, all eight errors ran in the same political direction.

One of the two Liberal-related corrections involved a prematurely celebratory headline that initially declaredCanada was “finally getting” a national food program when the Liberal government had merely announced one it hoped to introduce later that year. The other put words in the mouth of a prominent Conservative when a CBC fact-check video falsely said that former Conservative cabinet minister Stockwell Day and others had blamed the Liberal government for changes to Poilievre’s riding boundaries. The source material contained no such accusation. CBC’s correctionomitted that context, leaving Day unnamed and admitting only that the video had wrongly said “some” blamed the Liberal government.

The remaining six corrections followed the same pattern: all involved reporting that portrayed conservatives unfavourably. The errors were as follows:

  • Reporting that Conservative officials had physically pushed the assistant of floor-crossing MP Chris D’Entremont, when they had pushed open a door.
  • Imprecisely linking alleged pressure by India on Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner to her decision to leave Patrick Brown’s leadership campaign, without initially noting that she denied being pressured.
  • Challenging a Conservative housing affordability video using average mortgage costs, even though the claim was based on median income and total homeownership costs.
  • Quoting a professor’s distorted characterization of Charlie Kirk’s remarks about black women and gay people, without describing what Kirk had actually said.
  • Publishing quotes from a Facebook post by Conservative MP Rachael Harder in a way CBC later called “potentially misleading” with insufficient context.
  • As noted above, publishing a story from an election worker that generalized hateful attitudes to conservative parties and voters more broadly.

Most of the corrections were modest, and, taken together, eight cases hardly prove systemic bias. But the political tilt of the reporting was uniform: one error favoured the Liberals, and the other seven portrayed conservatives unfavourably….

Source: CBC’s progressive bias revealed: What 6 years of corrections by the public broadcaster show

ICYMI – Urback: The CAF’s new public ‘prayer ban’ is not an attack on religious freedom

Agree:

…To be clear: This directive does not affect how members of the CAF can pray and worship on their own time. The policy also explicitly carves out exceptions for funerals, recognizing that a funeral is considered to be “family-led event that honours the family’s wishes.” It also notes that chaplains are not restricted “during private conservations (counselling), within faith-specific gatherings, or in their spiritual roles.” The new restriction is only when chaplains are speaking at public military ceremonies, where they are acting as representatives of the CAF (and thus the government), and not simply as faith leaders. 

The change is thus less an “attack on freedom of religion” of the individual than it is a move to further secularize the government. That is a good thing; religious freedom in a democracy should mean the ability to practice one’s spiritual beliefs as desired, as well as freedom from religion imposed by the government and by others. In other words, people should be able to pray and observe however they want, as long as it does not meaningfully affect others. …

Another way the CAF could have attempted to achieve religious neutrality (or greater religious neutrality) would have been to mimic what political organizations do in the U.S. Democratic and Republican conventions, for example, are opened or closed with prayers from a variety of faith leaders, including priests, imams, rabbis and so on. But this method would have inevitably left out one or more faith groups, and would also have turned public CAF ceremonies into extended prayer sessions that force members to entertain religious practice that has nothing to do with their service. Removing public religious expression is the better alternative, especially since it imposes no restriction on members’ private prayers. It is hardly the egregious affront to religious freedom that Conservatives are making it out to be, but rather, a sensible (if still a bit incoherent) step for a secular government.

Source: The CAF’s new public ‘prayer ban’ is not an attack on religious freedom

ICYMI: Une action collective accusant l’Université McGill d’avoir toléré de l’antisémitisme autorisée

When institutions fail, court challenges expected:

La Cour supérieure du Québec vient de donner le feu vert à une action collective intentée contre l’Université McGill. La poursuite allègue que, depuis l’attaque du Hamas en Israël le 7 octobre 2023, les étudiants juifs y ont subi du harcèlement de toutes sortes et qu’il régnait sur son campus montréalais un climat toxique et insécurisant.

Selon la demande en justice, l’Université a failli à ses obligations de protéger ses étudiants juifs et de leur assurer un environnement propice à leur éducation. Il est donc réclamé en leur nom une réduction de leurs droits de scolarité ainsi que cinq millions de dollars en dommages punitifs.

Selon la décision rendue cette semaine par la juge Dominique Poulin, cette action collective mérite d’être entendue.

Les faits allégués dans la procédure — plus particulièrement ceux concernant les discours antisémites et antisionistes tenus sur le campus universitaire — sont préoccupants et permettent de montrer que l’action a des chances de succès au terme d’un procès, écrit la magistrate.

La réplique musclée d’Israël aux événements d’octobre 2023 et ses bombardements sans relâche sur la bande de Gaza ont mené à de nombreuses manifestations en 2023 et en 2024 sur le campus de l’Université McGill, ainsi qu’à l’installation d’un campement propalestinien….

Source: Une action collective accusant l’Université McGill d’avoir toléré de l’antisémitisme autorisée

The Superior Court of Quebec has just given the green light to a class action brought against McGill University. The lawsuit alleges that, since the Hamas attack in Israel on October 7, 2023, Jewish students have suffered harassment of all kinds and that a toxic and insecure climate reigned on its Montreal campus.

According to the lawsuit, the University has failed in its obligations to protect its Jewish students and provide them with an environment conducive to their education. It is therefore claimed on their behalf a reduction in their tuition fees as well as five million dollars in punitive damages.

According to the decision rendered this week by Judge Dominique Poulin, this class action deserves to be heard.

The facts alleged in the proceedings – especially those concerning anti-Semitic and anti-Sionist speeches held on the university campus – are worrying and show that the action has a chance of success at the end of a trial, writes the magistrate.

Israel’s muscular response to the events of October 2023 and its relentless bombing of the Gaza Strip led to numerous demonstrations in 2023 and 2024 on the McGill University campus, as well as the installation of a pro-Palestinian camp….

ICYMI – Geist: Canada’s Campus Antisemitism Crisis: National Survey Finds Antisemitism Nearly Everywhere and University Responses Nowhere

Understandably, this report has received considerable coverage and commentary. One of the better commentaries IMO:

…The report itself stops short of formal recommendations, concluding instead that academic leadership must take greater responsibility and that the findings should be used immediately by leadership in higher education institutions to examine their policies and practices. The recommendations came separately from the Network of Engaged Canadian Academics (NECA), a non-partisan group of more than 400 Jewish and non-Jewish academics from 54 institutions of which I am a member, which released ten recommendations alongside the report. The list will sound familiar to anyone who has followed this issue: applying existing policies to protect students targeted for any aspect of their Jewish identity including Zionism, institutional neutrality policies that apply across the institution, adoption of the IHRA definition of antisemitism together with the Canadian Handbook, a centralized and transparent incident reporting system with annual campus climate assessments, and a special advisor on antisemitism on every campus.

What has been missing is not knowledge of what to do, but the will to do it. Indeed, the release carries its own illustration of the problem: the survey was commissioned by former Special Envoy Deborah Lyons before the government eliminated her role, leaving the government to release the most comprehensive evidence yet of a systemic antisemitism problem on campus just months after creating a leadership void that has yet to be filled and a new anti-hate council that has yet to act.

I have been an academic for nearly 30 years, working in an environment where inclusion and safe spaces for all students to be their best were unquestioned priorities. Backed by a supportive University president, dean, and advisor on antisemitism, I still believe that to be the case. But this survey confirms that the vast majority of Jewish students encounter antisemitism on campus. If this were any other group — 95% of Indigenous students reporting discrimination or 70% of BIPOC students reporting mental health harm — this would be viewed as a major crisis requiring immediate action. But when 95% of Jewish students report encountering antisemitism, 70% report harm to their mental health, a majority hide their identity, and students report threats of violence and Holocaust denial, the response from some quarters is to ignore or take issue with the survey data.

The bottom line is that hundreds of Jewish students from campuses across the country report antisemitic conduct on campus that is stunning in scope and harm. Every university president in Canada should be investigating how much of the data reflects their own campus experience and committing to change through the NECA recommendations. Every faculty member should be examining whether the discriminatory conduct occurs in their class. And every faculty and student union should be working to fully protect their Jewish members. Years of willingness to tolerate or excuse the antisemitic reality – a Jewish exception – suggests this is unlikely to happen. But now no one can say they didn’t know what was happening.

Source: Canada’s Campus Antisemitism Crisis: National Survey Finds Antisemitism Nearly Everywhere and University Responses Nowhere