What is birthright citizenship and what happens after the Supreme Court ruling?

Ongoing and further undermining of checks and balances:

After the Supreme Court issued a ruling that limits the ability of federal judges to issue universal injunctions — but didn’t rule on the legality of President Trump’s executive order on birthright citizenship — immigrant rights groups are trying a new tactic by filing a national class action lawsuit.

The lawsuit was filed on behalf of two immigrant rights organizations whose members include people without legal status in the U.S. who “have had or will have children born in the United States after February 19, 2025,” according to court documents.

One of the lawyers representing the plaintiffs, William Powell, senior counsel at the Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection at Georgetown Law, says his colleagues at CASA, Inc. and the Asylum Seeker Advocacy Project think that, with the class action approach “we will be able to get complete relief for everyone who would be covered by the executive order.”

Source: What is birthright citizenship and what happens after the Supreme Court ruling?

The Trump administration is building a national citizenship data system

Big brother without public debate and consultations. Legitimate worries:

The Trump administration has, for the first time ever, built a searchable national citizenship data system.

The tool, which is being rolled out in phases, is designed to be used by state and local election officials to give them an easier way to ensure only citizens are voting. But it was developed rapidly without a public process, and some of those officials are already worrying about what else it could be used for.

NPR is the first news organization to report the details of the new system.

For decades, voting officials have noted that there was no national citizenship list to compare their state lists to, so to verify citizenship for their voters, they either needed to ask people to provide a birth certificate or a passport — something that could disenfranchise millions — or use a complex patchwork of disparate data sources.

Now, the Department of Homeland Security is offering another way.

DHS, in partnership with the White House’s Department of Governmental Efficiency (DOGE) team, has recently rolled out a series of upgrades to a network of federal databases to allow state and county election officials to quickly check the citizenship status of their entire voter lists — both U.S.-born and naturalized citizens — using data from the Social Security Administration as well as immigration databases.

Such integration has never existed before, and experts call it a sea change that inches the U.S. closer to having a roster of citizens — something the country has never embraced. A centralized national database of Americans’ personal information has long been considered a third rail — especially to privacy advocates as well as political conservatives, who have traditionally opposed mass data consolidation by the federal government.

Legal experts told NPR they were alarmed that a development of this magnitude was already underway without a transparent and public process.

“That is a debate that needs to play out in a public setting,” said John Davisson, the director of litigation at the nonprofit Electronic Privacy Information Center. “It’s one that deserves public scrutiny and sunlight, that deserves the participation of elected representatives, that deserves opportunities for the public to weigh in through public comment and testimony.”…

Source: The Trump administration is building a national citizenship data system

Federal minister plans to hold consultations this summer on immigration intake

Early test of Liberal government and Minister Diab regarding maintaining or easing restrictions (most of those consulted will ague for the latter):

The federal government will use this summer’s planned consultation on immigration targets to guide future decisions about how many study visas it will issue to international students in the future, Immigration Minister Lena Diab said.

In a recent interview with University Affairs magazine, Diab said the annual immigration levels consultations will reach out to the provinces, university administrators and students themselves, as the government looks to ensure the visa system for students is “sustainable.”

This summer’s annual immigration levels consultations come as multiple universities and colleges face budget constraints after Canada began clawing back on the number of student visas last year amid concerns the number had grown so quickly schools could not provide adequate supports, including housing.

Julie Lafortune, an Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada spokeswoman, says the government expects schools to only accept students they can “reasonably support” by providing housing and other services.

“The annual growth in the number of international students couldn’t be sustained while ensuring students receive the support they need. Study permit applications subject to the cap require an attestation letter from a province or territory,” Lafortune said in an emailed response. 

The current immigration levels plan lays out targets for admitting permanent and temporary residents through 2027, and Lafortune said the upcoming consultations will help the government decide how many newcomers will be admitted in coming years.

Post-secondary institutions across the country are posting deficit budgets this year, laying off staff and cutting programs as international student enrolment drops. Schools had become increasingly reliant on international student fees to balance their books.

Universities Canada president Gabriel Miller previously told The Canadian Press that international student tuition acted as a “stopgap” to make up for years of “inadequate” funding at the provincial and territorial level. …

Source: Federal minister plans to hold consultations this summer on immigration intake

Le Devoir editorial: Religion et écoles, ce mauvais ménage

Classic Quebec overly rigid approach to laïcité in terms of religious symbols, rather than substantive as in the case of Bedford, along with useful background to Quebec history behind laïcité:

Il lui a fallu de la ténacité, de l’audace et bien sûr cette finesse de jugement politique qu’on lui a reconnue partout où elle est passée. En devenant l’architecte de la déconfessionnalisation du réseau scolaire, Pauline Marois a signé une réforme québécoise fondamentale, dont le legs durable a transformé la gouvernance des écoles et ouvert la voie aux débats contemporains sur la laïcité.

La commande était ambitieuse. Et c’est le premier ministre Lucien Bouchard qui la lui donne lors de son premier conseil national du Parti québécois, en 1996. Sa mission ? Remplacer la religion par la langue pour distinguer les écoles primaires et secondaires québécoises, alors toujours divisées selon des critères confessionnels. La réforme de la ministre de l’Éducation d’alors, Pauline Marois, permet la création de 72 commissions scolaires linguistiques, en lieu et place des 154 commissions scolaires catholiques et protestantes.

Cette transformation historique s’inscrit en droite ligne avec le travail amorcé lors de la Révolution tranquille, période charnière de modernisation d’un Québec encore très imprégné des diktats de l’Église catholique. Dans son percutant rapport, le « rapport Parent », diffusé en 1960, la Commission royale d’enquête sur l’enseignement dans la province de Québec exprimait déjà le souhait de remplacer les commissions scolaires confessionnelles. Le Québec des années 1930 en comptait environ 2000.

Forte d’une vision progressiste et de son engagement envers l’égalité des chances, la future première ministre entreprend de rallier le milieu éducatif et la société civile autour de l’idée que l’école publique est ouverte à tous, indépendamment des croyances religieuses. Elle embrasse cette réforme pour quelques raisons majeures, qu’il est intéressant de revisiter aujourd’hui, près de 30 ans plus tard. Comme elle l’explique à l’Assemblée nationale pour convaincre l’opposition en mai 1996, c’est d’abord pour « mettre en place une organisation scolaire susceptible de favoriser l’intégration des immigrants à la communauté francophone ». La loi 101 les oblige à fréquenter les écoles francophones, mais plusieurs s’inscrivent naturellement dans les écoles francophones associées à des commissions scolaires protestantes, « qui sont plutôt de culture et d’environnement anglophones ». Ensuite, pour respecter la réalité et la volonté de la minorité anglophone ; puis, pour alléger les structures ; et enfin, pour assurer un exercice plus démocratique et plus équitable des libertés de conscience et de religion.

La tâche n’est pas mince. Entre autres difficultés, Pauline Marois a dû obtenir de modifier la Constitution de 1867 et son article 93 qui garantissait des droits et privilèges aux écoles catholiques et protestantes. La minorité anglophone a toutefois maintenu son droit inaliénable de gérer ses établissements scolaires. À ce jour, en dépit de la réforme de 2019 qui a aboli les commissions scolaires au profit de centres de services scolaires, les commissions scolaires anglophones ont d’ailleurs maintenu leur modèle.

Le gouvernement de la Coalition avenir Québec a grandement contribué à la poursuite de ce travail de laïcisation des structures, avec l’adoption de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État (loi 21). L’histoire récente nous apprend d’ailleurs que les architectes de ce vaste chantier ont encore du pain sur la planche. Le ministre de l’Éducation, Bernard Drainville, a déposé cette année un projet de loi (94) dont l’objet premier est de « renforcer la laïcité dans le réseau de l’éducation ». Comme sa prédécesseure Pauline Marois en son temps, il croise avec ce projet une certaine résistance, car il propose de franchir un pas de plus dans la laïcisation, notamment avec l’obligation d’avoir le visage découvert en tout temps dans toutes les écoles, et ce, tant pour les élèves que pour le personnel.

En 2024, l’épisode de l’école primaire Bedford a choqué le Québec. À la faveur de reportages chocs, on découvrait que dans cette école, dans d’autres aussi, se jouait une réalité parallèle. Un groupe d’enseignants d’origine surtout maghrébine imposait sa propre loi et ses modes de gestion de classe et de pédagogie, en contravention totale avec les principes de laïcité, de respect de la langue française et d’égalité hommes-femmes. Vendredi, le ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur publiait aussi les conclusions de sa propre enquête sur les tensions religieuses vécues aux collèges anglophones Dawson et Vanier : entre autres conclusions, on y recommande un resserrement de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État dans le réseau collégial. Même si plusieurs obstacles se dressent sur la route du Québec dans sa démarche de laïcisation de l’État, il ne doit pas fléchir.

Les bases sur lesquelles s’appuyait jadis Pauline Marois pour déconfessionnaliser le réseau scolaire demeurent donc d’une totale pertinence, tant pour l’importance de renforcer la langue française que pour celle de participer à l’intégration des communautés culturelles à la société québécoise, en tout respect des valeurs liées à la laïcité.

Source: Religion et écoles, ce mauvais ménage

It took her tenacity, audacity and of course that finesse of political judgment that was recognized wherever she went. By becoming the architect of the de-confessionalization of the school network, Pauline Marois signed a fundamental Quebec reform, whose sustainable legacy transformed the governance of schools and paved the way for contemporary debates on secularism.

The order was ambitious. And it was Prime Minister Lucien Bouchard who gave it to him during his first national council of the Parti Québécois, in 1996. His mission? Replace religion with language to distinguish Quebec primary and secondary schools, then always divided according to confessional criteria. The reform of the then Minister of Education, Pauline Marois, allowed the creation of 72 language school boards, instead of the 154 Catholic and Protestant school boards.

This historical transformation is in line with the work begun during the Quiet Revolution, a pivotal period of modernization of a Quebec still very impregnated with the dictates of the Catholic Church. In its powerful report, the “Parent Report”, released in 1960, the Royal Commission of Investigation on Education in the Province of Quebec already expressed the desire to replace the confessional school boards. Quebec in the 1930s had about 2000.

With a progressive vision and her commitment to equal opportunities, the future Prime Minister is undertaking to rally the educational community and civil society around the idea that public school is open to all, regardless of religious beliefs. It embraces this reform for some major reasons, which it is interesting to revisit today, almost 30 years later. As she explained to the National Assembly to convince the opposition in May 1996, it is first of all to “set up a school organization likely to promote the integration of immigrants into the French-speaking community”. Law 101 obliges them to attend French-speaking schools, but many naturally enroll in French-speaking schools associated with Protestant school boards, “which are rather of English-speaking culture and environment”. Then, to respect the reality and will of the English-speaking minority; then, to lighten the structures; and finally, to ensure a more democratic and more equitable exercise of freedoms of conscience and religion.

The task is not thin. Among other difficulties, Pauline Marois had to obtain an amendment of the Constitution of 1867 and its article 93, which guaranteed rights and privileges to Catholic and Protestant schools. However, the English-speaking minority has maintained its inalienable right to manage its schools. To date, despite the 2019 reform that abolished school boards in favor of school service centers, English-language school boards have maintained their model.

The government of the Coalition avenir Québec has greatly contributed to the continuation of this work of secularization of structures, with the adoption of the Act respecting the secularism of the State (Act 21). Recent history tells us that the architects of this vast construction site still have work to do. The Minister of Education, Bernard Drainville, tabled this year a bill (94) whose primary purpose is to “strengthen secularism in the education network”. Like his predecessor Pauline Marois in his time, he encounters a certain resistance with this project, because he proposes to take a step further in secularization, especially with the obligation to have his face uncovered at all times in all schools, both for students and for staff.

In 2024, the episode of Bedford Elementary School shocked Quebec. Thanks to shocking reports, we discovered that in this school, in others too, a parallel reality was being played out. A group of teachers of mainly Maghreb origin imposed their own law and methods of class management and pedagogy, in total contravention with the principles of secularism, respect for the French language and gender equality. On Friday, the Ministry of Higher Education also published the conclusions of its own survey on the religious tensions experienced at the English-speaking colleges Dawson and Vanier: among other conclusions, it recommends a tightening of the Act on the secularism of the State in the college network. Even if several obstacles stand on the road to Quebec in its approach to secularizing the state, it must not give in.

The foundations on which Pauline Marois once relied to deconfessionalize the school network therefore remain of total relevance, both for the importance of strengthening the French language and for that of participating in the integration of cultural communities into Quebec society, in full respect of the values related to secularism.

Canada updates list of study programs that qualify international students for work permits

Further tightening:

To better align immigrant selection with Canada’s labour market needs, Ottawa is refining what academic programs are going to qualify international students for the coveted postgraduation work permit.

The Immigration Department has updated its eligibility list, adding 119 new fields of study and removing 178 others based on jobs with long-term shortages. A total of 920 coded programs remain eligible.

The Liberal government has been criticized for the soaring number of international students, who had increasingly used the international education program to come and work in Canada in order to ultimately earn permanent residence in the country.

Many international students enrolled in general programs at institutions that former immigration minister Marc Miller called “diploma mills,” studying in subjects that had no relevance to what’s needed in the labour market.

Last November, the Immigration Department started requiring international students in nondegree programs (programs other than bachelor’s, master’s or doctoral degrees) to complete a program in an eligible field of study to qualify for the postgraduation work permit.

As part of the plan to improve the integrity of the international education system, Miller not only capped the number of study permits issued, but also restricted the access to postgraduation work permits, which could be valid for up to three years and provided the incentive for people to study in Canada.

“It is not the intention of this program to have sham commerce degrees and business degrees that are sitting on top of a massage parlour,” Miller told reporters at a news conference last year. “This is something we need to rein in.” 

According to CIC News, an online media outlet on Canadian immigration, the additional qualifying programs cover health care and social services, education and trades.

However, it said, many of the agricultural and agri-food programs such as farm management and crop production were removed from the list, along with Indigenous education, student counselling and personnel services, environmental studies, building/property maintenance, drywall installation, solar energy technology, airframe mechanics and aircraft maintenance technology, among others.

The Immigration Department says students who applied for a study permit before June 25, 2025, will still be eligible for postgraduation work permits if their field of study was on the list when they applied for their study permit even if it has since been removed.

Source: Canada updates list of study programs that qualify international students for work permits

Québec demande au nouveau gouvernement fédéral sa collaboration en immigration

Of note:

Québec demande à Ottawa de plafonner à 200 000 le nombre de résidents non permanents qui relèvent exclusivement du gouvernement fédéral sur son territoire. Dans une lettre envoyée à ses homologues, le ministre québécois de l’Immigration demande aussi que les régions québécoises soient épargnées par le tour de vis imposé aux entreprises qui embauchent des travailleurs temporaires.

Une « clause de type grand-père » doit s’appliquer aux compagnies en région qui ont embauché des travailleurs étrangers, affirme le ministre Jean-François Roberge dans une lettre dont Le Devoir a obtenu copie.

Le fédéral a décrété l’automne dernier que les employeurs pourront embaucher cette catégorie d’immigrants jusqu’à hauteur de 10 % de leur effectif total, alors que la limite était auparavant de 20 % pour la plupart des industries.

« Le refus de traitement des demandes dans les régions métropolitaines de recensement où le taux de chômage est plus élevé [est une] mesure efficace », explique-t-il. Laval et Montréal n’ont plus besoin de nouveaux travailleurs, alors que « le maintien du niveau de TET [travailleurs étrangers temporaires] dans certaines régions est crucial pour de nombreuses entreprises confrontées à d’importants enjeux de main-d’œuvre ».

Ottawa a déjà commencé à refuser de renouveler des permis temporaires dans les régions centrales de Montréal et de Laval.

Source: Québec demande au nouveau gouvernement fédéral sa collaboration en immigration

Quebec is asking Ottawa to cap the number of non-permanent residents who are exclusively under the federal government’s jurisdiction at 200,000. In a letter sent to his counterparts, the Quebec Minister of Immigration also asked that Quebec regions be spared the screwing imposed on companies that hire temporary workers.

A “grandfather-type clause” must apply to regional companies that have hired foreign workers, says Minister Jean-François Roberge in a letter of which Le Devoir obtained a copy.

The federal government decreed last fall that employers will be able to hire this immigrant category up to 10% of their total workforce, whereas the previous limit was 20% for most industries.

“The refusal to process applications in census metropolitan areas where the unemployment rate is higher [is a] effective measure,” he explains. Laval and Montreal no longer need new workers, while “maintaining the level of TET [temporary foreign workers] in some regions is crucial for many companies facing significant labour issues”.

Ottawa has already begun to refuse to renew temporary permits in the central regions of Montreal and Laval.

Dimitri Soudas: Quebec City’s foolish decision to erase history

Of note, Quebec’ history wars?

Last week, the mayor of Quebec City made a decision that should concern every Canadian who still believes that history matters.

A historic mosaic, installed at city hall, depicting the moment Samuel de Champlain meets a First Nations chief, is being removed. Why? Because, and I quote, it was deemed to be “offensive.” That’s it. That was the only criterion. One of the most important figures in the founding of Quebec — and, by extension, of Canada — is now considered too problematic to be shown to the public.

Let’s be honest: the mosaic depicts a painful truth. Yes, the Indigenous chief is shown in a posture of submission. Yes, it reflects the colonial lens through which history was often portrayed. But the role of history is not to make us comfortable. It is to show us what happened. The moment we begin to edit the past to make it easier to look at, we stop telling the truth, and we begin to create fiction.

Seventeen years ago, in 2008, I wrote the speech delivered by Prime Minister Stephen Harper for the 400th anniversary of the founding of Quebec City. It was one of the proudest moments of my life, because it was a moment of unity, between French and English, between past and present, between our country and the city that gave birth to it.

In that speech, Prime Minister Harper honoured our collective memory: “1608 is a historic date for you, for Quebec, and for all of Canada. Because it was beginning on July 3, 1608, exactly 400 years ago today, that we really started becoming what we are today.”…

Let that sink in. The very language, culture and political existence of modern Quebec, and of Canada, can be traced to the moment Champlain arrived and established a settlement on the shores of the St. Lawrence. And today, that very moment is being removed from the walls of the city he founded.

This is not reconciliation. This is revisionism. This is not respect. This is erasure.

We have a duty to teach our full history, including the injustices. Including the imbalances of power. Including the painful truths about colonization and its lasting effects on Indigenous peoples. But we cannot do so by pretending the past did not happen. We cannot do so by tearing down mosaics instead of building understanding.

When we erase history, what comes next? Language? Identity? Memory?

Source: Dimitri Soudas: Quebec City’s foolish decision to erase history

Sabrina Maddeaux: Canada’s immigration absolutists are refusing to correct course, no matter the cost 

Although intemperate and unbalanced, fundamentally correct in her critique:

…What is radical is the Century Initiative, whose dogged ideology rejects reality, denying and distorting evidence to pursue their vision, regardless of who else it hurts. There are many examples of this, but some are more egregious than others.

First is the Century Initiative’s claim that any reduction in immigration will harm housing affordability. Of course, it’s actually soaring immigration numbers far in excess of the housing stock that largely contributed to the housing crisis. In 2022, the federal public service warned Trudeau’s government about this consequence. In 2024, BMO economist Robert Kavcic wrote in a client note, “We’ve been firm in our argument that Canada has an excess demand problem in housing…non-permanent resident inflows, on net, have swelled to about 800k in the latest year, with few checks and balances in place, putting tremendous stress on housing supply and infrastructure.”

Yet somehow, the Century Initiative hasn’t gotten the message. Rather, their report argues, “housing supply shortages may be exacerbated due to the important role of immigrants filling critical labour shortages in Canada’s residential home construction industry.” They claim “the construction industry continues to rely heavily on immigrants to fill critical labour market gaps” and cite that “more than 1 in 5 general contractors and builders are immigrants.”

That figure may be true, but it’s also misleading because the immigrants who work as contractors and builders include those who arrived years, if not decades, before the recent immigration surge. In fact, a December 2023 Bank of Canada report on the matter notes, “A rise in immigration to Canada may contribute more to housing imbalances than found in studies of other countries. This is because Canada already has imbalances between its housing supply and demand and because relatively few newcomers join the construction industry.”1

At the same time, the authors state immigrants tend to boost near-term demand for rental accommodation while using funds brought from their home countries to achieve similar home ownership rates to those born in Canada within just a decade.

The bottom line: we know mass immigration greatly boosts housing demand, while data showing any meaningful boost to supply—and certainly enough supply to offset said demand—does not exist.

The Century Initiative also makes the argument that continued mass immigration is essential to Canada’s economic growth and prosperity, writing, “reduced immigration levels will reduce Canada’s nominal GDP by $37 billion over the next 3 years and accelerate Canada’s trajectory toward economic decline.” However, using nominal GDP instead of GDP per capita to measure prosperity conveniently glosses over some stark realities.

Nominal GDP measures the total value of goods and services a country produces. It is easily juiced with higher population numbers and doesn’t account for the distribution of wealth within an economy or individual living standards. This is what GDP per capita, which divides GDP by the total population of the country, does. Canada’s GDP continues to hover around pre-pandemic levels, despite enormous population growth, as we fall further and further behind the U.S. and other peer economies. This is why Canadian economists have called using GDP in this context “a mirage of economic prosperity.”

The Century Initiative’s report goes on to make many, many mentions of “significant labour shortages” in “critical industries” to justify reversing immigration curbs. Yet, most of its attention is spent on attracting U.S. researchers and academics with a vague mention of IT and cybersecurity workers related to national security. There may be opportunities to recruit some true stars in these fields, but it’s unclear why the Century Initiative feels these very rare, exceptional talents couldn’t possibly be accommodated within Mark Carney’s 415,000 new permanent residents per year?

Otherwise, the Century Initiative is pretty mum on so-called labour shortages, because there aren’t many in Canada these days, let alone those that could be solved through more immigration. Rather, reckless immigration policies have suppressed wages in many sectors and contributed to soaring unemployment, especially for younger Canadians.2

Canada couldn’t keep up with the mass immigration targets set by Justin Trudeau’s Liberals, and recent reductions are only a first step on the path to correcting the tremendous harm done. This is no longer a controversial statement for most Canadians, regardless of political stripe, because data, lived experience, and a basic understanding of math make it blindingly obvious. If you are already struggling to find enough homes, doctors, and jobs for five people, there’s going to be a problem when you try to accommodate 10.3

Instead of recognizing this and correcting course, the Century Initiative chooses instead to double down on its singular worldview at the expense of reason and the welfare of Canadians—particularly younger ones. They are not big thinkers, but extremists in pursuit of a narrow goal at the expense of all else.

Source: Sabrina Maddeaux: Canada’s immigration absolutists are refusing to correct course, no matter the cost

Alan Kessel: Genocide, weaponized: How a legal term became a political bludgeon 

Important distinctions between crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide, and the indiscriminate use of the latter by a former Global Affairs colleague:

…Where genocide targets a group for destruction based on its identity, crimes against humanity focus on widespread or systematic attacks on civilians regardless of group status. The distinction mattered then, and it matters now. When every war crime is labelled genocide, we lose the ability to distinguish between wrongs. And when everything is genocide, nothing is.

This matters especially in the context of Israel, where accusation often precedes investigation, and where “genocide” is used not as a legal charge but as a political judgment—a way of delegitimizing the state itself, not analyzing its conduct. This distortion becomes even more alarming when one considers that both Hamas and the Iranian regime have explicit, stated goals: the destruction of the State of Israel and the annihilation of the Jewish people. To conflate Israel’s response to such existential threats with genocide not only reverses the reality, it erases the intent of those who actually espouse genocidal ambitions. That inversion should trouble anyone who believes in law over propaganda.

More dangerously, it creates fatigue. When the word is used indiscriminately, it loses power. When we label complex, tragic conflicts as genocides without evidence of intent, we weaken our collective capacity to respond when the real thing happens, from Rwanda to Srebrenica to the Yazidis in Iraq. Lemkin gave us a word to name the worst of human crimes. We should not turn it into a slogan.

Words matter. Law matters. Lemkin knew this, and Sands reminds us of it. The victims of actual genocides deserve the dignity of truth, not the distortion of their suffering for contemporary political ends. If we are to honour Lemkin’s legacy, we must use his word with the care, clarity, and weight it demands.

Source: Alan Kessel: Genocide, weaponized: How a legal term became a political bludgeon

Steep rise in hate toward South Asians in Canada documented through social media posts

Disturbing:

Canada has seen a steep rise in hate toward South Asians on social media in recent years, with a large spike occurring during the recent federal election — especially aimed at former NDP leader Jagmeet Singh, according to a new report.

The report, titled “The Rise of Anti-South Asian Hate in Canada” and published by the U.K.-based Institute for Strategic Dialogue, used the social media monitoring tool Brandwatch to analyze posts that mention Canadian cities and regions and South Asians on X.

Between May and December 2023, they found 1,163 posts containing explicitly hateful keywords toward South Asians. During the same period in 2024, that number rose to 16,884 — an increase of more than 1,350 per cent.

A new report by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue finds a huge increase in racist posts in 2024, notably in the lead-up to the federal election.

Canada has seen a steep rise in hate toward South Asians on social media in recent years, with a large spike occurring during the recent federal election — especially aimed at former NDP leader Jagmeet Singh, according to a new report.

The report, titled “The Rise of Anti-South Asian Hate in Canada” and published by the U.K.-based Institute for Strategic Dialogue, used the social media monitoring tool Brandwatch to analyze posts that mention Canadian cities and regions and South Asians on X.

Between May and December 2023, they found 1,163 posts containing explicitly hateful keywords toward South Asians. During the same period in 2024, that number rose to 16,884 — an increase of more than 1,350 per cent.

The report says Canada has been singled out as a cautionary tale — in the eyes of far-right influencers and extremists globally — of how immigration policies can lead to an “invasion” of South Asian migrants.

Steven Rai, an analyst at ISD who focuses on domestic extremism, pointed to the American-based X account EndWokeness, which has 3.7 million followers, as one that has made numerous posts about South Asians in Canada “overtaking society.”

“Canada is held up by a lot of racists as the example of what happens to a country when it’s supposedly overrun with South Asians,” Rai said.

“Domestic extremists within Canada are promoting that stereotype and that gets picked up by people all around the world.”

The ISD notes that hate isn’t confined to the online sphere. Between 2019 and 2023, police-reported hate crimes against South Asians in Canada increased by more than 200 per cent, according to Statistics Canada.

The ISD defines domestic extremism as a belief system grounded in racial or cultural supremacy, as well as misogyny, based on a perceived threat from out-groups, which can be pursued through violent or non-violent means….

Source: Steep rise in hate toward South Asians in Canada documented through social media posts