ICYMI – Don Kerr: The Liberals utterly failed to control Canada’s population growth. Here’s what the next government can do better 

Solid analysis but skimpy on what a population policy should look like:

…Although this estimate is preliminary and has yet to be finalized by Statistics Canada, this is likely close to what our population size would be if in fact the federal government meets its 2024 targets on both immigration and NPRs. In working with this estimate for Jan. 1st, 2025, this implies an annual population growth of about 780,000 persons in 2024, or a growth rate of 1.9 percent (see Figure 1). While down from the astronomical heights of 2023 (3.2 percent), this is still close to twice the historical norm for Canada.

In my view, it is almost an understatement to suggest that the federal government “opened the taps,” but then failed to close them quickly enough. As I have argued elsewhere, in policy terms, a steady, gradual upturn in population growth is far better for planning future labour force, housing, and infrastructure needs.

With this in mind, the government moving forward might be well advised to develop a population policy, in order to avoid this sort of situation in the future. The Canadian population would be well served by a government that could quickly accommodate unexpected challenges while maintaining a predictable and relatively stable rate of population growth.

Source: Don Kerr: The Liberals utterly failed to control Canada’s population growth. Here’s what the next government can do better

ICYMI: David | Le pays flou

More Quebec commentary from an indépendantiste slant:

Le ministre québécois de l’Immigration, de la Langue française et de l’Intégration, Jean-François Roberge, a parfaitement raison : « On ne peut pas reprocher aux gens de ne pas être au courant de quelque chose qu’on n’a pas clairement défini. »



M. Roberge voulait parler du « modèle d’intégration » québécois, qu’il estime « cassé » et qu’il veut remplacer par un nouveau « contrat social » entre l’État et les immigrants. Mais c’est plutôt la nature du Québec et son rapport avec le reste du Canada qui demeurent flous et difficiles à saisir pour un nouvel arrivant. Comment le blâmer de ne pas y voir clair ? À l’instar d’Elvis Gratton, de nombreux Québécois dits « de souche » ne semblent pas savoir eux-mêmes qui ils sont.



Depuis la création du ministère de l’Immigration du Québec, en 1968, on ne peut pas reprocher aux gouvernements successifs de ne pas avoir essayé d’expliquer aux immigrants que la société qui les accueille se veut résolument française et qu’elle est attachée à des valeurs qu’ils doivent respecter, à défaut d’y adhérer pleinement.


Dès qu’ils débarquent à l’aéroport et commencent à explorer Montréal, où s’installent la grande majorité d’entre eux, les nouveaux arrivants voient et entendent toutefois un pays essentiellement bilingue et multiculturel, où le français est sans doute un atout, mais pas une condition de survie. C’est le message qui leur est envoyé. Il existe une minorité anglophone suffisamment nombreuse et prospère, appuyée sur une masse de 360 millions de Nord-Américains, qui assure l’hégémonie de l’anglais.

Il faut aussi dire qu’en dépit de la loi 101, le gouvernement n’a pas toujours donné l’exemple en communiquant lui-même en anglais avec les nouveaux arrivants. La loi 96 a voulu corriger cette situation, mais la lettre de la loi et son application sont deux choses.

*****

S’acclimater à un nouvel environnement exige de grands efforts. Ceux qui trouvent encore le temps de s’intéresser au débat public constatent aussi que le gouvernement qui les presse de s’intégrer à la majorité francophone est le premier à déplorer la toute-puissance d’Ottawa, où le Québec a de moins en moins son mot à dire.

Ce que l’ancien souverainiste qu’est M. Roberge ne veut pas dire est que le maintien du Québec dans la fédération le condamne à subir ce multiculturalisme « vicieux » — une « caractéristique fondamentale » du Canada, reconnue par sa Constitution. À deux reprises, le PQ a proposé aux Québécois de s’en retirer, et la majorité d’entre eux ont refusé.

En 2015, la Coalition avenir Québec a proposé un « nouveau projet pour les nationalistes du Québec », qui se voulait « ancré dans la réalité » et dont l’objectif était de lui donner « les moyens d’affirmer et de protéger son identité », notamment en lui accordant la « prépondérance en matière d’immigration et de langue ».

Au cours des six dernières années, le gouvernement Legault a plutôt subi le choc de cette réalité. Le gouvernement fédéral lui a refusé de façon catégorique les nouveaux pouvoirs qu’il réclamait et rien n’indique que cela est à la veille de changer, peu importe qui remportera les prochaines élections.

Il est vrai qu’en 2022, il a réussi à faire inscrire dans la Constitution canadienne que le français est la seule langue officielle du Québec, de même que la langue commune de la nation québécoise. Dans les faits, cela ne change cependant rien à la progression de l’anglais et à la consolidation du multiculturalisme.

Celui qui vient de succéder à M. Roberge comme ministre responsable des Relations canadiennes, Simon Jolin-Barrette, présentera d’ici la fin du présent mandat un projet de Constitution propre au Québec, mais cela ne modifiera pas les dispositions de la Constitution canadienne.

*****

Que la fermeture des classes de francisation soit le résultat de compressions budgétaires ou de dépenses excessives faites par les centres de services scolaires, le Québec n’avait pas la capacité de répondre à la récente explosion de l’immigration temporaire.

Malgré le coup de frein qu’entend donner le gouvernement, il ne faut pas se faire d’illusion : le flot des migrants qui frapperont à la porte ou la défonceront au cours des prochaines décennies va s’amplifier, qu’il soit provoqué par la faim, par les changements climatiques ou par Donald Trump. Il est douteux que la loi-cadre élaborée par M. Roberge puisse renforcer la capacité d’intégration du Québec suffisamment pour y faire face sans un changement de paradigme qui lui permettrait d’échapper aux contraintes que lui impose son appartenance à la fédération canadienne.

Il y a sans doute à la CAQ des gens qui ont réellement cru, et d’autres qui ont voulu croire ou faire croire, qu’une « troisième voie » entre le fédéralisme et l’indépendance était encore possible, malgré les nombreux échecs du passé, mais l’aveuglement a des limites.

On peut toujours débattre des avantages et des inconvénients de l’indépendance sur le plan économique, mais personne ne peut sérieusement prétendre que l’appartenance au Canada offre la meilleure protection pour l’identité québécoise.

Source: Chronique | Le pays flou

Dave Snow: As the U.S. abandons DEI, Canada doubles down 

On some of the excesses. Likely that a future conservative government would eliminate granting council requirements among other programs:

While the U.S. government, corporations, and universities begin to abandon Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) policies, Canada has instead doubled down, continuing to make them an integral part of both government and academia.

This trend has become increasingly apparent in federal granting agencies, the main source of Canada’s research funding, whose combined budget is nearly $4 billion.

In my new Macdonald-Laurier Institute report—“Promoting Excellence—Or Activism? Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion at Canada’s Federal Granting Agencies”—I find DEI has now become fully infused into all three of Canada’s granting agencies: the National Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC), the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).1

Their DEI initiatives range from specialized race, gender, and diversity grants to revised definitions of “research excellence” to mandatory bias training for most peer reviewers. As a result, a growing proportion of grants are awarded to projects with explicitly activist subject matter. All this adds to the idea that Canada’s research funding process has become politicized, further undermining the public’s faith in universities.

The colours of the DEI rainbow

My report identifies three categories of DEI (or “EDI,” as typically fashioned by the federal government) at Canada’s granting agencies.

Mild DEI uses the language of DEI in vague, unobjectionable terms to push for greater institutional diversity.

Moderate DEI uses DEI as a substitute for affirmative action. Under the guise of “equity targets” or “equalization” of grants through preferential awarding processes, Moderate DEI seeks to increase the number of awards given to those who identify as Indigenous, women, visible minorities, LGBTQ+, and persons with disabilities.

Finally, Activist DEI uses the language of DEI to advance the goals of critical social justice activism. This category is broadly consistent with what many call “wokeness.” Activist DEI views society, in the words of University of Buckingham professor of politics Eric Kaufmann, “as structured by power hierarchies of white supremacy, patriarchy, and cis-heteronormativity.” It aims to “overthrow systems of structural racism, sexism, homophobia, and transphobia.” Activist DEI is utterly incompatible with the creation of objective, falsifiable academic research—yet it is increasingly creeping into granting agencies’ guidelines, definitions, and reports. CIHR has even embedded Activist DEI into how it evaluates success, updating its Research Excellence Framework to say, “Research is excellent when it is inclusive, equitable, diverse, anti-racist, anti-ableist, and anti-colonial in approach and impact.”

The ambiguous meaning of DEI enables scholars and institutions to hide behind Mild DEI language while advancing Activist DEI research agendas. Canada’s granting agencies claim that equity merely means the “removal of systemic barriers.” But in practice, SSHRC-administered Canada Research Chair positions often exclude applicants who are white and male.

The agencies claim diversity is only “about the variety of unique dimensions, identities, qualities and characteristics individuals possess.” But SSHRC’s Guide to Including Diversity Considerations includes eleven sources about intersectionality.

The agencies insist that inclusion merely ensures “all individuals are valued and respected for their contributions and are supported equitably in a culturally safe environment.” Meanwhile, CIHR funds and promotes a workshop whose participants envision a day where “Public health is no longer run by nauseating Whiteness [sic].”

The result is a confusing mélange of DEI terminology that inevitably nudges students and scholars towards activism in their grant and scholarship applications. Unsurprisingly, many prestigious grants are ultimately awarded to Activist DEI projects. Building directly off preliminary research I completed for The Hub, my new report assessed more than 2,600 individual SSHRC awards between 2022 and 2024. As expected, Activist DEI language was present in as many as 63 percent of project titles for the federal government’s specialized identity-focused “Future Challenge” grants.

More troublingly, Activist DEI language was present in many of the titles of SSHRC’s prestigious Insight Grants (10 percent) and Insight Development Grants (14 percent). These grants are supposed to promote research excellence; instead, they are funding projects with titles such as “Just Kids: Children and White Supremacy” and “Reclaiming the Outdoors: Structures of Resistance to Historical Marginalization in Outdoor Culture,” with the latter costing taxpayers more than $250,000.

Seeking solutions

What can be done to fix this? My report makes several recommendations for reform. Amend the granting agencies’ legislation to enshrine a commitment to political and ideological neutrality. Remove all references to DEI from agency guidelines. Eliminate DEI-themed grants. End the practice of “equity targets” and preferential awards.

But also, avoid the instinct to “ban” DEI-driven research from award consideration. Such bans are antithetical to academic freedom. Instead, let Activist DEI scholars make the case that their research deserves scarce taxpayer resources—resources that will be awarded on objectively meritorious criteria related to research excellence and knowledge production, rather than adherence to fashionable political activism.

Canadian universities are in need of substantial reform, and removing DEI considerations from federal granting agencies will not be a catch-all fix to the problems of ideological diversity, intolerance, and bloated bureaucracies that plague our higher education. But it would be a good start. The granting agencies remain committed (in principle) to research excellence and objective knowledge creation, which is more than can be said of much of the Canadian academy. They continue to fund indispensable research in health, hard sciences, and social sciences. Thankfully, the proportion of prestigious grants given to Activist DEI research remains small. But, while a DEI fixation has not yet caused irreparable harm to the agencies, it runs the risk of permanently damaging their reputations.

The first step in fixing higher education in Canada should come from the top. It is time for the federal government to depoliticize grant agency funding and remove DEI from the agencies’ domain.

Source: Dave Snow: As the U.S. abandons DEI, Canada doubles down

As birth tourism rises again, will Trump’s citizenship moves send more Canada’s way?

Some good reporting on the local birth tourism “industry” and their expectations regarding possible increased business resulting from Trump threats (my analysis referenced, would be nice to see some reporting from the GTA, given the number of hospitals with significant portions of non-resident self-pay births).

For those who worry that any measures might affect the vulnerable, the cost for birth tourism “packages” for Chinese nationals is, according the operators cited, in the order of $100,000:

Vancouver-based birth tourism operator Liga Lin says her phone has been buzzing with inquiries from expectant mothers since U.S. President Donald Trump moved to end American birthright citizenship.

Lin’s business, New Joy Postpartum Care, arranges accommodation and services for non-resident women — mostly from mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong — who want to give birth in Canada, granting their children automatic citizenship rights.

The industry also exists in the U.S., but Trump’s executive order seeking to end the right to citizenship at birth on American soil has thrown it into disarray, even as the measure was blocked by a U.S. district court judge who called it “blatantly unconstitutional.”

Chinese social media platform Xiaohongshu, known in English as RedNote, has numerous discussions among people in China about whether they should stick to their plan to give birth in the U.S. or switch to other countries with birthright citizenship, such as Canada.

Lin — whose packages can cost up to about $100,000 including housing, a nanny, a housekeeper and massages, recalled a phone call from a Chinese woman already in a U.S. “birth house,” panicking over Trump’s announcement.

“She is very worried, and she asked me if there is any similar move going on in Canada. She wanted to come to Canada instead,” Lin said in an interview in Mandarin.

Birth tourism in Canada slumped during the COVID-19 pandemic, but Lin and other British Columbia operators say inquiries from potential birth tourists are spiking since Trump’s election last year, and his recent executive order.

You Wu has run a “maternity care agency” in the Metro Vancouver city of Richmond, B.C., since 2013.

“My company has experienced an increase in consultation requests after Trump came into power. The most noticeable change is many clients deciding to switch from the U.S. to Vancouver,” Wu said in Mandarin.

She said there was a sense of urgency, compared with other times when potential clients would question her closely and hesitate to sign contracts.

“It’s fantastic news for people who work in this industry in Vancouver,” Wu said of the shift. 

Andrew Griffith is a former director-general of the Department Citizenship and Immigration, who has tracked the ups and downs of the birth tourism industry in Canada.

He said Trump’s executive order would require a constitutional amendment to stand, but it had already created uncertainty and panic among would-be U.S. birth tourists. 

“It’ll make it eventually to the Supreme Court, but in the meantime, there’ll be lots of chaos, lots of worries,” said Griffith.

He has released data showing the number of birth tourists to Canada “declined dramatically” during COVID-19 due to travel restrictions, dropping by 50 per cent. 

But he said births to non-residents are now back near pre-pandemic levels, jumping last year by 46 per cent to an estimated 5,219. 

That is only about 1.5 per cent of all births in Canada, although critics of birth tourism point to the potential burden on hospitals where the practice is most common.

“The number of births is quite small, but it does have an effect on the perception of fairness,” said Griffith.

Dr. Jon Barrett, chair of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology at McMaster University, published an opinion letter in the Journal of Obstetrics and Genaecology Canada in 2023, saying Canadian hospitals and physicians should have “absolutely zero tolerance” for birth tourism, and decline to accept these patients into care, unless it was urgent.

Doctors, he said, “should unite in a firm stand against birth tourism”, which put hospitals at risk of “significant shortfalls” if a birth went wrong, and birth tourists at risk of being “fleeced by unethical individuals.”

Richmond was once the “epicentre” of birth tourism in Canada, said Griffith. Data provided by Vancouver Coastal Health shows that in the 2018 fiscal year, more than 23 per cent of all babies born at Richmond Hospital had non-resident parents. 

But the health authority said “the number of non-resident births at Richmond Hospital for the past few years is a fraction of what it was 10 years ago,” and last fiscal year, the percentage of births that were to non-resident parents was 6.9 per cent.

Griffith said it’s unclear if Trump’s positions would have an impact on birth tourism in Canada, but discussions in the U.S. would pressure Canada to “revisit the need for curbs on birth tourism.”

“Canada and the U.S., in one sense, are the preferred destinations for people who would want to achieve citizenship,” said Griffith. 

“Whether a Canadian political party will pick up the issue like the Conservatives did in 2012 remains to be seen.”

Longtime immigration consultant Peter Peng was uncertain whether there would be an “overwhelming” influx of birth tourists in Canada. “If you ask me, if we will see a big trend this time, my answer is soft Yes, not a solid one,” he said in Mandarin.

And while Richmond-based birth tourism operator Wenshi Peng said inquiries had jumped three or four times since Trump’s executive order, this had not yet been converted to an increase in clients, he said.

Peng said he didn’t think birth tourists, who pay full price for medical services, burden Canada’s health system

“For mothers who don’t have Canadian citizenships to give births here, they usually need to pay (the hospital) at least $13,000, and the price usually doubles if they run into any trouble,” Peng said in Mandarin.

“I don’t think they have taken up any local health care resources.”

Lin said that the birth tourism industry in the United States was more established than in Canada but both had appeal for someone seeking foreign citizenship for their child.

America, she said, is known for elite universities, while Canada was known for safe campus environments and its social benefits.

“Years ago, many moms who worked at high-tech firms in Taiwan used to travel to the U.S. in groups to give birth, but now they will come here instead,” said Lin. 

She said that as a mother of two, she empathized with her clients as they navigated a foreign country to give birth.

Birth tourists just want a better future for their children, she said. 

“They are under stress, and I always try my best to comfort them,” said Lin.

“For parents who choose to give birth here, they are worried that ten years later, it will be more difficult for their children to pursue studies or even immigrate (due to policy changes). The costs at that time will be way higher than $100,000, because of inflation.”

Source: As birth tourism rises again, will Trump’s citizenship moves send more Canada’s way?

How corporate America got DEI wrong

More on corporate DEI post-Trump:

The “ethical case for diversity” is stronger

Still, Bermiss and others point out that DEI policies can have significant business impacts, even if they’re not apparent in short-term financial results. Having a more diverse team can help create products that appeal to more consumers, or help employees feel more satisfied with their jobs.

Costco, for example, recently told investors that its DEI efforts “help bring originality and creativity to our merchandise offerings” and “enhance our capacity to attract and retain employees who will help our business succeed,” among other benefits.

The massive retailer, which also calls DEI part of its “code of ethics,” successfully brushed off an anti-DEI shareholder proposal last month. Meanwhile, JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, who runs the nation’s largest bank, has called DEI “good for business; it’s morally right; we’re quite good at it; we’re successful.”

It probably helps that both JPMorgan Chase and Costco are financial powerhouses, whose profits and share prices keep their investors happy. But both companies are also framing their DEI policies as a matter of morality or ethics, rather than just profits.

That’s exactly how more companies should be thinking about DEI, according to Bermiss — if (and only if) they see it as valuable. Bermiss acknowledges that not all companies will want to continue pursuing greater diversity, equity, and inclusion. But he argues that if business leaders decide that pursuing such workplace goals is morally right and aligned with a company’s values, then they’ll be better able to stand up to criticisms or attacks.

And, as he adds, that’s firmer ground than hoping that “if we get two more Latinos on the board, our stock price will go up.”

Some DEI work will continue — by any other name

Despite the ongoing pressures, Costco and JPMorgan aren’t the only employers still spending money on DEI. In fact, some companies are ramping up: Paradigm, a tech consultancy that advises employers on diversity and inclusion, says it saw a 12 percentage-point increase last year in how many of its customers had dedicated DEI budgets.

Paradigm CEO Joelle Emerson says that even companies that are ending DEI programs may rebrand the work rather than abandoning it altogether. Corporate America’s diversity results have been “a mixed bag,” she adds, “in part because companies often spent too much time and energy on initiatives that didn’t have a measurable impact.”

Now she’s hoping that employers are taking the time to create more thoughtful — and effective — programs to increase fairness.

“I see this less as a rollback of DEI and more as sort of an evolution to the next phase of this work,” Emerson says.

Many of the companies ending DEI programs are scrubbing the now-politically-toxic acronym from their websites and corporate statements. But their public statements insist that they still want to make everyone feel included.

That could be a tricky balance, especially as the Trump Administration continues ramping up attacks on DEI — including efforts to uncover rebranded diversity efforts inside of federal agencies.

And it remains to be seen whether corporate America can really be more effective while softening its language — and goals — around diversity, equity, and inclusion. But Emerson, at least, is bullish.

“I’m actually pretty optimistic about the future of this work,” she says. “I’m not optimistic about the acronym DEI — nor do I particularly care.

Source: How corporate America got DEI wrong

Le Devoir editorial: Gare aux contradictions 

More on Quebec’s CAQ identity and integration policies:

Nouvelle année, nouvelle offensive nationaliste caquiste. François Legault avait prévenu qu’il mettrait le cap sur le dossier de l’identité. Ce fut chose faite dès les premiers jours de la rentrée parlementaire à Québec, avec le dépôt de son projet de loi-cadre enchâssant le modèle choisi de l’interculturalisme comme meilleur rempart pour assurer la vitalité et la pérennité de la langue française et de la culture francophone.

Le projet de « loi sur l’intégration nationale » énonce les grands principes auxquels adhère la société québécoise — être démocratique, laïque, guidée par sa Charte des droits et libertés et l’égalité hommes-femmes, et évoluer dans une langue commune, le français. L’affirmation nationale de consensus établis au Québec, qui guideront au travers de l’appareil de l’État québécois l’intégration de nouveaux arrivants dans un esprit de mixité.

Sur papier, la proposition caquiste s’en tient aux terrains d’entente et aux doctrines orthodoxes du modèle d’intégration québécois à une société et à une culture communes. L’adhésion et la participation de tous, la contribution de chacun.

Une nouvelle proposition législative qui se veut consensuelle, afin d’apporter une nouvelle pierre à l’édification d’un cadre constitutionnel proprement québécois. De grands pans de la mise en œuvre de cette loi-cadre restent toutefois à définir.

Une politique nationale viendra régir son champ d’application dans l’appareil gouvernemental et parapublic 18 mois après son adoption. Un règlement balisera par ailleurs les nouvelles règles de financement d’activités et d’organismes soutenus par l’État, qui devront à l’avenir respecter ce nouveau cadre d’intégration, dans les deux années suivant sa promulgation.

Le ministre de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, Jean-François Roberge, a laissé entendre, à la suite du dépôt de son projet de loi jeudi, que son gouvernement pourrait ainsi forcer un pressant ménage dans l’attribution de places dans les garderies subventionnées, où le religieux s’est immiscé. Il a en outre laissé planer la possibilité que le financement public versé aux écoles à vocation religieuse puisse être revu à son tour. Un revirement pour le gouvernement, qui choisirait alors judicieusement la voie de la cohérence.

Bien qu’il prépare sa loi depuis 18 mois, le ministre Roberge s’est montré tout aussi vague quant aux nouvelles balises qui encadreront le financement étatique d’événements communautaires ou d’activités culturelles. Au-delà de la microgestion du moindre rassemblement, l’adoption d’une culture commune passe par la découverte d’artistes et d’œuvres du Québec. Et pas seulement forcée.

Pour un gouvernement qui souhaite rassembler tous les Québécois autour d’une culture commune,dont les acteurs crient leur détresse, la fin de la gratuité universelle dans les musées le premier dimanche du mois est difficile à expliquer.

Tout comme la fermeture de classes de francisation. Le ministre et son gouvernement ont beau nier les « coupures budgétaires » en prétextant plutôt « le respect budgétaire », le résultat est le même. Les immigrants, de qui il exige une maîtrise du français pour en assurer la vitalité devant la menace, sont privés des cours espérés.

Prétendre que la demande rejoindra l’offre en francisation puisque le gouvernement resserre l’accueil d’immigrants temporaires relève de l’illusion. L’arriéré de nouveaux arrivants désireux d’apprendre la langue commune du Québec (bien qu’il découle d’abord de l’accueil pléthorique fédéral) ne disparaîtra pas pour autant. Et ceux qui fuient la guerre, les dérèglements climatiques ou la dureté du président américain, Donald Trump, ne seront pas moins nombreux.

Les contradictions du gouvernement de François Legault ne s’expliqueront pas aussi facilement.

D’autant que son propre projet de loi-cadre prône une nécessaire approche de réciprocité des responsabilités partagées entre l’État québécois et les nouveaux arrivants.

Il est attendu que ces derniers apprennent le français et participent ainsi à la vitalité de la culture québécoise. Encore faut-il leur donner les moyens de respecter ce contrat social qui leur est présenté.

Le gouvernement s’engage, noir sur blanc, à prendre des mesures pour contribuer à leur intégration, « par exemple en créant et en maintenant les conditions favorisant l’apprentissage du français ». De même qu’à « facilite[r] l’accès aux œuvres et aux contenus culturels ». Les échos sur le terrain — qu’ils découlent d’une rigueur ou d’une responsabilité budgétaires — laissent croire que le gouvernement n’y met pas tout à fait les ressources prescrites.

François Legault mise sur la carte de l’identité pour faire oublier les défis auxquels il fait face. Au-delà des intentions, c’est sur les résultats concrets qu’il sera jugé.

Source: Gare aux contradictions

New year, new Caquist nationalist offensive. François Legault had warned that he would set course for the identity file. This was done in the first days of the parliamentary return to school in Quebec City, with the tabled of its draft framework law enshrining the chosen model of interculturalism as the best bulwark to ensure the vitality and sustainability of the French language and Francophone culture.

The draft “law on national integration” sets out the main principles to which Quebec society adheres – to be democratic, secular, guided by its Charter of Rights and Freedoms and gender equality, and to evolve in a common language, French. The national affirmation of consensus established in Quebec, which will guide through the apparatus of the Quebec State the integration of newcomers in a spirit of diversity.

On paper, the Caquist proposal sticks to the common grounds and orthodox doctrines of the Quebec model of integration into a common society and culture. The support and participation of all, the contribution of each.

A new legislative proposal that aims to be consensual, in order to bring a new stone to the construction of a properly Quebec constitutional framework. However, major parts of the implementation of this framework law remain to be defined.

A national policy will govern its scope in the government and parapublic apparatus 18 months after its adoption. A regulation will also set out the new rules for financing activities and organizations supported by the State, which will have to comply with this new integration framework in the future, within two years of its promulgation.

The Minister of Immigration, Francisation and Integration, Jean-François Roberge, suggested, following the tabling of his bill on Thursday, that his government could thus force a pressing budget in the allocation of places in subsidized daycare centers, where the religious have interfered. He also left it possible that public funding for religious schools could be reviewed in turn. A turnaround for the government, which would then wisely choose the path of coherence.

Although he has been preparing his law for 18 months, Minister Roberge has been equally vague about the new beacons that will govern the state financing of community events or cultural activities. Beyond the micromanagement of the slightest gathering, the adoption of a common culture requires the discovery of Quebec artists and works. And not just forced.

For a government that wants to bring together all Quebecers around a common culture, whose actors shout their distress, the end of universal gratuity in museums on the first Sunday of the month is difficult to explain.

Just like the closure of francization classes. The minister and his government may deny “budget cuts” on the pretext of “budgetary respect”, the result is the same. Immigrants, from whom he requires a mastery of French to ensure their vitality in the face of the threat, are deprived of the hoped-for courses.

To claim that demand will join the supply in francization since the government is tightening the reception of temporary immigrants is a matter of illusion. The backlog of newcomers wishing to learn the common language of Quebec (although it first stems from the federal full reception) will not disappear. And those fleeing war, climate change or the harshness of American President Donald Trump will not be less numerous.

The contradictions of François Legault’s government will not be so easily explained.

Especially since his own draft framework law advocates a necessary approach to reciprocity of shared responsibilities between the Quebec State and newcomers.

They are expected to learn French and thus participate in the vitality of Quebec culture. They must still be given the means to respect this social contract that is presented to them.

The government undertakes, in black and white, to take measures to contribute to their integration, “for example by creating and maintaining conditions conducive to learning French”. As well as “facilitates access to cultural works and content”. The echoes on the ground — whether they stem from budgetary rigour or responsibility — suggest that the government is not quite putting the prescribed resources into it.

François Legault relies on the identity card to make people forget the challenges he faces. Beyond the intentions, it is on the concrete results that he will be judged.

Canada’s border cities, bursting at the seams with asylum seekers, brace for more amid Trump turmoil

Of note:

Some hotels in Niagara Falls, Ont., are unusually full for the middle of the winter off-season, when many visitors stay home. Normally that would make the mayor of a tourist city happy – but not Jim Diodati.

His community, which says it has more asylum seekers per capita than any other municipality in the country, is ground-zero in Canada’s efforts to house thousands of refugee claimants in hotels while they wait for their claims to be processed. The mayor, who can see the United States from his perch at city hall, is worried it’s about to get a lot worse.

Mr. Diodati is concerned that if more asylum seekers start coming to Canada because of Donald Trump’s anti-immigration policies, his city will be unable to handle it – and he’s not alone. While the federal and provincial governments are trying to demonstrate to Mr. Trump that they’re serious about stopping the flow of migrants going south, mayors of the country’s border towns say there’s not enough talk about these implications of Mr. Trump’s policies.

In Niagara Falls, a city of around 95,000 people where tourism drives the economy, the influx of refugees is pushing local emergency rooms, schools, shelters, food banks and housing supply to the brink, Mr. Diodati said.

At its peak more than a year ago, there were nearly 5,000 asylum seekers housed in 11 hotels in the city’s downtown core, dotted with souvenir shops, arcades, amusement rides, indoor water parks and a casino….

Source: Canada’s border cities, bursting at the seams with asylum seekers, brace for more amid Trump turmoil

Citizenship by Birthright? By Bloodline? Migration Is Complicating Both.

Excerpt from a longer informative article:

…Birthright in a Modern Age?

Some critics say much the same about unconditional birthright citizenship.

About 20 percent of countries use it, most in North and South America. The United States and Canada inherited the law from Britain, but birthright citizenship also fulfilled an important role in the newly independent countries as a way to constitute a nation.

Like those who favor bloodline citizenship, birthright advocates say it promotes social cohesion, but for a different reason — because no child is left out.

In the United States, the 14th Amendment allowed men and women of African descent to become citizens, and millions of children of Irish, German and other European immigrants became citizens as well. 

But unconditional birthright citizenship remains an exception.

“In a world of massive migration and irregular migration, unconditional ius soli is an anachronism,” said Christian Joppke, a professor of sociology at the University of Bern.

Still, some argue that the Trump’ administration is not setting out to modernize a law but instead is trying to redefine the nation itself.

“It rejects the idea of America as a nation of immigrants,” said Hiroshi Motomura, an immigration and citizenship expert at the University of California, Los Angeles, School of Law. 

Even under the current rules in the United States, birthright citizenship is not absolute. They exclude, for instance, the children of diplomats born in the United States. And most children of American citizens born abroad maintain an automatic right to American citizenship — in effect bloodline citizenry.

Citizenship by descent “is a really good way to connect with people who live outside the borders of a state,” said Mr. Vink. “But if you want to ensure you are also being inclusive within the borders of a state, you have to also have territorial birthright.”

Otherwise, he said, countries would have millions in their population who are not citizens.

“In a democracy,” he said, “that is not a good principle.”

Source: Citizenship by Birthright? By Bloodline? Migration Is Complicating Both.

FIRST READING: Inside Quebec’s new plan to kill multiculturalism

NP on Bill 84. Lots of nuance given different understandings of multiculturalism which, in the Canadian context, has always been about integration, not separation, with accommodation aimed at integration, not separation. Implementation and behaviours of course are not perfect:

In what may yet prove to be a model for the rest of the country, Quebec is rolling out a comprehensive plan to kill Canadian multiculturalism in favour of “interculturalism.”

Bill 84, An Act respecting national integration, which was tabled Thursday, lays out an “integration model” under which immigrants to Quebec are expected to both learn French and adhere to a “common culture.”

“For the first time in our history, we’re going to define who we are and how we want to evolve as a nation,” said Jean-François Roberge, Quebec’s immigration minister, in a French-language web video promoting the bill that was posted on Monday.

“This model will let us build a society where the Francophone majority invites all Quebecers to adhere and contribute to the common culture of our nation,” he said.

In an English-language defence of the bill delivered at a press availability on Tuesday, Roberge said people coming to Quebec “must accept” its democratic values, such as the equality of men and women. “We don’t want ghettoes, we want one society.”

In an English-language defence of the bill delivered at a press availability on Tuesday, Roberge said people coming to Quebec “must accept” its democratic values, such as the equality of men and women. “We don’t want ghettoes, we want one society.”

The bill’s text states that Quebecers are “expected to … collaborate in the welcoming of immigrants and foster their integration into the Québec nation.”

Conversely, immigrants are expected to “participate fully, in French, in Québec society” and “participate in the vitality of Québec culture by enriching it.”

Quebec’s forays into cultural protection are often conspicuously out of step with the rest of Canada. That’s most obviously been the case when it comes to another piece of CAQ legislation, Bill 21. Passed in 2019, it forbids Quebec government employees — including nurses and teachers — from wearing religious garb at work such as hijabs, kippas, dastaars or Catholic pendants.

Bill 21 inspired widespread condemnation from across English Canada, including from the Conservatives.

But on the issue of integrating immigrants, nationwide polls show that Canadians are increasingly supportive of a system in which newcomers must adhere to certain “shared values.”

A Leger poll from November 2023 found 55 per cent of respondents agreeing with the notion that the Canadian government should be “encouraging newcomers to embrace broad mainstream values and traditions and leave behind elements of their cultural identity that may be incompatible with that.”

That same poll also found that a majority of non-white respondents did not automatically agree with the nostrum “diversity is our strength.”

Instead, 56 per cent agreed with the notion that “some elements of diversity can provide strength, but some elements of diversity can cause problems / conflict” — slightly higher than the share of Caucasian respondents (55 per cent) who said the same thing.

Source: FIRST READING: Inside Quebec’s new plan to kill multiculturalism

Audit shows extent of Arizona’s problems with tracking voter citizenship

Case study:

The report laid out for the first time the extent of the state’s problem with tracking voter citizenship. And it confirmed, as Votebeat found in October, that it didn’t simply stem from a glitch in the coding of the system, as officials initially announced.

Hobbs ordered the comprehensive review of state policies in September after officials found that a problem with the system allowed more than 200,000 voters to be registered to vote full ballots, even though they had never been asked to provide proof of citizenship. In Arizona, only people who have provided citizenship proof can vote in state and local elections.

Hobbs hired two former recorders, Patty Hansen of Coconino County and Robyn Stallworth-Pouquette of Yuma County, to review MVD policies and practices relevant to voter registration. The two reported their findings to the MVD, which compiled the report.

The report included three main findings.

First, the report found a loophole in state law involving people born in American Samoa and Swains Islands who have not become naturalized citizens. Those people are considered U.S. nationals, and can get a U.S. passport, but they are not citizens with full rights.

But Arizona accepts U.S. passports as proof of citizenship for voting, the audit found, so this loophole improperly makes it possible for U.S. nationals to register to vote. The report indicates that there is no way of knowing if any nationals registered to vote using a passport, but emphasizes that this probably happened rarely — if at all — because registrants also must attest to their citizenship under penalty of perjury.

Fixing the loophole would require a change to state law to ensure that proper documentation is used that verifies citizenship for U.S. nationals.

A second finding was that the Secretary of State’s Office and Motor Vehicle Division must communicate better. The secretary’s office maintains the voter registration database for 13 of 15 counties. When county recorders check the citizenship status of a new registrant, they use that system to query Motor Vehicle Division information.

The two agencies have already begun meeting more frequently, and, under a recommendation from Hansen and Stallworth-Pouquette, election officials will begin receiving training when they receive their election officer certification on how the MVD system functions, the report states.

“Finding regular time to share information and build relationships between the MVD and election officials will help eliminate issues in the future,” the report states.

The last recommendation from the former recorders involves ensuring that inactive MVD records have updated citizenship statuses. Those are for residents whose licenses are expired or canceled. When the secretary’s office and Motor Vehicle Division attempted to find all voters that might have inaccurate citizenship information, they did not check these records.

Report outlines MVD policy problems

County recorders rely heavily on driver’s license information to check citizenship status when someone tries to register to vote. Only driver’s licenses issued after October 1996 count as proof of citizenship, since that’s when the state started collecting citizenship information for normal driver’s licenses.

But the report explained that since 2020, when the MVD updated its driver’s license database, the MVD has classified any resident with a driver’s license issued before October 1996 as a citizen, even though the state hadn’t asked for documentation. That means, if a county recorder looked up their information, those drivers would be classified as citizens, even though there was no proof on record.

But even before 2020 — all the way back to 2007 — there was another problem causing recorders to get inaccurate information about citizenship during these checks. That’s because the secretary’s system was set up to gather just the issuance date of the driver’s license as an indicator of citizenship verification. That issuance date in the records was often incorrect — if the voter had renewed or gotten a duplicate license after 1996, it would show the most recent issuance date. That signaled to the recorders that the voter had provided citizenship proof, even if they hadn’t.

The voter registration system was supposed to provide further information on each license, such as each subsequent issuance date, but because of an error in the system, it did not, according to the report.

Also, the assumption that the MVD was collecting citizenship information when someone renewed their license proved to be not true. MVD told Votebeat in October that it changed that policy.

State officials have now updated state databases to ensure county officials receive accurate information about resident’s citizenship. But Hobbs wanted to look further to see if there were other improvements needed.

County recorders were recently sent the final list of voters affected by the problem. With local elections approaching in some counties, recorders will need to quickly notify the affected voters that they are required to provide proof of citizenship before voting.

Source: Audit shows extent of Arizona’s problems with tracking voter citizenship