Treasury Board president announces initiatives to support Black public servants

Of note. All interesting initiatives, and future evaluation will be helpful in assessing their effectiveness.

At the macro level, Black public servants have stronger representation than many other racialized groups, hiring, promotion and separation data for the last six years shows the same pattern (the PSES, however, shows higher discrimination for Black public servants):

Treasury Board President Anita Anand announced the first initiatives of the government’s “Action Plan” for Black public servants on Wednesday, including almost $14 million in funding to three federal organizations.

The federal government committed $49.6 million to create career development programs and a mental health fund for Black public servants through its 2022 and 2023 budgets.

At a downtown news conference, Anand announced that nearly $6 million would be provided to Health Canada to introduce “Black-centric enhancements” to the Employee Assistance Program supporting more than 90 federal organizations.

A Treasury Board news release said the funding would help recruit 19 Black counsellors to provide “trauma-informed” mental health support to public servants and their families.

Another $6.9 million would go to the Canada School of Public Service to support career advancement of Black employees through an executive leadership program, with four cohorts of up to 25 Black executives to access the program over two years, beginning this summer.

The Public Service Commission would also get $1.1 million over three years to provide assessment, counselling and coaching services to Black employees.

At the media conference, Anand said the government still had work to do.

“For several years, we’ve heard from Black public servants about the need for targeted supports,” Anand said. “We haven’t done enough and we haven’t done it fast enough.

“I know that there have been challenges in our path to reconcile and that, for many of us, we see that trust in our institutions from the Black community has been broken.”

The announcement comes as the federal government continues to fight a class-action lawsuit filed by Black public service workers in 2020, alleging decades of systemic racism and discrimination.

When asked whether the government had plans to settle the lawsuit, Anand said she was aware that there was “a process in place” and that the certification hearing for the class action was expected in the coming months. She said the decision to certify the lawsuit rested in the hands of the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada.

Anand acknowledged that Amnesty International Canada had recently been granted intervenor status in the case and said the government would not challenge that court decision.

“What I want to make sure we do is to bring forward supports for Black public servants so, as we look prospectively, systemic racism that is at the foundation of the Thompson class action lawsuit does not exist,” Anand said.

In a news release Wednesday afternoon, the Black Class Action Secretariat said it urged the government to settle the lawsuit. The group also raised concerns that the funding allocated to the Employee Assistance Program was insufficient, calling for the establishment of a Black Equity Branch, for the task force’s leadership to be reassessed and for the group to “meaningfully consult” with Black employee networks and labour unions.

Anand said the implementation of the Action Plan would be led by an internal task force primarily made up of Black employees.

Of the almost $50 million in funding, $24.9 million is expected to go to support mental health programs and $19.4 million is planned to go into career and leadership development projects, with $1.1 having already been spent in the 2022-23 fiscal year. The government also plans to spend $4.2 million to operate task force engagements, research and pay members for their work.

The feds are “layering on” new initiatives on top of existing efforts to support equity-seeking groups, like the Mentorship Plus Program and the Mosaic Leadership Development Program.

“Our efforts will not stop here,” Anand said, noting that the rest of the funding was with the task force to introduce new programming in subsequent months once the group determined what was working and what more needed to be done. “These are early investments which will continue to be guided by the lived experience of Black public servants.”

In 2022, a group of Black federal public servants accused the government of racism while working to develop a mental health action plan for Black workers. When asked how she could ensure a similar situation didn’t happen again, Anand said the current task force was working “very well together” and was on “a very positive track and footing” with the action plan.

The task force is set to run “check-ins” with employee networks, surveys and discussions with Black public servants to “further engage on the implementation of current and future initiatives” of the plan.

“There are continuous needs,” Anand said, adding that the 2022 Public Service Employee Survey found that 11 per cent of Black public servants had reported experiencing discrimination on the job. “We need to ensure that we’re listening to what they suggest are the reforms that should be implemented.”

Source: Treasury Board president announces initiatives to support Black public servants

David | Crier au loup

Interesting commentary on Quebec immigration politics, criticism of CAQ contradictions and the relationship with federal politics:

Le gouvernement Legault réussit si rarement à obtenir quoi que ce soit d’Ottawa que près d’un an après la fermeture du chemin Roxham, le premier ministre n’en finit plus de s’en féliciter et de fustiger ceux qui doutaient qu’il arrive à convaincre Justin Trudeau.

Il est vrai que les sceptiques étaient nombreux, mais il y en avait autant qui pensaient que cela n’empêcherait pas les migrants de continuer à affluer au Québec, à commencer par sa propre ministre de l’Immigration, Christine Fréchette.

« Le chemin Roxham, s’il est fermé, il va simplement s’en recréer un autre quelques kilomètres plus loin. Ça ne règle absolument rien, de le fermer », disait-elle, avant d’effectuer un virage à 180 degrés après s’être rendu compte qu’elle contredisait son patron.

M. Legault peut toujours continuer à se péter les bretelles, mais le problème demeure entier. Les demandeurs d’asile ont découvert qu’il est encore plus simple de prendre l’avion. « Finalement, la fermeture du chemin Roxham n’a pas donné grand-chose », relevait déjà l’automne dernier le ministre responsable des Relations canadiennes, Jean-François Roberge.

Cela a donné si peu de résultats que M. Roberge en est rendu à dire non seulement que les services publics sont saturés, au point qu’une « crise humanitaire » serait imminente, mais aussi que l’identité québécoise elle-même est menacée. Bien entendu, le grand responsable demeure le gouvernement fédéral, qui a fait des aéroports canadiens, surtout celui de Montréal-Trudeau, de véritables passoires.

***

On peut discuter de la proportion exacte de demandeurs d’asile qui se retrouvent au Québec et de la compensation qu’Ottawa devrait verser au gouvernement provincial, mais le fardeau qu’il doit supporter est indéniablement excessif et inéquitable.

Le moins qu’on puisse dire est que ce nouveau cri de détresse n’a pas semblé inspirer à Justin Trudeau un plus grand sentiment d’urgence que la précédente lettre de M. Legault, datée de la mi-janvier, dans laquelle il évoquait une situation devenue « insoutenable » et un « point de rupture ».

Pour toute réponse, Québec a eu droit à 100 millions sur les 362 millions qu’Ottawa a accordés à l’ensemble des provinces pour loger les demandeurs d’asile, alors que le gouvernement Legault présente maintenant une facture d’un milliard.

Il a peut-être raison de s’alarmer, mais ce n’est pas la première fois qu’il crie au loup sans prendre les mesures qui s’imposent si le danger est aussi grand. Devant une telle urgence, les fins de non-recevoir à répétition d’Ottawa devraient l’avoir convaincu que ses réclamations sont peine perdue. Sinon, ce ne sont que des paroles en l’air et Ottawa a raison de l’envoyer paître.

Au printemps 2022, le premier ministre soutenait qu’accueillir plus de 50 000 immigrants entraînerait la « louisianisation » du Québec. L’automne dernier, son gouvernement a pourtant prévu admettre environ 65 000 immigrants au Québec en 2024. Quand le Parti québécois en proposait 35 000, dont il exigerait une connaissance suffisante du français à l’arrivée, M. Legault disait la chose impossible, mais cela est apparemment possible s’ils sont 65 000. Il y a de quoi être perplexe.

***

Chercher un bouc émissaire sur lequel rejeter la responsabilité de ses échecs est un réflexe naturel en politique. Un gouvernement qui détient 89 sièges sur 125 peut difficilement faire porter la faute à l’opposition. Bien sûr, il y a les syndicats, les médias, Trump… mais cela a aussi ses limites.

Mardi, M. Legault a trouvé un autre coupable. « À quoi ça sert, le Bloc québécois ? » a-t-il demandé. Que doit-on lui reprocher au juste ? Les demandes du Québec en matière d’immigration semblent plutôt bien défendues par ses soins à la Chambre des communes.

Pas plus tard que la semaine dernière, il y a fait adopter une motion réclamant la convocation d’une réunion des premiers ministres des provinces et des ministres de l’Immigration pour qu’ils fixent des seuils tenant compte de la capacité de paiement et d’accueil du Québec et des autres provinces.

M. Legault n’en est pas encore à unir sa voix à celle de Pierre Poilievre, qui accuse régulièrement le Bloc d’être le complice de Justin Trudeau, mais faut-il comprendre qu’il croit le Parti conservateur plus apte à représenter les intérêts du Québec à Ottawa ?

M. Poilievre a déclaré mercredi que « le Québec est au point de rupture à cause de la décision de Trudeau d’enlever le visa du Mexique que les conservateurs avaient mis en place ». Quelle coïncidence, n’est-ce pas ?

Il est vrai qu’avec la montée du Parti québécois, qui peut compter sur l’appui du Bloc, et vice versa, la Coalition avenir Québec et le Parti conservateur ont des ennemis communs aussi menaçants pour l’un que pour l’autre. Aux yeux de bien des Québécois, Pierre Poilievre est cependant un loup au moins aussi dangereux que Justin Trudeau.

Source: Chronique | Crier au loup

Canadian dream elusive for some racialized 2nd-generation Canadians, study finds

Insightful although the differences between racialized groups is not new:

New research has found that the Canadian dream is proving elusive for some racialized second-generation Canadians born since the 1960s, despite having higher educational levels than their white counterparts.

A new study, entitled “Is the Canadian dream broken? Recent trends in equality of opportunity for the racialized second generation,” found that educational attainment and employment earnings are not uniform across groups of racialized second-generation Canadians, with some groups experiencing further disparities below the mainstream average.

And while educational levels for some racialized groups have surged, employment earnings were lower for most groups compared to the mainstream population, the study found. It also discovered intergroup differences.

The study, by researchers at four universities and released on Wednesday, defines the Canadian dream for immigrants as equality of opportunity and the chance to achieve financial security. Even if the first generation lives in poverty, the next generation will be able to pull itself out of poverty and achieve economic success, according to this definition.

“I don’t think the Canadian dream is accessible to everyone equally,” said Rupa Banerjee, one of the authors of the study and associate professor at Toronto Metropolitan University.

“For some, the Canadian dream is holding pretty well, but for others, it’s failing. And that failure has really, really serious and significant repercussions, not just for them and their family, but for the entire society,” added Banerjee, also the Canada Research Chair in the economic inclusion of immigrants.

“We’ve always kind of been smug that Canada is not like Europe or Canada is not like the U.S., that we’re much more multicultural. We believe in pluralism. But I think that’s a bit of a myth that we’ve kind of felt good about but doesn’t really exist, and in that sense, the Canadian dream is failing.”

The study defines second-generation as Canadian-born individuals with at least one immigrant parent.

It looked at educational attainment and employment earnings in three of “successive 10-year birth-cohorts” of second-generation Canadians from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, specifically 1966-1975, 1976-1985, and 1986-1995.

It focused on people 26 to 35, using data from the 1981, 1991, 2001, 2021 Canadian Census of Population and the 2011 National Household Survey. Examining the progress of five racialized groups, South Asian, Chinese, Black, Filipino, and Latin American, it compared them to third-and-higher generation white Canadians.

The study sample would have completed their education and begun their work careers.

Anti-Black racism is real, study author says

According to Banerjee, the study’s main findings include:

  • Chinese and South Asian populations have maintained high educational levels, whereas Black individuals, and to some extent Filipino and Latin American individuals, show declining trends across cohorts.
  • Despite a higher proportion of second-generation individuals holding university degrees, earnings were lower for most groups compared to the mainstream population, with pronounced declines observed over time among Black second-generation men and women.
  • Changing characteristics of immigrant parents do not fully account for these trends, raising questions about longer-term integration processes among different ethno-racial minorities in Canada.

Banerjee said the study shows that anti-Black racism is real and Canada is not a post-racial society.

Source: Canadian dream elusive for some racialized 2nd-generation Canadians, study finds

Mike Moffatt and Cara Stern: Bold solutions to the housing crisis must be front and centre in budget 2024

On immigration, sensibly propose a reduction to 2022 levels (arguably, might need further reduction given housing construction timelines, healthcare capacity and the like):

Address demand while waiting for supply

Canada’s housing crisis was largely caused by our housing stock not keeping up with population growth. Supply-side reforms are needed to increase the absorptive capacity of the housing system to support the newcomers that contribute so much culturally and economically to the fabric of this country. However, that will take time, so demand-side measures are needed while the country builds that capacity.

In the last 18 months, the number of non-permanent residents in Canada nearly doubled, from 1.37 million to 2.5 million. This rapid growth led to a crisis for international students and other non-permanent residents who did not have the housing or supports needed to thrive in Canada. The federal government has responded by capping international student visas, but there is more work to be done.

They could develop a plan to reduce the number of non-permanent residents to 2022 levels of roughly 1.5 million. This one-million-person reduction can happen through attrition by slowing the intake of non-permanent residents (as with the international student visa cap) to levels that are exceeded by the outflow. This includes those both leaving the country and those gaining permanent residency. The purpose of this would not be to close the border to those who contribute so much to Canada but rather give the country time to increase its absorptive capacity. This would then create the conditions for both newcomers and existing residents to thrive.

Source: Mike Moffatt and Cara Stern: Bold solutions to the housing crisis must be front and centre in budget 2024

Quebec asks Ottawa for $1B to cover rising costs of asylum seekers

Understandable, even somewhat hypocritical given that under the Canada-Quebec Accord, Quebec’s financial transfer is independent of immigration levels and thus, given lower immigration levels, gets significantly more funding on a per immigrant basis than other provinces:

The Quebec government is calling on Ottawa to reimburse $1 billion — the amount the province says it has spent to welcome a growing number of asylum seekers.

At a news conference Tuesday, Immigration Minister Christine Fréchette, Education Minister Bernard Drainville, Social Solidarity Minister Chantal Rouleau and Jean-François Roberge, minister of Canadian Relations, said the increase in new arrivals may soon become untenable for Quebec’s education network and social services. 

The province says it spent $576.9 million in 2023 on social services to support migrants. It says that is on top of the $470 million it spent in 2021 and 2022. 

As of Dec. 31, 55 per cent of asylum seekers currently residing in Canada — 160,651 people out of 289,047 — are in Quebec. 

“This is completely unreasonable,” Fréchette said. “Our capacity to provide services to asylum seekers has limits.” 

The province is asking the federal government to relocate asylum seekers more equitably throughout Canada and to slow the influx of asylum seekers entering the country by tightening Canadian visa policies.

It also wants Ottawa to close loopholes that it says would allow criminal groups to infiltrate Canada and to reimburse the province for all costs linked to welcoming asylum seekers from 2021 to 2023. 

Roberge, who is the minister responsible for relations with the rest of the country, said the federal government’s “passive attitude” toward Quebec’s reception of asylum seekers “must absolutely end.”

Fréchette pointed to the four Atlantic provinces, which together received a total of 380 asylum seekers in 2023, compared to Quebec’s 65,570. 

A spokesperson for Quebec’s immigration minister said since Roxham Road closed in March 2023, the five main countries of origin of asylum seekers who stayed in the province are Mexico, India, Haiti, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Senegal. 

The amount Quebec says it has spent on last-resort financial assistance for asylum seekers between 2022 and 2023 went from $163 million to $370 million — a 127 per cent increase.

In January, Quebec said it recorded a spike in the number of requests for social assistance, which it attributed to the increase in asylum seekers. 

Data from the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Solidarity shows that requests for social assistance made by asylum seekers increased by 27 per cent at the start of 2024 compared to the same period of the previous year.  

In the past couple of years, requests for social assistance by asylum seekers have grown from 27,099 in October 2022 to 43,174 in October 2023, according to ministry data.

So far, discussions with Ottawa haven’t led to an agreement. The federal government transferred $100 million to Quebec three weeks ago to support a program to house migrants, but Fréchette said the injection is “clearly insufficient.”

Increase in asylum seekers weighing down school network

Even if the federal government reimburses Quebec, the ministers say money wouldn’t solve the root of the problem. 

Although Quebec is obligated to provide instruction to asylum seekers who are minors, the education minister says the province is reaching a “breaking point,” where it cannot rule out the possibility that educating them would be unfeasible.

“We are approaching a point where we will not be able to serve people who are already on the Quebec territory,” Drainville said. “What Quebec has done to educate these asylum-seeking children in recent years is exceptional, but now, it can’t continue like this.”

There are 1,200 French-language classes for newcomers in Quebec, which is the equivalent of 52 elementary schools, Drainville said. Montreal’s French school service centre has been receiving 80 new registrations per week. 

At this rate, he says the province would need to open three to four new elementary schools by the end of the school year just to teach young asylum seekers French. 

“The risk is that we will not be able to offer them the education they are entitled to,” Drainville told reporters. “We’re hoping something can be done to bring down the level, and we’re calling on the federal government to take its responsibilities.”

What is most challenging for Montreal’s French school service centre is recruiting teachers in the middle of the school year to meet the needs of additional students, says the centre’s director of services, Mathieu Desjardins. 

There are more than 6,100 students enrolled in elementary and high school French-languages classes of the Centre de services scolaire de Montréal, he said. Previously, the total number of those students did not exceed 5,400. 

“We are still managing to recruit new teachers, but of course, they are teachers who are not legally qualified,” he said. “Resorting to non-legally qualified teachers is one of the solutions we currently have to respond to the teacher shortage.” 

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said Tuesday the federal government recognizes how generously Quebecers have been welcoming asylum seekers.

“The federal government was there with hundreds of thousands of dollars, and we will continue to work hand in hand with Quebec to ensure that we can move forward in the right way,” Trudeau said at a news conference in Vancouver.

“The important thing, obviously, is to reassure everyone from one end of this country to the other that we have a functional, rigorous immigration system where the rules are being followed.” 

Announcement ‘damaging’ for asylum seekers, advocate says

In recent weeks, public discourse in Quebec has revolved around the pressure immigration puts on housing and social services. 

But strains on government services have “more complex explanations than only the arrival of newcomers,” said Louis-Philippe Jannard, the protection stream co-ordinator of the Table de concertation des organismes au service des personnes réfugiées et immigrantes (TCRI) — a  group of over 150 organizations supporting newcomers

“It’s very damaging for asylum seekers to be scapegoated as they have been this morning by the Quebec government,” said Jannard. 

In particular, he says the government suggesting that newcomers were overburdening the education network was “below the belt.” 

“It’s been documented in the past decades as well that there has been some underfunding of the education system,” he said, alluding to numerous reports of teachers leaving the professionafter a couple of years because of poor working conditions. 

“The so-called ‘breaking point’ — I don’t think it’s caused by the arrival of asylum seekers,” Jannard said.  

Source: Quebec asks Ottawa for $1B to cover rising costs of asylum seekers

Lisée | Laïcité, deuxième tour

On the renewal of the notwithstanding clause for Loi 21. Appears like CAQ just wants to renew legislation as is but Lisée argues for some more restrictive provisions, including greater consistency for all religions:

Il est formidable, ce délai de cinq ans. Il y a des contraintes comme ça, qui nous semblent excessives au premier abord, mais qui nous rendent service à l’usage. Cinq ans, c’est le délai après lequel les législateurs, comme les nôtres à l’Assemblée nationale, doivent décider s’ils renouvellent ou non la disposition de dérogation. Celle qu’ils ont attachée à une loi pour dire aux juges : « Pas touche. Nous avons décidé qu’en ce cas précis, les élus, plutôt que les juges, vont rendre un arbitrage entre les droits individuels et les droits collectifs. »

Le sens des mots est important, et le fait que l’on « déroge » à une charte des droits est très négativement connoté. C’est pourquoi le gouvernement de la Coalition avenir Québec tente d’y substituer l’expression « clause de souveraineté parlementaire ». Une autre vraie façon de voir la chose. Un peu comme la séparation et l’indépendance.

Il y a cinq ans déjà que la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État québécois a été adoptée. Notez que le système juridique canadien n’a même pas été capable, pendant cet assez long délai, de donner son dernier mot sur la constitutionnalité de ce texte législatif. On a eu un jugement de la Cour supérieure en avril 2021. Prenant son temps, la Cour d’appel a entendu les parties en novembre 2022. Prenant encore plus son temps, elle n’a pas donné signe de vie depuis. Et quoi que disent ces augustes juges, on ira ensuite en Cour suprême, chez des gens qui ne sont pas non plus connus pour leur célérité.

Cette révision à pas de tortue donne raison aux parlementaires qui ont voté pour la loi et pour sa clause de souveraineté parlementaire, et donc son application immédiate dans le réel, soit ceux de la Coalition avenir Québec et du Parti québécois (PQ). Sinon, on n’aurait vraisemblablement jamais pu appliquer les aspects de la loi qui interdisent le port de signes religieux chez les policiers, les gardiens des prisons provinciales et les enseignants du primaire et du secondaire. (La loi prévoyait de l’interdire aux juges québécois, mais ces derniers ont usé d’entourloupes pour s’en exempter.)

Le ministre de la Langue française, Jean-François Roberge, a déposé un projet de loi qui ne contient qu’une clause : celle qui renouvelle la disposition de dérogation/souveraineté parlementaire pour cinq ans. Ne faudrait-il pas, au contraire, refaire le point et franchir des pas de plus  ? C’est en effet graduellement, une ou deux fois par décennie, qu’on a fait avancer ce principe clé depuis 1960. 

D’abord, on a constaté l’an dernier qu’il manquait une disposition à la loi lorsqu’un mouvement pas tout à fait spontané de prières à l’école a poussé le gouvernement à décréter qu’il y avait des temples pour cette activité et que les écoles n’en étaient pas. Même la députée Marwah Rizqy et tout le Parti libéral du Québec ont exprimé leur accord avec cette interdiction. Le Conseil national des musulmans canadiens poursuit l’État québécois à ce sujet et pourrait convaincre le premier juge trudeauiste venu de la qualité de ses arguments. D’où l’intérêt de colmater la brèche, sous le parapluie de disposition de dérogation/souveraineté parlementaire, dans une modification à la loi qu’on pourrait baptiser du nom de Rizqy.

On entend aussi le péquiste Pascal Bérubé et la solidaire Ruba Ghazal pester contre les subventions accordées à des écoles qui imposent à leurs élèves un enseignement religieux. La journaliste radio-canadienne Laurence Niosi a fait le compte l’an dernier : c’est à hauteur de 60 % que sont financées 27 écoles catholiques, 14 juives, 4 musulmanes, 2 protestantes évangéliques, 2 arméniennes et 1 grecque orthodoxe, au coût de 161 millions de dollars. Je verrais d’un bon oeil une modification Bérubé-Ghazal ordonnant une élimination graduelle de ces subventions.

Puis il y a la question des exemptions fiscales accordées aux immeubles religieux. Les fouineuses Sylvie Fournier et Jo-Ann Demers, de l’émission Enquête, ont révélé que l’Église catholique, qui plaide l’indigence en cour pour éviter de dédommager ses nombreuses victimes d’agressions sexuelles, a au moins 1,8 milliard de dollars dans ses coffres. Ces bidous ne sont pas apparus par l’effet de la bonté divine. Pendant des générations, nos aînés versaient régulièrement à l’Église catholique la dîme, une fraction de leurs revenus, en plus de la quête remise chaque dimanche. Ce n’était pas obligatoire, mais Dieu avait bien prévenu que, pour un chrétien, ne pas la payer équivalait à le voler personnellement. 

L’existence de ce pactole rend parfaitement faisable l’abolition des exemptions fiscales pour les biens religieux, qui privaient en 2019  les villes et le Trésor québécois de 180 millions de dollars par an, selon le calcul des collègues Stéphane Baillargeon et Magdaline Boutros. Les fruits de cette fiscalisation devraient être d’abord consacrés à la sauvegarde du patrimoine religieux et à la reconversion des églises, comme l’a récemment suggéré mon estimé collègue chroniqueur de La Presse Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin.

L’étape quinquennale de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État devrait aussi être le moment d’adopter la proposition, faite il y a cinq ans par le PQ, d’étendre l’interdiction des signes religieux à tout le personnel des écoles, y compris celui du service de garde scolaire et de la direction. Puisque le droit acquis s’applique, cet élargissement tombe sous le sens, et il n’aurait pas d’effet notable sur la pénurie de main-d’oeuvre. La vraie étape à franchir à ce chapitre devrait être l’interdiction du port de signes religieux par les fonctionnaires en contact avec la clientèle, avec respect des droits acquis, bien sûr. Pour le reste, on verrait dans cinq ans.

La combinaison de ces avancées aurait un avantage majeur. Par la force des choses, l’ensemble des mesures toucherait bien davantage le catholicisme que les autres confessions. Cela ficherait un pieu dans l’objection centrale des critiques de la loi, qui évoquent avec effroi le spectre de la catho-laïcité. On en aurait fini avec cette calomnie, Dieu merci.

Source: Chronique | Laïcité, deuxième tour

Investigation: The antisemitism that Oct. 7 unleashed in Canada

Good and alarming compendium of antisemitic speech and actions:

….In intelligence briefs released under the Access to Information Act, the Canadian government’s Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre said violent extremists were spreading antisemitic rhetoric.

Using social media as their “main pathway,” extremist influencers have praised Hamas and disseminated antisemitic content and conspiracy theories that incite violence, according to an Oct. 12, 2023 report.

“The narratives encourage hate crimes, violence and terrorism,” said the report, titled Canada: Trends Influencing Antisemitic Violent Extremism.

A report issued two weeks later predicted the Israel-Hamas conflict would “exacerbate the current steady increase in hate crimes targeting the Jewish community in Canada.”

“Violent rhetoric celebrating the Oct. 7 attack and encouraging like-minded individuals to conduct lone actor attacks could inspire individuals to conduct attacks targeting Israeli interests or the Jewish community,” it said.

The grandson of Holocaust survivors, Karmel said he was glad his grandparents were not around to witness the turn of events in Canada.

“To see this happening again, it’s terrifying,” he said. “It’s hatred.”

Kathrada became leader of the Dar al-Ihsan Islamic Centre, run by Muslim Youth of Victoria, in 2018. His weekly videos soon attracted attention.

The Middle East Media Reserarch Institue (MEMRI), a U.S. group that monitors online extremism, began issuing reports on Kathrada that same year.

Since then, MEMRI has issued 60 reports on him, including one that quotes him preaching that non-Muslims are “enemies,” and not to associate with them.

“I want our children to understand this well: the non-Muslims are the enemies of Allah, therefore they are your enemies,” he said in one of the videos.

In another video, he said that “people of faith hate the Yahud because of their disbelief in Allah.” He defined Yahud as “Zionists, Zionist Jews, whatever you like.” Yahud is the Arabic term for Jews.

“If you do not hate the opponents of Allah you have no faith,” he continued. “Having said that, once again, we have not ever called toward violence toward others.”

The government’s Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre took note of Kathrada in a 2020 report obtained by Global News.

Under the heading “Online proliferation of incitement,” it cited his sermon about the beheading by French extremists of school teacher Samuel Paty, whom he called a “filthy excuse for a human being.”

Slobinsky said religious leaders had an obligation to unite people, rather than to sow division, and that words have consequences.

“Words carry meaning and words can scare people, can affect their sense of safety, their sense of belonging and the sense of mental well-being,” he said.

“The speech that Younus Kathrada uses is highly inflammatory and derogatory towards Jews. Nobody should be, listening to what he says.”

Sent a series of questions, Kathrada did not respond directly, but later wrote on Facebook that he was being harassed by “lazy misfits” who “twist people’s words.”…

Source: Investigation: The antisemitism that Oct. 7 unleashed in Canada

Vast majority of permanent residents applying to join military haven’t been accepted, figures show

CAF has also encountered difficulty in recruiting visible minorities. But security vetting is important and we will see whether the number will move this year (if memory serves me correct, this was first raised by the Conservatives under Kenney, given USA has similar program):

The Canadian Armed Forces has received more than 21,000 applications from permanent residents eager to join the chronically understaffed military full time — but CBC News has learned that less than 100 of them have made it into the regular force in the year since they were allowed to sign up.

In 2022, the federal government lifted a ban on permanent residents enlisting in the military after the country’s top commander warned of a critical shortfall in personnel.

Gen. Wayne Eyre, chief of the defence staff, said that given the “significant number of demands around the world, there’s just not enough Canadian Forces to do everything.”

Out of 21,472 applications from permanent residents received between Nov 1, 2022 and Nov. 24, 2023 (the first full year of eligibility), less than one per cent were accepted into the regular forces — just 77 people, according to the Department of National Defence.

And of the 6,928 permanent residents who applied to join the navy, army and air force reserves, just 76 were accepted between Nov. 1, 2022 and Jan. 26, 2024, the department told CBC News.

Defence Minister Bill Blair said he’s not satisfied with those numbers.

“I frankly think it’s not good enough and it’s potentially an opportunity lost,” Blair told CBC News.

“I believe that there are very many of those permanent residents in Canada who would make outstanding members of the Canadian Armed Forces, and quite frankly, we need more people in the Canadian Armed Forces.”

Brig.-Gen. Krista Brodie, the commander overseeing military recruitment, said that the “process takes time.”

“Certainly it’s frustrating, and we field those frustrations from candidates and from Canadians and from our own chain of command all the time,” she told CBC News.

Brodie said permanent residents are told when they apply that it can take 18 to 24 months for Canada’s security agencies to handle their files because they can require an “additional level of security screening” due to “foreign implications.”

“At the end of the day, we have to be a combat-capable force ready to fight tonight, and so standards matter,” Brodie said. “And when you’re dealing with sensitive military equipment in a national security environment, those factors are really important.”

Blair said the recruitment process has to move faster.

He said he’s asked his department to look at allowing permanent residents to serve on a probationary basis while they wait for their security checks to be completed.

“I’ve got some experience in this, in hiring in other organizations. You’ve got to go fast, you’ve got to go certainly faster than those numbers demonstrate,” Blair said.

Source: Vast majority of permanent residents applying to join military haven’t been accepted, figures show

Polgreen:Restoring the Past Won’t Liberate Palestine

Noteworthy:

…The agonizing months since Oct. 7 have made it seem all but impossible for any of us to imagine what kind of hopeful future might be invented out of the present nightmare. We have reached a terrifying new stage of the war with the looming assault on Rafah, where hundreds of thousands of civilians have fled Israeli bullets and bombs only to find themselves once again in the cross hairs with nowhere left to run. But generations of Palestinian activists and intellectuals, people who have perhaps the greatest reason to find sustenance in fantasies of a mythic past free of Israel and its people, do not dream of rolling back time.

“Successful liberation movements were successful precisely because they employed creative ideas, original ideas, imaginative ideas, whereas less successful movements (like ours, alas) had a pronounced tendency to formulas and an uninspired repetition of past slogans and past patterns of behavior,” wrote the Palestinian American scholar Edward Said. “The future, like the past, is built by human beings. They, and not some distant mediator or savior, provide the agency for change.”

Said was perhaps the most influential intellectual heir to Fanon, and in a tragic twist, he too died of leukemia, the same cancer that killed Fanon at the age of 36. Both of them died without seeing their lifelong struggles won. But both went to their graves as modern, cosmopolitan men, engaged with the world not as they wished it was but as they found it, chronicled it and shaped it toward their unshakable vision of self-determination and freedom for the colonized peoples of the world. Liberation requires invention, not restoration. If history tells us anything it is this: Time moves in one direction, forward.

Source: Restoring the Past Won’t Liberate Palestine

How NIMBYs are helping to turn the public against immigrants

Overly simplistic as factors influencing housing prices not merely NIMBY-driven. But useful comparison between Canadian and American situations:

…The problem arises when governments effectively prohibit the supply of housing from rising in line with demand. Between 2012 and 2022, Americans formed 15.6 million new households but built only 11.9 million new housing units. As a result, even before the post-lockdown surge in migration, there were more aspiring households than homes in America’s thriving metro areas.

This was largely a consequence of zoning restrictions. Municipal governments have collectively made it illegal to erect an apartment building on about 75 percent of our country’s residential land. In large swaths of the country, there are households eager to rent or buy a modest apartment, and developers eager to provide them, but zoning restrictions have blocked such transactions from taking place.

This creates a housing shortage. You can house 32 families much more quickly and cheaply by building a single apartment building than by erecting 32 separate houses. To require all of your community’s housing units to be single-family homes isn’t all that different from prohibiting the manufacture of all non-luxury cars. In both cases, you end up with artificial scarcity and unaffordability.

If private builders were allowed to respond to rising demand — while the government ensured the provision of housing to those unable to pay market rents — we could have large increases in immigration without any uptick in housing insecurity. In our current reality, the rise in asylum seekers has coincided with a record spike in homelessness and persistently high housing costs. 

It is hard enough to sustain popular support for large-scale immigration when there aren’t major economic downsides to that policy. Add legitimate concerns about housing costs to perennial anxieties over cultural change, and it becomes difficult for even the most pro-immigration societies to avoid a nativist backlash. Or at least, this is what recent events in Canada suggest.

Why Canada is getting colder on immigration

Canada has long been considered an exceptionally pro-immigrant country. Yet it has struggled to sustain popular support for liberal immigration policies amid its deepening housing shortage. Canada’s experience therefore serves as a cautionary tale for American progressives: If we allow municipalities to suppress housing construction, then ridding our nation’s mainstream politics of Trumpian xenophobia and electing a vigorously pro-immigrant administration will not be enough to avert popular demands for restricting immigration. 

Until recently, Canada’s immigration politics were the envy of US cosmopolitans. In 2016, while many other nations were trying to repel Syrian refugees, the Canadian government couldn’t find enough displaced families to meet the public’s demand for sponsoring them. Since 2019, the country has welcomed more refugees than any other nation, and done so with minimal public outcry. 

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau sought to capitalize on his country’s multicultural openness by putting immigration expansion at the center of his vision of economic growth. Canada welcomed 471,550 new permanent residents in 2023, up from 300,000 in 2015.

And that figure does not include foreign students, temporary workers, and refugees, who together constitute an even larger group of new arrivals. In 2025 and 2026, the government aims to admit 500,000 new permanent residents each year.

But in recent months, the political sustainability of Trudeau’s plan has come into question, in no small part because immigration’s impact on housing costs has come under scrutiny. 

Rents have soared across Canada in recent years. From 1990 to 2022, the average rent for a two-bedroom apartment in the country increased at an average annual rate of 2.8 percent. In 2023, it rose by 8 percent. The government estimates that it will need to add 3.5 million extra housing units by 2030 to make shelter affordable. But a recent report from the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce suggests that this underestimates the housing shortage by 1.5 million units, a shortfall driven by an undercount of nonpermanent immigrants, who have been entering the country in massive numbers.

Trudeau has sought to promote housing construction in various ways. But his administration’s efforts have yet to offset the impact of years of highly restrictive zoning in many of Canada’s largest population centers.

As Canadians bid against each other for an inadequate supply of housing units, they’ve soured on immigration. 

In a 2022 poll from the Environics Institute for Survey Research, Canadians disagreed with the statement that there was too much immigration in their country by a margin of 42 points. One year later, that margin had shrunk to 7 points, the largest single-year shift in the survey’s history. Among Canadians who said immigration levels were too high, the most commonly cited reason by far was that immigrants drive up housing prices. 

In response to these changing political winds, the Trudeau government has sought to restrict admissions of international students while imploring universities to provide dedicated housing for their enrollees. But this minor concession to the nation’s restrictionist mood appears insufficient. The prime minister’s approval rating has sunk in recent months, with 64 percent of Canadians now disapproving of his performance. Meanwhile, Canada’s Conservative Party has ridden the housing and immigration issues to a strong advantage over Trudeau’s Liberals in the polls. 

Abundance is possible, but scarcity seems popular 

There are many parallels between the politics of immigration reform and those of housing policy. In both cases, countries have the power to swiftly increase their collective prosperity by tolerating some short-term disruptions. When cities let developers build more housing, they not only reduce rent inflation but also increase their tax bases, which makes it easier to fund robust social services. When rich nations let prime-age immigrants settle within their borders, they increase their productive capacity, which makes it more affordable to support retirees. 

And yet, in both of these policy areas, we routinely opt to make ourselves poorer for the sake of avoiding change. 

America does not need to choose between expanding immigration and reducing housing costs. But there is a risk that we’ll choose to do neither.

Source: How NIMBYs are helping to turn the public against immigrants