Barutciski: Quebec’s caution about immigration is a lesson for all of Canada

2023/06/21 Leave a comment

I wouldn’t necessarily characterize as this driven by ideology as much as misplaced emphasis on demographics and overall GDP growth, along with siloed approaches that ignore the impacts of high levels of permanent and temporary immigration across all levels of government. And if driven by ideology, it is more by economic ideology than anything else.

But the demographic impact on lower levels in Quebec compared to the rest of Canada is significant, as it is with respect to Indigenous peoples:

Plans to boost immigration levels in Canada are raising questions. The recent suggestion that Canada will become a country of 100 million inhabitants created controversy particularly in Quebec. Large increases in permanent and temporary residents at a time when there is a housing shortage suggests federal policy is increasingly influenced by ideology, in contrast to past pragmatic approaches.

Although temporary permits increased under the Harper government, they exploded under the Trudeau government. Quebec’s new French language commissioner recently pointed out the impact of large numbers of foreign students in Montreal, a city worried that the use of French is being replaced by a generic North American culture and its English language. As a key actor in the historic compromise that established the federation, Quebec’s concerns should be taken seriously by any Canadian committed to successful immigration outcomes.

Although Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has stated that the 100 million is not governmental policy, it is impossible to ignore the context. Immigration is simply a more sensitive issue outside the English-speaking world. European countries such as Germany and France are open to immigration, but they handle language and culture prudently because of their stronger sense of identity. For example, nobody in Hamburg would accept basic demographic shifts that result in the local population being born largely outside of Germany, let alone brag about this development as a symbol of openness to diversity. While inclusive Torontonians have been doing this for years, it is clear that Quebec’s sensibilities are closer to continental Europe’s than to the rest of Canada.

The modern version of the ambitious 100-million project has been debated for more than a decade. It was notably proposed as a geopolitical project that focused on the multi-faceted benefits of a larger demographic base. The idea was then appropriated by the Toronto-based advocacy group known as the Century Initiative. This influential group focused on economic liberalization and transformed the goal into a more one-dimensional project responding to issues such as labour supply.

Yet two important constituencies were absent from the early stages of the Century Initiative’s deliberations: Quebec and Indigenous peoples. Their concerns about demographic submersion were ignored. This was the “diversity is our strength” approach within a Toronto-centric worldview that emphasized certain economic benefits while excluding other perspectives.

Congruence with the agenda of progressive ideologues was just a matter of time. As soon as Trudeau came to power in late 2015, some cabinet members pushed for a massive increase in immigration. In the burgeoning atmosphere of identity politics, anyone opposed to increased immigration could be accused of racism. Trudeau’s first minister of immigration, John McCallum, proved to be a moderate voice to the extent that the increases in overall immigrant numbers under his watch were a fraction of what was advocated by some other cabinet ministers. He even expressed reservations, acknowledging the risk that newcomers would converge on the country’s largest urban centres, thereby creating the impression of saturation which could in turn undermine public support for future increases.

Yet Trudeau’s ideological instincts tend to align more with establishment thinking in Toronto than in Quebec City. A clash with Quebec was inevitable given that it has more difficulty attracting immigrants who can integrate within its distinct francophone society. While steady increases may be possible, as recently suggested by Premier François Legault, demographic submersion is a real threat if the rest of Canada enjoys population growth that largely outpaces other G7 members.

The underlying tension results from English-speaking Canada’s overconfident multicultural policy, which allows the short-term welcoming of massive numbers of immigrants while dismissing potentially destabilizing effects of long-term demographic shifts. Just as for Quebec, this may prove to be an existential issue for Indigenous people who risk carrying even less weight in overall population numbers and accompanying political representation.

Any national party genuinely committed to unity should consider these challenges if the vast country is to remain pro-immigration. With regard to Quebec’s hesitations, it would help national cohesion to understand the challenges faced by francophone jurisdictions that are competing with the Anglosphere for immigrants from around the world. Condescension in relation to the specific integration difficulties experienced by Quebec is misplaced.

After all, no country has ever transformed its demographic base in such a way that the numerically dominant ethnic group voluntarily cedes its leading position to migrants invited from culturally diverse places. Canadians could be reassured that the transformation is not driven by ideology if the unique nature of this societal experiment were to be acknowledged and openly debated.

Michael Barutciski is coordinator of Canadian Studies at Toronto’s Glendon College, York University. He spent the spring in both Quebec and Germany comparing migration policies.

Source: Barutciski: Quebec’s caution about immigration is a lesson for all of …

Filed under Immigration, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

Globe editorial: Quebec’s self-inflicted immigration woes

2023/06/17 Leave a comment

One could also write a comparable editorial about Canada’s self-inflicted immigration woes (backlogs, ATIP, diminishing productivity, adverse impact on housing, healthcare and infrastructure).

And while Quebec “needs to keep pace with the rest of the country” to maintain its demographic in the federation, that avoids the more fundamental question of whether Canadian high permanent and temporary immigration levels are appropriate:

Talking about immigration in English Canada can be fraught at times, but it’s nothing like discussing the subject in Quebec, where it is fraught all the time.

…

Source: Quebec’s self-inflicted immigration woes

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Ottawa n’aurait aucune idée du nombre de sans-papiers au Canada

2023/06/15 Leave a comment

Longstanding issue. USA manages to count visa overstays (the majority of cases) and unclear why Canada has been such a laggard. As a result, advocates are free to throw around large numbers without substantiation:

Ottawa naviguerait sans boussole dans sa volonté de régulariser massivement le statut des sans-papiers sur son territoire.

La lettre de mandat remise au ministre fédéral de l’Immigration, Sean Fraser, par le premier ministre Justin Trudeau, au moment de sa nomination en décembre 2021, lui enjoint de « poursuivre l’exploration de moyens de régulariser le statut des travailleurs sans papiers qui contribuent aux communautés canadiennes ».

Selon Radio-Canada, le gouvernement fédéral souhaiterait amorcer une démarche de régularisation massive dès cet été, mais au Québec, une telle décision doit recevoir l’aval du gouvernement Legault, qui a le dernier mot sur l’accueil de nouveaux arrivants en vertu de ses pouvoirs en immigration.

Or, si la ministre québécoise de l’Immigration, Christine Fréchette, répète qu’elle est ouverte à aller de l’avant, elle continue de réclamer des chiffres qui, semble-t-il, n’existent pas.

« C’est une des choses pour lesquelles on attend des informations. Les seuls chiffres qu’on nous a donnés au fédéral, c’est que ça concernerait entre 20 000 et 500 000 personnes [à l’échelle canadienne]. Alors entre ça et ne pas avoir d’estimé, c’est la même chose », a-t-elle laissé tomber en mêlée de presse à l’issue d’une annonce en francisation à Montréal, mardi.

Les voies de communication sont tout de même ouvertes. « Il y a eu des premiers contacts, des premiers échanges », a-t-elle précisé.

Mme Fréchette reconnaît qu’il n’est guère simple d’avoir des données précises dans le cas des sans-papiers.

« On parle de gens pour qui on n’a pas une connaissance fine de la réalité parce que ce sont des gens qui oeuvrent d’une manière un peu souterraine, mais on attend quand même d’avoir un estimé plus précis en ce qui a trait au Québec. »

En d’autres termes, le gouvernement fédéral n’a pas plus de précisions à offrir à l’échelle provinciale qu’il n’en a à l’échelle pancanadienne et, en l’absence d’un ordre de grandeur, la décision de Québec devient difficile à prendre.

Un actif pour la société

Il n’y a cependant pas de réticence à accueillir ces éventuels nouveaux citoyens, particulièrement dans un contexte de pénurie de main-d’oeuvre, s’empresse de préciser la ministre Fréchette.

« Ces gens-là sont déjà ici, ils sont actifs dans une variété de secteurs économiques, donc ça va faire partie des réflexions de savoir un peu plus qui ils sont, de qui il s’agit », mais pour ça, répète-t-elle, il faut savoir « combien sont au Québec ».

La plupart des personnes désignées comme étant des sans-papiers sont des personnes entrées légalement au Canada, mais qui ont perdu leur statut, soit par l’expiration d’un permis de travail ou d’un visa. Cette catégorie comprend également les demandeurs de statut de réfugié qui ont essuyé un refus, mais qui se trouvent toujours au Canada pour diverses raisons. Dans tous les cas, ce sont des personnes qui n’ont pas l’autorisation de résider ou de travailler au Canada, ce qui exclut les travailleurs temporaires et les demandeurs d’asile dont le dossier est toujours à l’étude.

Source: Ottawa n’aurait aucune idée du nombre de sans-papiers au Canada

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Le ministère de l’Immigration «s’entête» à ne pas reconnaître les évaluations de français québécoises

2023/06/13 Leave a comment

Accepted for Canadian citizenship but not for Quebec permanent residency. Understandable complaint:

Des épreuves standardisées s’apprêtent à être instaurées dans les cours de francisation, a appris Le Devoir, mais les immigrants continueront à devoir passer des tests entièrement conçus en France pour leur dossier d’immigration. Parallèlement, un immigrant peut utiliser ses cours de francisation du Québec pour devenir citoyen canadien, mais pas pour demander la résidence permanente dans la province.

Plusieurs personnes du milieu de l’enseignement et de la francisation ne décolèrent pas devant ces nouveaux paradoxes. Elles réitèrent leurs appels à créer un test québécois qui puisse servir à prouver le niveau de français nécessaire pour immigrer ou à recommencer à reconnaître les cours de francisation. Un tel projet a déjà été défendu à l’intérieur même du ministère, a-t-on aussi appris.

« Pourquoi ne pas faire d’une pierre deux coups ? On pourrait faire l’arrimage entre les examens certifiés en francisation et ce que le ministère admet comme preuve de compétence en français », suggère par exemple Tania Longpré, enseignante elle-même, qui termine un doctorat en didactique des langues secondes.

Les immigrants en francisation doivent déjà passer des évaluations à la fin de chaque niveau de cours. La nouveauté est que ces examens deviendront des « épreuves ministérielles », nous a confirmé le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI).

« Désormais, nous devrons tous donner le même examen dans les centres de service scolaire » à travers le Québec, illustre une enseignante en francisation qui a demandé l’anonymat par peur de représailles. Elle précise que les enseignants se font fréquemment rappeler leur « devoir de réserve », d’où la demande récurrente que leur nom ne soit pas révélé.

Le MIFI ne montre cependant pas l’intention d’utiliser ces épreuves à plus large échelle en les acceptant comme preuve de compétence dans les demandes de résidence permanente par exemple.

Depuis 2020, il ne reconnaît plus non plus les attestations qui émanent des cours de francisation. Ce ministère a pourtant dépensé plus de 168 millions de dollars dans les services de francisation durant le dernier exercice financier.

Les immigrants qui n’ont pas fait d’études secondaires ou postsecondaires en français ou qui ne sont pas membres d’un ordre doivent donc passer l’un des tests admissibles pour demander la résidence permanente. Ces tests sont tous conçus entièrement en France, corrigés en partie là-bas et critiqués de toutes parts depuis plusieurs années.

L’ironie est aussi que le gouvernement fédéral reconnaît de son côté la francisation comme une preuve suffisante pour obtenir la citoyenneté, une étape qui vient après la résidence permanente pour les nouveaux arrivants.

Le MIFI indique seulement que des « réflexions sont en cours » pour ajouter de nouveaux moyens pour démontrer les compétences en français. La ministre de l’Immigration Christine Fréchette affirme quant à elle que le travail d’adaptation des tests doit se poursuivre.

L’une des deux instances françaises responsables des tests, la Chambre de commerce et d’industrie de Paris Île-de-France, affirme avoir déjà « une demande forte de la part du ministère […] d’inclure davantage de référents culturels québécois ». Elle avance que l’accent québécois « est présent à 35 % environ dans l’épreuve de compréhension orale », ce qui est contraire à ce que nous avons constaté.

Un chantier pas si facile

Le ministère de l’Éducation avait déjà entrepris des « travaux qui précédaient l’arrivée de Francisation Québec », nous précise-t-on dans un courriel conjoint des deux ministères. Nos sources indiquent que l’instauration des examens standardisés serait déjà en marche pour les niveaux 4 à 7, une information que les ministères n’ont pas confirmée.

« Tout est sous embargo, comme si c’était un secret d’État, alors que c’est une question de cohérence », souligne Mme Longpré.

L’idée de créer un test québécois pour l’immigration ne date pas d’hier. Elle était déjà promue à l’intérieur du MIFI après l’instauration des tests linguistiques faits en France en 2010, a confié au Devoir un ancien haut fonctionnaire. Il a demandé que son identité ne soit pas révélée, car son obligation de « discrétion » est encore applicable, même s’il a cessé d’occuper ses fonctions.

Le coût de ce test a même déjà été évalué à l’interne à environ un million de dollars pour la création et au même montant annuellement pour l’administrer. « On ne nous a jamais autorisés à le créer, même si la discussion revient éternellement », note cette personne. Il suggère que le MIFI pourrait ajouter un test, sans nécessairement remplacer les tests de France, et ainsi offrir ce choix « pour donner la chance de réussir le parcours migratoire ».

Les tests linguistiques ont été instaurés à la suite d’un rapport du vérificateur général du Québec de 2010 sur la sélection des immigrants. On y jugeait que les points attribués au français étaient « laissés au jugement » des agents d’immigration, et qu’il manquait d’information dans le dossier pour justifier le nombre de points alloués.

Une grande proportion d’immigrants passait au départ le test « partout à l’international », après avoir appris le français ailleurs qu’au Québec, note Christophe Chénier, professeur en évaluation du français langue seconde à l’Université de Montréal. Or, les immigrants sont de plus en plus nombreux à séjourner d’abord en tant que temporaires au Québec, et donc à apprendre la langue avec nos spécificités.

La question financière est incontournable selon lui. L’élaboration d’un tel test requiert plusieurs années, une équipe d’une dizaine de personnes et des mises à l’essai auprès de milliers de personnes. Il faut en outre compter le développement de structures informatiques, de points de service, de formation des évaluateurs, de mises à jour du contenu et autres.

« La question fondamentale est que peu importe l’outil utilisé, il doit idéalement respecter des normes de qualité très élevées, à la hauteur des enjeux pour lesquels on l’utilise, car la décision d’immigrer est l’une des rares grandes décisions que l’on prend dans une vie. »

Source: Le ministère de l’Immigration «s’entête» à ne pas reconnaître les évaluations de français québécoises

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New Quebec Investor Immigration Program Details Met With Hesitation

2023/06/09 Leave a comment

Written from an immigration legal perspective and the comparison with other jurisdictions is of interest.

This is simply buying residency and later citizenship without any material contribution to the economy given the small amounts and passive investment approach and essentially is an implicit subsidy to investment dealers and trust companies. The amounts are ridiculously low in any case.

We know from the previous Quebec program that many who entered the program eventually left Quebec, often to British Columbia. We will see if the French language commitments during the first two years are tracked and enforced.

The upcoming relaunch of the Quebec Immigrant Investor Program (QIIP), known for its popularity as Canada’s leading business immigration program for the past two decades, is likely to raise some doubts among some foreign investors and others who are familiar with investor immigrant programs. Regulations for the program were just released. The revised program aims to attract investors by offering a passive investment immigration pathway without the requirement of establishing a business in Canada and actively managing it.

One notable change is the exclusive participation of regulated investment dealers and trust companies as financial intermediaries. This ensures investor confidence and provides a mechanism for agents to receive compensation. Additionally, the Quebec Government guarantees the investment, enabling financial intermediaries to arrange financing for applicants, further enhancing the appeal of the program.

The revised QIIP introduces several new requirements for the principal applicant. To be eligible, they must demonstrate a legally accumulated net worth of at least $ 1.5 million USD (C$ 2 million). Furthermore, the applicant must possess a high school (secondary) diploma and a minimum of two years of management experience within the five years preceding the application.

Once approved, the principal applicant will be required to make specific financial contributions. These include a $750,000 USD ($1 million CAD) five-year investment through an authorized financial intermediary, guaranteed by the Quebec Government. It is worth noting that financing options are available for this investment. In addition, a non-refundable contribution of $ 150,000 US ($200,000 CAD) to the Government of Quebec will be required.

Upon approval and completion of the financial contributions, the principal applicant and their family will be granted a temporary stay in Canada for three years. This temporary status allows the family members to work and study in Quebec, facilitating their integration into the local community. However, within the first two years of arriving in Quebec, the principal applicant must fulfill additional requirements. They must achieve a Level 7 out of 12 on the Echelle québécoise des niveaux de compétence en français, demonstrating their French language proficiency. Moreover, the applicant or their spouse must spend at least six months in Quebec, with an additional six months of residence required for either the applicant or the spouse.

Following the fulfillment of these requirements, the principal applicant and their dependents will receive Selection Certificates (CSQ), allowing them to apply for permanent residence from within Canada.

To summarize, the QIIP envisions an investment of roughly $ 750,000 U.S. refunded in five years interest-free. Details about financing such investments are not yet known but the speculation has been it will be about $375,000 U.S. as a one-time non-refundable payment consisting of the $ 150,000 US. to Quebec and the remainder being the cost of a loan to pay for the program. A big question related to the program will be the processing time for approval. Under the old program, it ran as long as five years although French speakers got through in about two years counting the provincial and federal processing that was required. The key impediments of the program for many investors are the French language requirement and the six months physical presence and one-year residence element to achieve unconditional permanent residence.

Comparison Programs:

Canadian Start-Up Visa Program

In contrast to the QIIP, the federal Canadian Start-Up Visa Program provides an alternative pathway to Canadian permanent residence. To be eligible, applicants must have a qualifying business and obtain a letter of support from a designated organization. They must also meet the language requirements, demonstrate proficiency in English or French, and have sufficient settlement funds. The program focuses on innovative businesses, allowing applicants to actively manage their ventures within Canada. Under that program investors normally pay somewhere between say $ 100,000 to $ 125,000 USD to make the necessary arrangements to be approved for permanent residence through a Canadian sponsoring organization that certifies the bona fides of the investor’s business plan. A key difference is that the Start-Up program requires the active involvement of the investor with an innovative new idea whereas the Quebec program is a passive program. However, judging by current processing times, the processing times for the Start-Up program and the Quebec program will likely be similar.

New Brunswick Program

Under the New Brunswick Provincial Nominee Program for investors you must be ready to invest under $95,000 USD (C$ 125,000) in a business for a period of not less than one year and the business has to have been established within two years of landing. To guarantee the investment is made a deposit of $ 57,000 USD (C$ 75,000) must be made with the provincial government which will be returned if the above conditions have been met. What is more, the investor must have a net worth of at least $ 225,000 USD (C$ 300,000).

Applicants are vetted by a point system used to assess them and must score 50 points to succeed. They must be between 22 and 55 years of age have sufficient English and or French language ability to actively manage a business in New Brunswick have, at a minimum, been awarded a high school diploma, and be willing to live and operate a business in New Brunswick. Applicants also must have management experience in three of the last five years. Applications must include a business plan that must be approved by an official of the Government of New Brunswick certifying the applicant has sufficient familiarity with the business climate in the province. Processing times will also be likely to be similar to the Quebec program.

The U.S. EB-5 Investor Immigration Program

The United States offers foreign investors its EB-5 investor immigration program which was created by the U.S. Congress in 1990 to attract investments and create jobs for American workers. In its most popular format, the EB-5 program enables foreign investors who invest $800,000 USD in a U.S. Citizenship and Immigration approved regional center commercial project for approximately five years to get a green card. The program is a relatively passive way for investors to gain permanent residence for themselves and their families and has an attractive concurrent filing feature that enables many investors to gain work and travel status inside the U.S. while awaiting the adjudication of their internally filed adjustment of status applications. In most instances, full processing to green card status is taking about four years, although Indian, Chinese, and Vietnamese applicants, are taking many years longer.

Conclusion

Ultimately, the choice of an investor immigration program depends on individual circumstances, including language proficiency, investment preferences, and long-term goals. However, the QIIP’s changes, particularly the French language requirement and temporary residency period, may deter some potential investors. As investors weigh their options, they will need to consider the various specific program requirements and their suitability for individual aspirations and objectives.

Source: New Quebec Investor Immigration Program Details Met With Hesitation

Filed under citizenship-by-investment, Immigration Tagged with , ,

Chris Selley: There’s a treatment for Quebec’s  linguistic paranoia, but Ottawa is thwarting it

2023/06/06 Leave a comment

Of note (and given the recent StatsCan report, Unemployment and job vacancies by education, 2016 to 2022, highlighting the disconnect between immigration policy, which favours university-educated immigrants, and immigrant employment, which favours lower-skilled immigrants, not as effective as presented):

Considering every federal party essentially believes in giving Quebec whatever it wants, and considering the Quebec government’s concern over the French language surviving under the federal Liberals’ increased immigration targets, a recent report from the Institut du Québec (IDQ) paints a frustrating picture of a longstanding grievance between the provincial and federal capitals.

The Coalition Avenir Québec government wants more foreign students, especially francophones — it’s spending millions on various overseas-recruitment programs, and encouraging foreign graduates to stay in the province — but the federal immigration department is in many cases unwilling to grant them visas. “Nearly half of foreign students accepted by a Quebec university and (who satisfy) Quebec’s conditions are still refused a student visa by Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC),” IDQ director-general Emna Braham and chief economist Daye Diallo report.

The refusal rate for applications from African nations — a major source of francophone students — is a whopping 72 per cent, compared to a 19-per-cent refusal rate for Asians and 11 per cent for Europeans. For no good apparent reason, the refusal rate is lower across the board for Ontario-bound foreign students — fully 20 points lower than Quebec’s for African applicants.

IRCC explained to the IDQ its reasoning: It’s afraid the foreigners won’t leave after they graduate.

But … Quebec doesn’t want them to leave, and the rest of Canada shouldn’t want that either. A prosperous, confident and confidently francophone Quebec is something we all want, and given the province’s lacklustre birthrate and unique skepticism of bilingualism, francophone immigration might be the only way that’s likely to happen.

“There is a real need to clarify the objectives and to put in place procedures that will ensure that the right hand talks to the left hand,” the IDQ’s Braham told The Canadian Press. Too right: The CAQ government and the IRCC are essentially playing different sports on the same pitch. A ministerial directive to the IRCC bureaucracy could be as simple as, “for heaven’s sake stop rejecting so many Africans.”

Alas, the IRCC bureaucracy is not well known for taking orders. It’s not well known for much except saying “no” to people in the most Kafkaesque ways imaginable. And it should come as no surprise that African applicants to Quebec — and therefore francophone applicants — are taking it on the chin. IRCC is internationally notorious for denying visas to tenured professors from African nations wishing to attend conferences in Canada. Why would it be any less suspicious of their students?

Still, it’s exasperating to see Ottawa block an avenue toward real progress in Quebec — a route out of the anti-religious and linguistic paranoias that have come to dominate nationalist politics over the past 15 years. Those paranoias have combined to create a sort of demographic gridlock: The CAQ government wants all future immigrants to speak French before they arrive, for example, but there are only so many francophones who want to emigrate to Quebec, and many of them are very religious. Many, though certainly not all, are Muslims. Few will want to jettison their faith and culture en route to Canada like an oversized bottle of shampoo.

That will always rankle the miserable arch-paranoiacs who currently drive this agenda — the ultra-nationalist voices who dominate Quebec City talk radio and the Quebecor newspapers’ comment pages. “They want immigrants and their children to think and dream in French. And even that isn’t enough,” Quebec journalist Christopher Curtis tweeted very eloquently this week. “They want them to make a show of loyalty, to remove their hijabs and turbans, to hate Trudeau like they do, to feel antipathy towards Ottawa the way they do.”

Sidelining those paranoiacs is a generational project that, polls suggest, Quebec’s younger generations will embrace. (It’s certainly not just immigrants that annoy the nationalist miserabilists. They also can’t stand the way most young white Quebecers speak French, or the way they vote, and to the great extent the youth aspire to bilingualism, the way they dream.) Accepting more young francophone immigrants — as many as possible — can only help.

It’s already happening, despite IRCC. “A growing number of foreign students settle in Quebec once they have obtained their degree,” Braham and Diallo note. “The number of post-graduation work permit holders tripled between 2015 and 2022. … The number of new permanent residents who graduated from a Canadian institution also tripled. … And these new permanent residents are integrating into the labour market better than before, the result (in part) of prior experience on Quebec soil.”

Good news. But in the meantime, other things are happening. Profoundly stupid things.

On Thursday, Montreal and other Quebec municipalities posted new rules prescribed by Bill 96, the pointless anti-Anglo crackdown law that only a couple of Quebec Liberal MPs could find the gonads to oppose.

In order legally to browse your garbage-pickup calendar or adult-swimming schedule in the language of Wolfe, you must now tacitly attest to being an “individual with whom (the municipality) communicated solely in English prior to May 13, 2021”; or a person “declared eligible” by the Ministry of Education to attend public school in English — excluding “children of foreign nationals living temporarily in Quebec,” naturally; or an Indigenous person; or an immigrant, but only one having arrived within the previous six months.

You know what won’t help Quebec move on from this unfortunate paranoid period? That laughingstock idiocy. Nowhere else in the world is like this. Quebec needn’t be like this. If Ottawa won’t push back, it could at least force IRCC out of the bloody way.

Source: https://apple.news/Aopv1ZeK0SmqU09IXj1BkJQ

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Meggs: Au-delà de l’Initiative du siècle

2023/06/02 Leave a comment

Good commentary on how the steep rise in temporary residents, particularly students, has effectively resulted in Canada and Quebec no longer managing levels and pace of immigration, with a sharper disconnect between Quebec, given relatively lower permanent residency levels, than in the rest of Canada:

On a tendance à interpréter la hausse comme étant une politique délibérée et idéologique, mais il y a aussi le concours de circonstances qui a fait en sorte que les propositions de l’Initiative du siècle, alignées certes avec le discours d’ouverture et de diversité du Parti libéral du Canada, sont tombées à un moment où Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC) commençait à perdre le contrôle sur l’immigration canadienne. 

C’était inévitable. Le Canada ne pouvait augmenter sans limites son immigration temporaire, invitant en particulier les étudiantes et étudiants étrangers à venir et à rester, sans augmenter ses seuils d’immigration permanente.

Politiquement, il ne peut renvoyer les personnes diplômées au pays et ayant contribué à l’économie canadienne pendant plusieurs années. D’où les programmes spéciaux récents et annoncés de régularisation des personnes à statut temporaire, ainsi que des personnes non documentées, un autre phénomène qui augmente avec l’immigration temporaire. 

Le gouvernement de la CAQ affectionne plutôt le Programme de travailleurs étrangers temporaires (PTET)⁠1. Au Canada, au 31 décembre 2022, les titulaires de permis de ce programme représentaient 7,5 % de l’ensemble des titulaires de permis des trois programmes d’immigration temporaire. Au Québec, ils en constituaient 17,5 %. Comme le Canada, le Québec augmente le nombre de travailleurs temporaires, mais, contrairement au Canada, le Québec refuse d’augmenter ses seuils d’immigration permanente. 

Des résultats chaotiques

Ultimement, les résultats sont chaotiques et marqués par l’improvisation : 

– les délais de traitement des demandes de certificat de sélection du Québec (CSQ) s’étirent pour l’ensemble des catégories permanentes – économique, familiale et humanitaire. Ce document est délivré par le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI) et est préalable à la résidence permanente au Québec ; 

– le Québec ralentit sa sélection pour ne pas dépasser les seuils permanents planifiés ; 

– IRCC ralentit aussi la délivrance des visas de résidence permanente pour les détenteurs du CSQ pour ne pas dépasser les seuils établis par le Québec ; 

– de plus en plus de personnes immigrantes francophones⁠2 – temporaires au Québec et permanentes de l’étranger – décident de faire leur demande de résidence permanente dans une autre province. (Un cadeau au fédéral qui veut augmenter l’immigration francophone hors Québec.)

Jetant la responsabilité des délais de traitement des demandes de résidence permanente sur IRCC et la pandémie, Jean Boulet, ancien ministre du MIFI, a négocié avec le fédéral un permis de travail temporaire ouvert dans le cadre du Programme de mobilité internationale. On l’appelle le PMI+. Ce permis, aussi délivré par le fédéral, est offert aux personnes avec un CSQ en attente de leur résidence permanente. Il permet à celles déjà au Québec de continuer à travailler ici et à celles à l’étranger de venir s’établir en sol québécois. 

Mais si le Québec refuse d’augmenter ses seuils d’immigration permanente, ses gens vont demeurer avec un statut temporaire très longtemps.

Le prochain phénomène qu’on risque de voir sera celui des personnes francophones sélectionnées par le Québec et travaillant au Québec avec un permis PMI+ qui décident de déménager et de faire une nouvelle demande de résidence permanente dans une autre province parce qu’elles se lassent de l’attente et qu’elles veulent pouvoir planifier leurs vies. 

Le gouvernement a beau promettre de sélectionner 100 % d’immigration francophone, les délais pour obtenir la résidence permanente font perdre au Québec des personnes immigrantes francophones au profit d’autres provinces ou territoires. Où est la logique ? Si ces personnes souhaitent s’établir au Québec, elles peuvent y venir à la suite de leur admission au Canada, car il n’y a pas d’obstacles à la mobilité des résidents permanents. Mais cela a pour effet de laisser au fédéral et aux autres provinces la sélection. 

Les consultations organisées par le MIFI qui auront lieu dans les prochains mois établiront les paramètres de l’immigration au Québec pour au moins trois ans sans pour autant fournir une vision d’avenir. Ce n’est pas de la planification, mais plutôt de la gestion réactive dont les résultats continueront d’être chaotiques. Il ne suffit pas de dire où l’on ne veut pas aller en dénonçant l’Initiative du siècle. Il s’agit de répondre à une autre question : où va-t-on, et surtout, où veut-on aller ? 

Il est crucial que le gouvernement soit entièrement transparent sur l’ensemble des enjeux, tant envers la population d’accueil sur la façon dont il propose de gérer le nombre et le rythme des arrivées qu’envers les personnes qui arrivent sur les dures réalités de leur statut. La question de l’immigration temporaire sans limites présente trop d’enjeux négatifs pour être exclue du débat. L’objectif est un retour à un système d’immigration permanent fonctionnel. 

Source: Au-delà de l’Initiative du siècle

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Les tests de français «made in France» seront adaptés au contexte québécois

2023/06/02 Leave a comment

Following the backlash:

La ministre de l’Immigration, Christine Fréchette, convient qu’il faut « mieux adapter » au contexte québécois les tests de français pour les immigrants, mais elle ne compte pas pour autant exiger que ces examens soient conçus au Québec.

« Il faudrait à tout le moins que les tests soient mieux adaptés au contexte québécois. Il y a des références au Québec qui ont déjà été introduites dans plusieurs des tests standardisés. On veut que ça se poursuive, comme travail », a déclaré la ministre mercredi, lors de la période des questions.

Elle était interrogée par la députée Ruba Ghazal, de Québec solidaire, au sujet d’un dossier du Devoir qui révèle les écueils des tests pour l’immigration. Ceux-ci sont conçus en France et sont truffés de références européennes.

La ministre Fréchette a refusé de s’engager à confier la production des tests à une organisation québécoise, comme le lui suggérait Mme Ghazal. « On va continuer à procéder à ces analyses-là jusqu’à ce qu’elles soient complètes, et on verra quelles sont les pistes d’action », a-t-elle affirmé.

« Bonne chance de demander à des Français d’adapter le test à notre réalité québécoise avec notre accent québécois. J’ai hâte de voir ça », a répondu avec ironie sa collègue solidaire.

Des changements demandés

En matinée, les partis d’opposition ont pressé Québec de faire mieux. « Il est temps que ces tests-là soient revus, a lancé André Fortin. Je pense qu’on est capables de fournir [aux immigrants] un bien meilleur accueil et de leur présenter notre langue sous un bien différent angle. »

« Franchement, les tests de français pour les immigrants devraient être faits au Québec, a lâché Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, de Québec solidaire. Pour bien mesurer l’intégration d’un immigrant au français québécois, il faut avoir des outils québécois. François Legault se présente comme le chevalier du français. Ça fait dur, là, d’utiliser des tests faits en France. »

Le député péquiste Pascal Bérubé a déclaré que les tests devraient être « adaptés à notre réalité ». « Et on a une expertise pour ça », a-t-il précisé.

Les deux instances françaises, dont France Éducation international, assurent que les tests ont déjà été adaptés. La Chambre de commerce et d’industrie de Paris Île-de-France, qui en fait passer deux sur huit, affirme avoir reçu « une demande forte de la part du ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration d’inclure davantage de référents culturels québécois ». Elle avance aussi que l’accent québécois « est présent à 35 % environ dans l’épreuve de compréhension orale ».

Le Devoir a cependant constaté, en allant passer le test, que cette proportion est nettement surévaluée : seuls quatre enregistrements sur plus d’une quarantaine présentent un accent québécois. Ces enregistrements sonores permettent aux participants de répondre à 51 questions.

Source: Les tests de français «made in France» seront adaptés au contexte québécois

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Jedwab: Immigration versus the protection of French in Quebec 

2023/06/01 Leave a comment

Jack’s commentary:

There now appears to be a political consensus in Quebec that the greater the number of immigrants that come here the more the French language is threatened. That’s the inevitable takeaway from a unanimous motion recently adopted by the National Assembly declaring that the federal government’s plan to admit 500,000 newcomers to Canada each year is incompatible with the protection of the French language. Such declarations by elected officials risk encouraging even more Quebecers to regard immigrants as a threat.

While the motion targets immigrants and the federal government, it would seem to be directed toward those Quebecers who are repeatedly reminded that French is under siege and being told who to blame. While politicians might do such things, Quebec’s Ministry of Immigration, Francisation and Integration conveys a very different message. In its proposed immigration level plan for 2023, the minister,  Christine Fréchette, states:

“Immigration remains part of the answer to the sociolinguistic, demographic and labour force issues facing Quebec. Immigrants bring a diversity of talents to Quebec and everything must be done to facilitate their integration. Your government wants immigration to contribute to the dynamism of the Quebec economy in all its regions and to the vitality of the French language.”

It adds: “Immigrants of all origins can find their place in Quebec society and contribute to the survival of the French language, to the prosperity of our regions and to a harmonious and diversified community.”

The motion from the National Assembly serves to reiterate the frequent call to repatriate immigration powers from Ottawa that presumably prevent Quebec from fully controlling its immigration policies and programs. But the ministry points to the considerable authority the government has when it comes to immigration and newcomer integration. The existing “Canada-Quebec immigration agreement,” it says, “allows Quebec to fully assume its responsibilities with respect to immigration levels planning, selection, francization and integration of immigrants.

The ministry goes on to note that, under the agreement, “Quebec is responsible for the selection of economic immigrants, refugees abroad and applications processed on humanitarian or public interest grounds.”

Quebec politicians need to be a good deal more specific when they talk about the immigration powers they must acquire to counter the grave threat to French that newcomers purportedly constitute. It’s true the processing of refugee claims made domestically is the exclusive responsibility of Ottawa. Are we to believe the few thousand vulnerable persons who annually seek asylum and end up in Quebec are the source of the threat to the French language?

In the aftermath of the election of the Coalition Avenir Québec in 2018, the government reduced the numbers of immigrants who were to be admitted to Quebec, demonstrating that the projected annual immigration levels targeted by the federal government do not directly bear on Quebec’s desired yearly intake.

The ministry goes on to note that, under the agreement, “Quebec is responsible for the selection of economic immigrants, refugees abroad and applications processed on humanitarian or public interest grounds.”

Quebec politicians need to be a good deal more specific when they talk about the immigration powers they must acquire to counter the grave threat to French that newcomers purportedly constitute. It’s true the processing of refugee claims made domestically is the exclusive responsibility of Ottawa. Are we to believe the few thousand vulnerable persons who annually seek asylum and end up in Quebec are the source of the threat to the French language?

In the aftermath of the election of the Coalition Avenir Québec in 2018, the government reduced the numbers of immigrants who were to be admitted to Quebec, demonstrating that the projected annual immigration levels targeted by the federal government do not directly bear on Quebec’s desired yearly intake.

Quebec needs immigrants and it is perfectly legitimate for the government to make efforts to attract the maximum number of French-speakers. But, ideally, it needs to explain the challenges associated with doing so rather than sounding the alarm for political ends.

Jack Jedwab is president and CEO of the Association for Canadian Studies and the Metropolis Institute.

Source: Immigration versus the protection of French in Quebec

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Ottawa is doing little to eliminate discrimination against French-speaking African students: More data and less rhetoric please

2023/05/31 Leave a comment

Unfortunately, we do not have enough transparency and data to assess whether this discrimination is evidence-based or not. And of course these arguments do not question the fundamental value and, in some cases, lack thereof, of the ongoing increases in international students and two-step immigration:

The fact that Immigration Canada discriminates against Black students from French-speaking Africa is something researchers and observers of Québec and Canadian politics have been documenting and denouncing for years. 

Once again this month, we learned from a study by the Institut du Québec (IDQ) that the federal government is refusing half of the applications for study permits to foreign students who were selected by Québec and accepted by a Québec university. This figure increases to 72 per cent for African students.

Denunciation of this discrimination, and of the federal government’s inaction on it, goes far beyond the circle of immigration experts. Leaders of French-language higher education institutions, political actors and civil society are now speaking out as well. 

As researchers in the fields of political sociology and the sociological and ethnological study of nationalisms and interethnic relations, we are interested in social transformations in Québec and Canada, as well as social representations of immigration. 

On a global scale, this discrimination sends a very bad message to Canada’s partners in the Organisation internationale de la francophonie. At the Canadian level, it has an impact on the vitality of institutions in francophone communities outside Québec. 

At the Québec level, it has an impact on the vitality of programs in regional colleges and universities. At the Montréal level, it also has an impact on the vitality of French language higher education institutions and, in particular, on the capacity of the Université du Québec to fulfill its social mission. 

Québec has done its homework

This situation was well known when the Liberal Party of Canada became a minority government in 2019. It was also known when the same government won again in 2021, still as a minority government. The data just published by the IDQ are indisputable: the situation continued in 2022. 

Although there have been modest improvements in some places, this has not reversed a stubborn and persistent underlying trend. The data show that despite warnings, denunciations and investigations by many journalists, Immigration Canada is still dragging its feet. 

The Québec government has not always been immune to criticism in this area. The immigration reform piloted in 2020 by Simon Jolin-Barrette drew criticism for a variety of reasons. One of these was a change to the Québec Experience Program that slowed, if not hindered access to citizenship for foreign students studying in Québec. 

Québec’s new immigration minister, Christine Fréchette, has been much more far-sighted, informed and pragmatic. Her promise to reorient the Québec government’s immigration policy is in tune with the higher education community. These circles have long recognized the importance of offering a fast track to citizenship for students who have gotten work experience through their studies, internships and the networks they developed in Québec. 

Immigration Canada’s inaction is incomprehensible

This shift by Québec’s Minister of Immigration, Francization and Integration is in line with the informed opinions of Quebec’s higher education institutions. It also brings hope to Montréal’s French-language higher education community, which has been complaining for several years that it is not competing on a level playing field with English-language institutions of higher learning. 

The latter operate in a completely different market than French-language universities. Since the removal of the ceiling on fees for foreign students, English-language higher education institutions have been earning significantly more revenue than French-language institutions. Many actors in the education sector have denounced how this systemic inequality reduces the attractiveness of French-language institutions, and in particular, the ability of the Université du Québec network to fulfill its mission of academic and social integration. 

Faced with this major change in direction by the Québec government, the inaction of Immigration Canada is all the more incomprehensible. 

After Sean Fraser blamed his department’s discriminatory practices on algorithmic errors, subcontracted the work of its officials to the McKinsey firm, acknowledged a problem of systemic discrimination within its own organization and promised to address this problem, the 2022 figures from his department show the same misfires and the same discriminatory practices as in previous years. 

In an embarrassing moment, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister was asked to defend his record. The slight increase in acceptances that she mentioned does not meet the legitimate expectations of students whose applications have been accepted by a Québec institution. 

Minister Fraser no longer has the legitimacy required

Ottawa must draw conclusions from this new data. If the Trudeau government were not championing the fight against systemic racism in every forum, it might be possible to overlook this lack of credibility on the part of its minister. But at this point, federal Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Minister Fraser no longer has the legitimacy to retain this file.

The failure of the Liberal Party to act on such an important issue for Québec and Canada’s francophone communities is regrettable. It casts a shadow over the important success of the update of the Official Languages Act, the passage of which was rightly celebrated by both federal and Québec governments. 

If we want to celebrate the new version of the Official Languages Act, we must be consistent and provide access to French-language higher education institutions to all students who want to contribute to the vibrancy of Canada’s francophone communities. 

We should be pleased that the Québec government got this message. It is more than regrettable that it is taking so long for Ottawa to understand it.

Source: Ottawa is doing little to eliminate discrimination against French-speaking African students

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