German study: Immigration does not raise crime rate

Of note, similar to other countries:

Immigrants or refugees do not have a higher tendency to commit crime and there is no correlation between the proportion of immigrants in a given district and the local crime rate, according to a new analysis of the latest German crime statistics carried out by the renowned ifo institute.

The Munich-based institute correlated the latest national crime stats from 2018 to 2023 with location-specific data in the new study to show why the fact that immigrants are overrepresented in crime statistics had nothing to do with where they came from.

Migrants tend to settle in urban areas, where there is more population density, more nightlife, and more people in public spaces at all hours of the day. That means the general crime rate is higher, and crime suspects are just as likely to be German as of foreign background. In other words, districts with higher levels of “immigrant” crime also have higher crime rates among Germans.

“These places increase the risk of becoming perpetrators for residents, regardless of nationality, due to the infrastructure, economic situation, police presence or population density,” the study said.

The researchers pointed to other reasons why immigrants tend to be overrepresented in crime figures: Immigrants are generally younger and more often male than the German population — but those, according to the researchers, were less important contributing factors.

Studies contradict the populist narrative

The supposed propensity of immigrants to commit crimes has become the dominant narrative in the current German election campaign. In a recent Bundestag debate on restricting immigration, Friedrich Merz, chancellor candidate for the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), spoke of “daily occurring gang rapes in the asylum seeker milieu.”

Those words echoed the narrative now routinely propagated by the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). In early February, the AfD’s Beatrix von Storch told German public broadcaster ARD, “We have two gang rapes a day, we have ten normal rapes a day and we have had 131 violent crimes a day on average over the last six years — by immigrants, primarily Syrians, Afghans and Iraqis.”

“We have skyrocketing crime statistics. We have skyrocketing crime among foreigners, youth crime, migrant violence,” AfD co-leader and chancellor candidate Alice Weidel said in 2024. “Rapes are high, knife crimes are high, 15,000 in the last year.”

The numbers were found to be false by media outlets’ fact-checking teams.

Much-reported attacks by people of immigrant background in Munich, Aschaffenburg, and Magdeburg have fueled this popular narrative, but statistical studies draw a very different picture.

“Even for violent crimes such as homicide or sexual assault, the study shows no statistical correlation with an increasing share of foreigners or refugees,” the ifo researchers said.

Source: German study: Immigration does not raise crime rate

The death of data: Under Trump, key information is disappearing

Hard to see how the USA is going to recover any time soon of the impact of the Trump/Musk administration with so few guardrails and a totally subservient Republican Congress neglecting its broader and constitutional responsibilities:

…Statistical agencies in the U.S. and elsewhere have struggled with weaker survey participation for many years. In one notable example, only about one-third of businesses approached to fill out the BLS’s Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey do so – about half the proportion in the 2010s.

The BLS and other agencies contend that data quality remains high, although critics point to non-response bias – the idea that non-respondents may be inherently different than those who continue to fill out questionnaires, which would skew the numbers.

If response rates continue to fall, there is a greater likelihood that economic data will become less reliable. The danger is that reports “will stop telling us about who’s doing well and who’s not well by any degree of disaggregation,” said Armine Yalnizyan, a Canadian economist and Atkinson fellow on the future of workers.

Funding is another concern, particularly as the Trump administration makes sweeping cuts. These include the termination of roughly US$900-million in Education Department contracts, spelling an end to various research projects on academic performance.

When data disappear or become less reliable, it becomes tougher to challenge the policies of the Trump White House, Ms. Yalnizyan said. “You can’t see what is really happening, so you cannot dispute what they say.”

Ms. Jarosz said the public has paid for data produced by the government – and that information should remain in the public domain.

“I think part of what is so concerning about this is it sets a really dangerous precedent that any administration could delete data they don’t like for any reason,” she said.

Source: The death of data: Under Trump, key information is disappearing

Meggs: L’immigration : Quels sont nos objectifs?

Good general set of questions that apply to Canada and Quebec alike from former senior Quebec immigration official:

Il y en a certains qui aiment poser la question « pourquoi de l’immigration? » Comme nous avons pourtant souligné dans la chronique précédente, la migration humaine existe depuis le début des temps; elle est normale et inévitable. L’important est de bien la gérer pour s’assurer qu’elle demeure une force positive.

La vraie question donc est « De l’immigration pour quoi? » « Quelles sont nos attentes relatives à notre gestion de l’immigration? »

C’est la question la plus importante et la plus complexe à résoudre lors des consultations à venir ce printemps au Québec sur la planification pluriannuelle d’immigration. Les objectifs de cette planification seront très spécifiques au Québec compte tenu de sa situation géopolitique, linguistique et culturelle.

Convenons d’abord que l’immigration n’est pas la seule réponse aux défis québécois, ni la seule cause de ceux-ci. Elle constitue un élément qui peut aider à régler certains problèmes actuels, mais qui peut aussi les exacerber. D’où l’importance de bien la gérer et de trouver l’équilibre nécessaire.

La planification de l’immigration au Québec comprend traditionnellement deux types d’objectifs, des objectifs sociétaux et ceux du nombre et du rythme des arrivées1.

Objectifs sociétaux complexes

Les objectifs sociétaux incluent les enjeux, tels que la démographie, la langue française, l’économie et le marché du travail, les considérations humanitaires et familiales. Ces objectifs font appel aux caractéristiques ou aux critères de sélection des personnes qui arrivent (âge, langue, expérience de travail, domaine de formation, région de destination) ainsi qu’à la proportion de l’immigration permanente qui sera accordée à chaque catégorie — économique, humanitaire et familiale.

La démographie, par exemple, comprend plusieurs volets – le vieillissement de la population, le taux de fécondité et même les déplacements internes et externes.

Quels sont nos objectifs sur le plan de la démographie? Voulons-nous augmenter la taille de la population du Québec, la maintenir à peu près telle quelle, ou sommes-nous à l’aise avec une baisse de la population? Quelle priorité faut-il donner à l’enjeu du poids démographique du Québec au sein du Canada? Quelle structure des âges visons-nous? Quelle est l’importance de la rétention des personnes immigrantes et de la répartition de la population sur le territoire?

Les réponses à ces questions détermineront notamment l’importance de l’âge et de jeunes familles parmi les critères de sélection, ainsi que la connaissance du français. La connaissance du français et la présence de jeunes enfants sont deux facteurs qui jouent sur le taux de rétention des personnes qui arrivent.

De plus, les enfants d’âge scolaire contribuent à la pérennité de la langue française grâce à l’obligation de fréquenter des écoles françaises. Il est également à noter qu’il y a plus d’enfants de moins de 15 ans parmi les admissions de la catégorie familiale.

En ce qui concerne les objectifs économiques, comme notés dans l’Énoncé en matière d’immigration et d’intégration adopté en 1991 à la suite de la signature de l’Accord Canada-Québec, ils « permettent de concilier à la fois les motivations de l’immigrant et les intérêts de la collectivité québécoise. En effet, l’immigrant veut pour sa part améliorer son sort et celui de ses descendants; la société d’accueil, quant à elle, veut faire appel au potentiel de l’immigrant en fonction de ses besoins. »

Pour y arriver, d’une part, les économistes prônent la sélection des personnes hautement qualifiées qui travailleront dans les industries de pointe et qui pourront s’adapter à l’évolution des exigences du marché du travail. Les critères de sélection importants sont donc l’expérience de travail et la formation recherchées.

Ces personnes apportent de l’innovation et contribuent au développement et, avec des salaires plus élevés, elles paient plus d’impôts, contribuant ainsi au filet social qui sert à l’ensemble de la population.

D’autre part, le patronat signale que ces personnes sont souvent surqualifiées pour plusieurs des secteurs qui sont en pénurie de main-d’œuvre actuellement, particulièrement en région. Il ne faut pas oublier cependant que les personnes peu éduquées à bas salaire, immigrantes ou nées au Québec, ont besoin de soutien pour améliorer leur sort. L’intégration socioéconomique réussie est plus longue.

Quelles sont les priorités économiques au Québec qui détermineront le rôle que jouera l’immigration et les critères de sélection à favoriser? Quelle est la proportion à donner à la catégorie économique de l’immigration en équilibre avec les catégories familiales et humanitaires?

Enfin, en matière de langue, les bassins de recrutement à l’étranger des personnes qui utilisent déjà le français sont assez limités. Quels arbitrages sommes-nous prêts à faire entre les objectifs démographiques, économiques et linguistiques?

La capacité d’accueil

Avant d’établir les objectifs en ce qui concerne le nombre et le rythme des arrivées, il est crucial non seulement de clarifier les objectifs démographiques, mais également d’identifier et de mesurer les facteurs constituant la capacité d’accueil, et ce, idéalement par région administrative.

La plupart des composantes de la capacité d’accueil touchent la vie quotidienne de l’ensemble de la population et déterminent la qualité de vie tant des personnes arrivant de l’étranger que celle des personnes déjà établies.

Donnons quelques exemples : la disponibilité de logements abordables, les places dans les écoles et les garderies, l’accès à un médecin de famille, le temps d’attente dans les cliniques de première ligne et les hôpitaux ou pour une consultation avec un psychologue, la disponibilité des transports en commun, les services d’insertion en emploi, le taux de chômage, l’utilisation du français au travail et en public.

La capacité d’accueil inclut également l’accès aux services spécifiques au milieu d’immigration, tels les services de francisation, d’accueil et d’intégration socioculturelle.

La plupart de ces facteurs n’ont jamais fait partie du calcul des seuils de l’immigration permanente, encore moins de l’immigration temporaire dont la planification a été inexistante jusqu’à cette année.

Dans chaque cas, il faudrait déterminer quels indicateurs sont les plus pertinents à mesurer et quel seuil permet de dire qu’on est capable d’accueillir un certain nombre de nouvelles personnes.

Par exemple, en ce qui concerne la disponibilité du logement, il y aurait des indicateurs comme le taux d’inoccupation des logements en location, le prix moyen des loyers en fonction du salaire moyen des personnes immigrantes nouvellement arrivées, les mises en chantier. Chaque secteur de service public a déjà ses indicateurs pour mesurer le niveau de fonctionnement optimal.

Pour y arriver, une idée serait de créer une unité d’expertise à l’Institut de la statistique du Québec chargée d’élaborer une mesure de la capacité d’accueil, alimentée par les données administratives des divers ministères et organismes, ainsi que les données socioéconomiques, qui serait suivie en continu. Idéalement, les coûts associés à ces diverses composantes seraient également estimés et suivis.

La planification des niveaux et du rythme des admissions au Québec, et même par région, serait basée sur ces données. Les mesures à prendre, par exemple en matière de construction de logements ou de places en garderie, pour pouvoir accueillir convenablement les personnes nouvellement arrivées, seraient claires, ainsi que les coûts afférents.

Un tel chantier de recherche prendrait plusieurs mois à opérationnaliser et d’autres formules sont sûrement envisageables. L’important est de fixer les seuils d’immigration sur la base des données probantes et de retirer cet aspect de la planification de l’arène partisane.

Une planification de l’immigration basée sur les objectifs sociaux qui font consensus et sur des données probantes relatives à la capacité d’accueil serait un modèle inédit dans le monde. Elle aurait aussi le grand avantage de rassurer notre société que nous sommes bien capables d’accueillir des gens de partout pour bâtir le Québec de demain ensemble.

Anne Michèle Meggs is a former director of planning and accountability at the Ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, and former director of research and evaluationat l’Office québécois de la langue française.

Source: L’immigration : Quels sont nos objectifs?

There are some who like to ask the question “why immigration? As we pointed out in the previous column, human migration has existed since the beginning of time; it is normal and inevitable. The important thing is to manage it well to ensure that it remains a positive force.

The real question then is “Immigration for what? “What are our expectations for our immigration management? ”

This is the most important and complex question to be resolved during the upcoming consultations this spring in Quebec on multi-year immigration planning. The objectives of this planning will be very specific to Quebec given its geopolitical, linguistic and cultural situation.

Let us first acree that immigration is not the only answer to Quebec’s challenges, nor the only cause of them. It is an element that can help solve some current problems, but that can also exacerbate them. Hence the importance of managing it well and finding the necessary balance.

Immigration planning in Quebec traditionally includes two types of objectives, societal objectives and those of the number and pace of arrivals1.

Complex societal objectives

Societal objectives include issues, such as demographics, the French language, the economy and the labour market, and humanitarian and family considerations. These objectives rely on the characteristics or selection criteria of arriving persons (age, language, work experience, field of training, region of destination) as well as the proportion of permanent immigration that will be granted to each category — economic, humanitarian and family.

Demography, for example, includes several aspects – population aging, fertility rate and even internal and external displacements.

What are our demographic goals? Do we want to increase the size of Quebec’s population, keep it pretty much as it is, or are we comfortable with a decline in the population? What priority should be given to the issue of Quebec’s demographic weight within Canada? What age structure are we aiming for? What is the importance of the detention of immigrants and the distribution of the population in the territory?

The answers to these questions will determine in particular the importance of age and young families among the selection criteria, as well as knowledge of French. Knowledge of French and the presence of young children are two factors that play a role in the retention rate of people who arrive.

In addition, school-age children contribute to the sustainability of the French language through the obligation to attend French schools. It should also be noted that there are more children under the age of 15 among the admissions of the family category.

With regard to the economic objectives, as noted in the Statement on Immigration and Integration adopted in 1991 following the signing of the Canada-Quebec Agreement, they “make it possible to reconcile both the motivations of the immigrant and the interests of the Quebec community. Indeed, the immigrant wants to improve his fate and that of his descendants; the host society, for its part, wants to appeal to the potential of the immigrant according to his needs. ”

To achieve this, on the one hand, economists advocate the selection of highly qualified people who will work in advanced industries and who will be able to adapt to changing labor market requirements. The important selection criteria are therefore the work experience and training sought.

These people bring innovation and contribute to development and, with higher wages, they pay more taxes, thus contributing to the social net that serves the entire population.

On the other hand, employers point out that these people are often overqualified for many of the sectors that are currently in labor shortages, particularly in the regions. We must not forget, however, that people with little educated and low pay, immigrants or those born in Quebec, need support to improve their fate. Successful socio-economic integration takes longer.

What are the economic priorities in Quebec that will determine the role that immigration will play and the selection criteria to be favored? What is the proportion to be given to the economic category of immigration in balance with the family and humanitarian categories?

Finally, in terms of language, the recruitment pools abroad of people who already use French are quite limited. What arbitrations are we prepared to make between demographic, economic and linguistic objectives?

The reception capacity

Before establishing objectives with regard to the number and pace of arrivals, it is crucial not only to clarify the demographic objectives, but also to identify and measure the factors that make up the reception capacity, ideally by administrative region.

Most of the components of the reception capacity affect the daily life of the entire population and determine the quality of life of both people arriving from abroad and those already established.

Let’s give some examples: the availability of affordable housing, places in schools and daycare centers, access to a family doctor, waiting time in front-line clinics and hospitals or for a consultation with a psychologist, the availability of public transport, job placement services, the unemployment rate, the use of French at work and in public.

The reception capacity also includes access to specific services for the immigration environment, such as francization, reception and sociocultural integration services.

Most of these factors have never been part of the permanent immigration threshold calculation, let alone temporary immigration, the planning of which was non-existent until this year.

In each case, it would be necessary to determine which indicators are most relevant to measure and which threshold allows us to say that we are able to welcome a certain number of new people.

For example, with regard to the availability of housing, there would be indicators such as the vacancy rate of rental housing, the average price of rents based on the average salary of newly arrived immigrants, construction starts. Each public service sector already has its indicators to measure the optimal level of operation.

To achieve this, one idea would be to create an expertise unit at the Institut de la statistique du Québec responsible for developing a measurement of reception capacity, fed by administrative data from the various ministries and organizations, as well as socio-economic data, which would be monitored continuously. Ideally, the costs associated with these various components would also be estimated and monitored.

The planning of levels and pace of admissions in Quebec, and even by region, would be based on this data. The measures to be taken, for example in the construction of housing or daycare places, to be able to properly accommodate newly arrived people, would be clear, as well as the related costs.

Such a research project would take several months to operationalize and other formulas are surely possible. The important thing is to set immigration thresholds on the basis of evidence and to remove this aspect from the planning of the party arena.

Immigration planning based on consensual social objectives and evidence of reception capacity would be an unprecedented model in the world. It would also have the great advantage of reassuring our society that we are capable of welcoming people from everywhere to build tomorrow’s Quebec together.

Anne Michèle Meggs is a former director of planning and accountability at the Ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, and former director of research and evaluation at the Office québécois de la langue française.

In appeal to Muslims, Freeland pledges to scrap controversial CRA division

Hard to justify given the recent foreign interference enquiry. Disbanding the RAD could impede efforts to track other groups. Irresponsible to do so pending the results of the National Security and Intelligence Review Agency (NSIRA) investigation:

Should she win the current federal Liberal leadership contest, Chrystia Freeland is pledging to scrap a controversial division of the Canada Revenue Agency that Muslim charities and civil liberties advocates have long accused of discriminatory auditing practices, CBC News has learned.

Her campaign has yet to make an official announcement, but Thursday morning she signed and sent a letter about her plan to the National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM), one of Canada’s larger Muslim advocacy groups, about her plan to get rid of the Research and Analysis Division.

The RAD has been criticized by Muslim groups for unfairly targeting their work as it looks for sources of terrorism financing in the country. An intelligence review body, the National Security and Intelligence Review Agency (NSIRA), undertook a review of its activities in 2023, a probe that has yet to be completed.

In the letter, Freeland writes: “No charity serving Canadians in good faith should operate under a cloud of unwarranted suspicion. There is well-documented evidence from civil society organizations and independent experts suggesting that the Review and Analysis Division has a bias against racialized charities.”

“This is why, if I become Prime Minister, I will dismantle the Review and Analysis Division of the CRA,” she adds.

She is also pledging to establish an independent CRA oversight body “to ensure that audit and compliance processes are conducted fairly.”

And she said she would implement both these measures before the next federal election. …

Source: In appeal to Muslims, Freeland pledges to scrap controversial CRA division

LoP – Canadian Citizenship: Practice and Policy

Good comprehensive review by the Library of Parliament of legislative and policy issues along with related history. Lots of familiar references to declining rates of citizenship, “lost Canadians” and birth tourism. Executive Summary below:

Canadian citizenship can be obtained through birth on Canadian soil, by descent through birth or adoption outside of Canada to a Canadian citizen, or through naturalization (the process by which citizenship is obtained by a foreign national). Requirements related to citizenship are laid out in the Citizenship Act, as well as in the Citizenship Regulations and Citizenship Regulations, No. 2.

Responsibility for implementing the Citizenship Act lies with the Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship, who is supported by Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) in managing the citizenship application process. The Citizenship Commission – an administrative body under IRCC that is made up of citizenship judges – also plays an important role, with duties including assessing citizenship applications to ensure they meet certain requirements under the Act and administering the Oath or Affirmation of Citizenship.

To become a Canadian citizen through naturalization, an individual must first obtain permanent residency in Canada and then apply for citizenship after meeting residency and other requirements. Applicants between 18 and 54 years of age must also complete a written test based on the official citizenship study guide (Discover Canada: The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship) and attend an interview to test their abilities in English or French and to discuss their application. Successful applicants attend a citizenship ceremony and take the Oath or Affirmation of Citizenship, through which they swear or affirm their allegiance to the King of Canada.

Loss of citizenship can occur if it is revoked (for example, due to citizenship being acquired or retained through false representation) or it can be renounced voluntarily (for example, if an individual chooses to become a citizen of a country that does not allow dual citizenship).

Several issues are currently at the forefront of discourse on citizenship policy. For example, census data show that the rate of citizenship among recent immigrants to Canada declined between 2006 and 2021. The citizenship rate varies for different groups, with contributing factors including income level, education level and country of origin.

Another key issue is that of “lost Canadians,” which refers to individuals who were born before the 1977 Citizenship Act came into force and who should have been Canadian citizens under that Act but were deprived of Canadian citizenship because of outdated or obsolete provisions in the Canadian Citizenship Act of 1947. Many of the problems associated with “lost Canadians” have been addressed through amendments made to the Citizenship Act since 1977. Those whose cases are not covered by legislative amendments may be granted citizenship on a case-by-case basis at the minister’s discretion. Following a December 2023 Ontario court ruling, the federal government introduced Bill C‑71, An Act to amend the Citizenship Act, to address “lost Canadians” issues that remain following previous legislative amendments. This bill died on the Order Paper on 6 January 2025 when the 1st session of the 44th Parliament was prorogued, but the Court’s order is scheduled to come into effect on 19 March 2025.

Finally, the concept of birth tourism refers to the practice by foreign nationals of coming to Canada to give birth for the sole purpose of securing Canadian citizenship for their child. While data suggest an increase in non-resident births in the past two decades, it is difficult to determine how many non-resident births are cases of birth tourism. A federal initiative linking health and immigration data has shed further light on the topic….

Source: Canadian Citizenship: Practice and Policy

Violent extremists are using antisemitism to recruit in Canada: CSIS report

Not surprising, and presumably many are also using anti-Muslim commentary for the same purpose:

Ideologically motivated violent extremist groups are using antisemitism in a bid to recruit followers and inspire violence, according to a report from Canada’s spy agency.

The report dated May 2024, released under the access to information law by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), said the extremist groups are also tapping into current events, such as the Israel-Hamas conflict, to build support.

“Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremists routinely weave antisemitic commentary into their narratives in order to inspire violence and recruit individuals,” says the report. “These new adherents, in turn, use antisemitic commentary, often tailored to current events, in order to disseminate violent messaging.”

“Thus, antisemitic beliefs, with violent undertones, are disseminated jointly to an ever-expanding circle of recipients.”

The report, obtained by the University of Ottawa’s Samuelson-Glushko Canadian Internet Policy and Public Interest Clinic and shared with CBC News, says much of that antisemitic content is circulated via social media.

“Social media is the main pathway for the consumption of antisemitic and violent extremist content, be it via popular rhetoric available from mainstream providers, or via influencers who actively convey antisemitic content or conspiracy theories,” says the report. “The narratives encourage hate crimes, violence and terrorism.”

The report says the continual increase in incidents targeting the Jewish community will normalize antisemitism in mainstream Canadian society and will likely be exacerbated by the conflict in the Middle East.

It also says pro-Palestinian protests and university encampments “are unlikely to lead to or be staging grounds for violent extremist acts.”

The agency places a number of different groups into the category of Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremist (IMVE) including far-right extremists, anti-authority groups, anarchists, xenophobic violence and violence related to gender such as incels and anti-2SLGBTQ+ groups. Religiously Motivated Violent Extremist (RMVE) groups such as those that support Al-Qaida or Daesh, also known as the Islamic State, fall into a separate category.

While the report says it is difficult to measure the precise level of antisemitism in Canada, it says the number of hate-motivated incidents directed at the Jewish and Arab/Muslim communities reported to police since Oct 7, 2023, have risen….

Source: Violent extremists are using antisemitism to recruit in Canada: CSIS report

Canada’s cuts to newcomer English language programs puts communities’ well-being at risk

While one can always make the case for more, harder to justify when the government implements reductions to permanent and temporary migrants.

Would also be helpful if the article made reference to the 2018 IRCC evaluation of the settlement program and the degree to which recommendations were implemented.

Still surprising that IRCC does not update settlement services data on open data (it is available upon request but should be updated on a monthly basis like other data sets:

…By reducing funding available for English-language classes, the federal government is denying thousands of people their fundamental right to education. The current budget cuts will inevitably contribute to growing social stratification and increase the challenges faced by the already overwhelmed immigration and educational sectors. 

A recent statement by TESL Ontario, the certification body for educators who teach English as another language in Ontario, urges the Canadian government to consider impacts on language teachers who face precarious employment and low pay, a concern shared by unions across the public sector

Language learning programs are foundational to ensuring sustainable settlement in Canada. A truly sustainable development strategy would see the continued funding of English-language programs as essential to ensuring the continued economic and societal well-being of all people living in Canada.

Source: Canada’s cuts to newcomer English language programs puts communities’ well-being at risk

Finland Considers Introducing Citizenship Test to Candidates

Believe last of the Nordics to consider doing so:

  • The Finnish Interior Ministry wants to include a citizenship test for candidates.
  • This test could include language exams, which are already mandatory for applicants for citizenship in other EU countries.
  • A citizenship test could serve as proof that the candidates have integrated well into Finnish society.

A working group tasked by the Finnish Interior Ministry is looking into the possibility of introducing a citizenship test, further tightening the requirements for citizenship candidates.

According to a press release by the Interior Ministry, the citizenship test would prove that the candidates have “successfully integrated” into Finnish society, including here labour market, Schengen.News reports.

The cross-administrative working group examined how a citizenship test could be implemented in Finland, and also assessed the relationship between the citizenship test and the language skills requirement. 

Finnish Interior Ministry

The new measures are part of a reform that plans to tighten rules for citizenship as well as permanent residents. Previously, the Finnish authorities discussed introducing more stringent requirements for permanent residence permit applicants, including here language requirements.

Language Exams Likely to Be Included in the Finnish Citizenship Test

Candidates for Finnish citizenship already have to prove they have mastered the Finnish or Swedish language to some extent like most EU Member States have similar requirements for citizenship candidates.

The citizenship test is one part of this reform. To qualify for Finnish citizenship, the applicant would be required to be successfully integrated into Finnish society, in employment, and able to comply with the rules of Finnish society. 

Interior Ministry

Of the other Nordic countries, Denmark and Norway have citizenship tests in place while Sweden is also planning to tighten the rules for those acquiring Swedish citizenship….

Source: Finland Considers Introducing Citizenship Test to Candidates

Gazan families sue Canada for visa application delays

Not unexpected but may be hard to prove in court. But ongoing issue in lack of transparency on progress or not of applications:

Eleven families from Gaza are taking the Canadian government to court for prolonging their “exposure to life-threatening and inhumane conditions” by delaying application processing under a program meant to offer relief from the Israeli-Hamas conflict.

The families represent 53 people, including 27 babies and children, who have applied for visas under the temporary resident pathway for Palestinian extended family in Gaza program, launched in January 2024. 

The measure provides a temporary haven for Palestinians directly affected by the war in Gaza who have ties to family members here who are Canadian citizens or permanent residents and are willing to support them.

Canadian anchor relatives are required to submit a web form to the Immigration Department with supporting documentation on behalf of their family members in Gaza. Officials then review the forms and documents before providing each applicant in Gaza a unique reference code to begin the visa application process.

All of the litigants’ Canadian relatives say they submitted web forms with the proper documentation within a month of the program’s opening. To date, none have the codes, nor do they have a refusal for incompleteness, or any justification for the delay.

The program, which had been expanded from the initial intake of 1,000 applications to 5,000, ends April 22 or when all spots are filled. As of Jan. 4, immigration officials said 4,782 applications were accepted into processing.

“They were afraid that they would lose their opportunity,” said lawyer Damey Lee, who represents the group along with colleagues Hana Marku and Debbie Rachlis.

“They are just frustrated and wholly disappointed in the Canadian government for not even providing them an explanation as to where their family members are in the process and why it has taken a year to issue codes.”

According to affidavits submitted to the court, the applicants — all with identities withheld under a court order to protect their safety — have experienced attacks first hand, witnessing airstrikes and bombings, sometimes with “no warning.”…

Source: Gazan families sue Canada for visa application delays

Nicolas | Reconnaître la Palestine

Missing, unfortunately, a first point regarding the violence and brutality of Hamas on October 7 and following treatment of hostages. Not to excuse Israeli excesses but important not to ignore those of Hamas. Always find it perplexing that some on the left verge on tolerating Hamas despite its religious and political fundamentalism:

« Ce n’est pas nous qui libérons la Palestine. C’est la Palestine qui nous libère. » Je traduis ici librement une formule qui circule abondamment sur les médias sociaux depuis octobre 2023. L’idée peut être comprise et déclinée sous mille et une formes. Voici quelques exemples de ce que j’en comprends, personnellement, en février 2025.

1. Sur la violence. Celles et ceux qui ont vu pratiquement en direct sur les médias sociaux les images des hommes, femmes et enfants palestiniens morts, démembrés, déchiquetés par des bombes principalement américaines ont compris le niveau de violence dont non seulement Israël, mais les États-Unis d’Amérique — et leurs alliés — sont capables. Ces images rendent inadmissible la dichotomie hollywoodienne selon laquelle l’ordre mondial serait nettement divisé entre les barbares sanguinaires d’un côté et les humanistes occidentaux de l’autre. En particulier pour la jeune génération, ces images ont non seulement suscité l’horreur, mais aussi provoqué une grande réflexion politique.

2. Sur la solidarité. Il y a eu et il continue d’y avoir un grand écart entre les images brutes d’une violence inouïe que les Palestiniens eux-mêmes rendent accessibles sur les médias sociaux et les sujets et angles priorisés par les grands médias européens et nord-américains. Devant cet écart, plusieurs se sont demandé : quels sont les autres massacres de populations civiles auxquels les médias traditionnels ne font pas attention ?

C’est ainsi que TikTok et, dans une moindre mesure, Instagram sont devenus des lieux d’éducation populaire sur les crises au Soudan et au Congo, où l’insécurité, la faim et la violence touchent des millions de personnes. L’accès facile aux images d’un peuple qui se meurt dans l’indifférence des grandes puissances a nourri une volonté d’apprendre sur l’autre peuple, et l’autre peuple encore. C’est là un mouvement de prise de conscience planétaire dont bien des médias devinent à peine l’existence.

3. Sur la liberté de presse. La semaine dernière, un rapport spécial du Committee to Protect Journalists a annoncé que l’année 2024 avait été la plus meurtrière pour les journalistes depuis la fondation de l’organisme en 1981. Ce sont 124 journalistes qui ont été tués dans le monde l’an dernier, dont 85 par Israël (82 à Gaza et 3 au Liban). Mais pour comprendre le rôle du conflit dans les attaques à la liberté de presse, il faudrait aussi parler des salles de nouvelles bombardées à Gaza ou fermées de force en Cisjordanie. Et ce, insistons, alors que Nétanyahou bénéficie d’un appui inconditionnel des Américains.

Alors que Donald Trump s’en prend à la liberté de presse à la Maison-Blanche, garder en tête la Palestine nous fait voir que les États-Unis, même sous les démocrates,permettaient déjà une attaque sans précédent contre le travail des journalistes sans qu’il y ait de dénonciation des principales associations de journalistes américaines — ni canadiennes d’ailleurs. Encore aujourd’hui, alors qu’il y a supposément un cessez-le-feu à Gaza, on a normalisé l’idée que les journalistes occidentaux n’ont pas accès au territoire. Peu de résistants ont encore la force de réclamer la réouverture d’un passage.

Avec tout ce qui se passe depuis le 20 janvier, on voit à quel point se battre pour la liberté de presse en Palestine, c’était se battre pour la liberté de presse tout court. Endiguer le virus de l’autoritarisme en périphérie de l’empire américain aurait certainement contribué à ce qu’il ne puisse en atteindre le cœur.

4. Sur le droit international.En janvier 2024, la Cour internationale de justice a trouvé qu’il était « plausible » qu’Israël ait commis des actes de génocide à Gaza. Elle a demandé qu’un ensemble de mesures soit pris pour diminuer ce « risque » pendant qu’elle continue d’étudier la question. Puisque les bombes qui tombent sur Gaza sont surtout américaines, la situation en Palestine a soulevé la question plus large : de quoi les États-Unis se croient-ils permis ?

Depuis janvier 2024, la situation humanitaire et politique de Gaza s’est détériorée. Donald Trump met la pression sur les pays arabes voisins pour évacuer la population palestinienne sans droit de retour — ce qui correspond à la définition du nettoyage ethnique.

Surprise, surprise : le gouvernement Trump se permet aussi de négocier le sort de l’Ukraine avec la Russie en marginalisant l’Ukraine même — voire toute l’Europe — de la table de négociation. Et ce, tout en menaçant la souveraineté nationale du Danemark, du Canada et de Panama. Alors, de quoi les États-Unis se croient-ils permis ? Pas mal tout. Et comment ont-ils renforcé cette conviction ?

En fin de compte, défendre le droit à l’autodétermination du peuple palestinien, c’était défendre le droit à l’autodétermination de tous les peuples. Ça l’est toujours. Il est encore temps pour le Canada et la poignée de pays du G20 qui n’ont pas reconnu l’existence de l’État palestinien d’enfin changer leur vote aux Nations unies. Vu les menaces qui pèsent sur Gaza comme sur le droit international en général, cette reconnaissance tomberait à pic pour la protection des Palestiniens… et de nous tous. Une chose est sûre : on serait certains de se dissocier de Trump et de son impérialisme.

Vous remarquerez que, dans ce texte, j’ai peu parlé concrètement des Palestiniens mêmes. C’est-à-dire comme humains qui vivent leur humanité comme nous tous, tant bien que mal, dans le meilleur et le pire, dans l’imperfection, bien sûr — et pour qui les droits de la personne devraient exister de manière inaliénable et inconditionnelle, comme pour nous tous. La Palestine, c’est bien sûr des gens, mais aussi — et c’est ce que j’ai tenté de démontrer ici —, vu le contexte politique, elle est devenue depuis longtemps une idée.

Et le problème avec les idées, c’est qu’elles ne meurent pas. Elles circulent. Et transforment notre manière de voir le monde. Malgré Biden. Malgré Trump. Donc, vous vous imaginez : certainement aussi malgré l’ingérence politique de Pascale Déry dans la liberté d’enseignement.

Source: Chronique | Reconnaître la Palestine