Good commentary (was posted to Iran when published and the fatwa issued):
I have written elsewhere about the fatwa issued 30 years ago by a sinister religious cleric commanding the world’s Muslims to murder the writer and everyone involved in the publication of The Satanic Verses. But the best way to repudiate the authoritarian, constricted, literal mindset is by celebrating its opposite. And so, with as little mention as possible of the events the publication of The Satanic Verses engendered, what follows is simply an appreciative analysis of that extraordinarily epic, satirical, ironic, and multifaceted novel.
Salman Rushdie is one of the finest writers of recent times, whose work celebrates hybridity and intermingling of culture over narrow-minded puritanism.
This theme is at the heart of The Satanic Verses, as suggested by the questions posed near the beginning of the novel: “How does newness come into the world? Of what fusions, translations, conjoinings is it made?” These questions are asked as the two protagonists, Gibreel Farishta and Saladin Chamcha, fall from the sky above the English Channel after the hijacked plane they were travelling in is torn apart by explosives. Gibreel and Saladin are the only survivors but there is a price for this miracle. They both undergo a metamorphosis; Gibreel gains a halo while Saladin sprouts horns.
The story follows these two men as they grapple with these changes and explore themselves. In his memoir Joseph Anton, Rushdie states that his inspiration for the novel was the globalising world of modern times where migration and cultural rootlessness are norms rather than exceptions. The novel quotes Daniel Defoe on the plight of the devil, cast out of paradise and doomed to travel the world “without any certain abode.” This diabolic tragedy is treated by Rushdie with empathy as well as sympathy, for his own experiences inform the character of Saladin, whose transformation into a devil reflects his inauthenticity and rootlessness, his wearing of a mask to cover up the Indian heritage he is ashamed of and which he wishes to replace with an English identity. Rushdie says in his memoir that his sympathy is with the devil, as should be the case with all great poets, according to William Blake.
The novel’s protagonists are Indian-born Muslims. Saladin is a voiceover artist and an immigrant from Bombay to London whose shame about his Indian-ness and desire to be anglicised form the backdrop to a complex interrogation of what it means to be rootless and how migrants in a globalised world can find a sense of identity. Gibreel, meanwhile, is a legend of the Bombay movie scene whose recent health crisis has led him to lose his faith and travel to London to be with the woman he loves, Alleluia Cone. Famous for portraying Hindu gods on screen, Gibreel’s newfound archangelic nature sorely tests his mind—a newly godless man condemned to act as God’s (or is that Satan’s?) right hand on earth.
But both protagonists are hybrids who contain elements of the saintly and the diabolical. They both face challenges and crises of identity. Through them, Rushdie explores what it means to lose and then find one’s identity and what the true experience is of migrants whose rootlessness and existence in a foreign culture leads to a crisis of selfhood. The intermingling of elements—culture, language, religion—is celebrated, while the concept of purity in identity and culture is repudiated as too constricting.
Saladin reconciles with the father he thought he hated, accepts his Indian-ness, and begins to live authentically, while Gibreel’s end is much sadder. Rushdie celebrates the hybrid and the multifarious over the narrow-mindedness of those who wish to keep everyone in a straitjacket. Culture, civilisation, and identity mean, for Rushdie, open-mindedness and a rooted rootlessness; spiritual and intellectual strength arise from the hybrid while puritanism leads only to individual and collective suffering.
Rushdie himself has stated that these ideas are central to the book:
Those who oppose the novel most vociferously today are of the opinion that intermingling with a different culture will inevitably weaken and ruin their own … The Satanic Verses celebrates hybridity, impurity, intermingling, the transformation that comes of new and unexpected combinations of human beings, cultures, ideas, politics, movies, songs. It rejoices in mongrelization and fears the absolutism of the Pure … It is a love song to our mongrel selves.
The main narrative is interspersed with chapters devoted to parallel stories. Gibreel dreams of the prophet Mahound’s difficulties proselytizing for his new religion and his eventual triumph over those who laughed at him in Jahilia (Mecca?); he is drawn into the ambiguous recollections of a dying old woman whose past involves love and murder; a sinister imam, exiled in London, uses Gibreel’s power to revenge himself upon impurity and paganism; and Gibreel’s archangelic powers are used by a prophetess named Ayesha to convince an Indian village to go on a pilgrimage by foot to Mecca—and to part the Arabian Sea which stands in the way.
We are left to wonder if Gibreel was just insane, if the novel tells the sad story of a man’s mental decline. If so, did Saladin go mad, too? In which case, Gibreel, the archangel, was undone while the devil, Saladin, emerged triumphant and whole again to live authentically. When they fell from the sky the two men were physically and mentally intertwined, their bodies wrapped around each other. The hybrid nature of the two men is explored in great depth and with great beauty throughout the novel. Interconnection is explored with reference to contrasting concepts, such as love and hate, death and life, rebirth and reinvention, while Saladin’s experiences as an immigrant yearning to be accepted is an analysis of migration, change, and identity—and all the conflicts engendered thereby.
In the end, obsession with purity and rigidity give way to reconciliation and compromise; the colonial subject is freed from a mental oppression which says he is inferior; and hybridity is shown to be superior to purity, as epitomised by the sixteenth century Hamza-nama cloths which display, in the view of Saladin’s friend and lover Zeeny Vakil, “the eclectic, hybridized nature of the Indian artistic tradition…you could see the Persian miniature fusing with Kannada and Kerala painting styles, you could see Hindu and Muslim philosophy forming their characteristically late-Mughal synthesis.”
The Satanic Verses is critical of Islam, but not very. Mahound (Muhammad?) is presented as a secular leader who is slowly corrupted as his power grows (and whose supposed access to divinity is undermined by his companion, Salman the Persian, who notes the suspicious convenience of the archangel’s revelations to the prophet). But he is angelic in other ways—a freer of slaves and a man of principle willing to spare those who submit rather than just a warlord and temporizer. The book’s title relates to the historical episode in which Muhammad stated that some pagan goddesses could be brought into his new religion—an act which was quickly repudiated so as not to dilute the faith’s monotheism, and which Muhammad put down to being confounded by the devil masquerading as the archangel Gabriel.
In my reading, “the satanic verses” evoke human frailty rather than diabolical design. For Mahound they are a compromise, a way to ingratiate himself with the Jahilians and win new converts by accepting the existence of some lesser pagan goddesses; this is a secular, material tactic rather than an exercise in theology. For Gibreel, “the satanic verses” are the rhymes an embittered Saladin pours into his ears to turn him against Alleluia. Again: ambiguity, mixture, hybridity, and interconnectedness—good, evil, love, hate, death, life, compromise, and jealousy; all very human strengths and frailties.
“The satanic verses” is a phrase which also suggests hybridity because, as mentioned, they refer to Muhammad’s brief acceptance of pagan deities. The novel celebrates diversity and the multifaceted and so this mixing of paganism with Islam’s purity should be taken as the prime example of the beauty of hybridity. Why restrict oneself to narrow monotheism when there is so much colour and delight to be found in every tradition?
Ironically, life imitated art and Rushdie himself was transformed, like Saladin, into the devil; as he recounts in Joseph Anton (itself a remarkable and beautiful book and a cogent defence of freedom and literature), he was renamed “Satan Rushdy,” and his image was paraded by mobs to be scorned.
The greatest irony, though, is that a novel about the power of culture and literature and the superiority of expansiveness and mongrelisation to the narrow and the pure should itself become a focal point in the real-life battle between those things. As Christopher Hitchensput it at the time of the fatwa: “This is an all-out confrontation between the literal and the ironic mind.” This could describe the novel itself as well as the contest it aroused.
This is not a simple matter of West versus East (Rushdie would have much to say about such a simple demarcation), but a matter of civilisation versus barbarism, wherein the artists, secularists, writers, and reformers of all colours and creeds must make a united stand against the authoritarians and narrow-minded fundamentalists of all kinds and in all places, whether they be Islamists, righteous far-leftists for whom “dissent” means “impure,” windbag religious reactionaries, or white nationalists. On the latter group, recall Rushdie’s words, quoted above, on the strength and beauty of the hybrid compared to the weaknesses and fears of those who see change and mixing as a threat.
Baal the poet, an enemy of Mahound in the novel, sums up the writer’s task: “A poet’s work is to name the unnameable, to point at frauds, to take sides, start arguments, shape the world and stop it from going to sleep.” Once more, life imitates art—who better to epitomise this ideal than Rushdie himself? Who better than a great novelist with roots in multiple cultures to act as symbol of and warrior for freedom of expression, the power of literature, and the beauty of the multifaceted against the many enemies of those ideas?
Joseph Anton shows that Rushdie’s life and art are intimately jumbled up together—his was a family which encouraged rationalist criticism of the divine Qur’an and which venerated storytelling’s power to shape individuals and undermine tyrants. The family surname was changed to Rushdie by his father in honour of Ibn Rushd, known in the west as Averroes, that ironic and rationalist philosopher of the Islamic medieval golden age who opposed religious literalism and narrow-mindedness. This is a fact of which Rushdie is proud—in his memoir he reflects that at least he was on the right side of the right war armed with the right name for the task. If there were such a thing as destiny, it seems that Salman Rushdie would have been chosen as liberty’s champion. But there is only the material universe populated with imperfect beings and Rushdie is one of them—no saint, but a dogged and humane defender of civilisation.
I said I would try not to focus on the external events surrounding Rushdie’s novel but the content and themes of the book are, in the end, inseparable from what happened after the book was published. Hybridity, irony, and interconnectedness once more, it seems—the fictional and the real intermingling and synthesising to form a powerful defence of openness and civility.
The Satanic Verses is therefore not only a work of astonishing beauty but also a foundational document in the fight for culture, openness, civilisation, and civility against those who wish to see those things stifled by narrow-minded faith-based puritanism. Salman Rushdie’s life and work remind us of the importance of this battle and the necessity of remaining staunch and unyielding in the task of defending civilisation against its enemies in whatever grotesque permutations they appear.
Largely, because the differences are small and nuanced. Both are policies that aim to facititate integration while recognizing identities, the major difference being that interculturalism makes explicit reference to integrating into Quebec francophone society whereas multiculturalism aims at integrating into either (or both) anglophone or francophone society:
Fully agree with Jack here. Debate is more semantics rather than substance:
Canadians, including Quebecers, do not see the difference between multiculturalism and interculturalism, a poll shows.
Even if Quebec’s Liberal youth wing this weekend will attempt to make interculturalism party policy, leading to an eventual provincial law should they take power, for most people it’s just semantics.
“People don’t understand this stuff and are not making the distinction,” said Jack Jedwab, president of Association for Canadian Studies, which commissioned the poll back in May.
“The Liberal youth will make no traction whatsoever on this. You are not going to distract people with academic rhetoric and lofty terminology to try and rebrand yourself.
“This is nothing more than intellectual camouflage. It’s a lot of semantics.”
According to the poll, conducted by Léger, relatively few Quebecers and other Canadians see the difference between the two concepts.
If you ask Quebecers their views of the terms, a total of 66.2 per cent they have a “very or somewhat positive,” perception of the term interculturalism.
But a total of 72.3 per cent also have “very or somewhat positive,” view of multiculturalism.
On the other hand, people who don’t like muliculturalism don’t like interculturalism either, the data reveals.
And whether the person is for multiculturalism or interculturalism, the views on immigration or issues like the wearing of the hijab (the Muslim head covering) are the same.
The data arrives just as the Liberal youth wing enters its annual summer policy convention in Quebec City this weekend.
Up for debate is a plan to ditch the concept of multiculturalism and pledge support for a plan to enshrine interculturalism in a law should the Liberals take power.
While multiculturalism refers to a society in which people of different cultural backgrounds live side by side without much interaction, the youth say interculturalism would specify the existence of a francophone majority in Quebec.
Critics of the plan — which the youth hope will improve the party’s nationalistic branding in the eyes of francophones — have complained it would create a hierarchy of citizens and condemn minorities to assimilation.
The Léger poll is based on a web survey of 1,212 Quebecers 18 years or older. It was conducted from May 3 to May 7, which was before the youth wing made public their vision.
While the focus of the convention has been about multiculturalism, the youth wing also wants to pass a motion saying Quebec should write up its own constitution.
Part of that document should specify Quebec’s economy is green, the youth wing says.
So the centre is moving back to social cohesion and away from social inclusion?
Social cohesion was the term preferred by the Conservative government and was reflected in their greater emphasis on integration in a variety of policy areas, including multiculturalism and citizenship.
IMO, the two are intimately related, cohesion without inclusion is at best a mirage:
Newly released documents show senior government officials were advised to “bring the focus back to the majority” — instead of on diversity values — in public communications to counter the threat of populism in Canada.
The task force deputy ministers heard this idea during meetings last year looking at what the government could do to guard against a possible rise in extremism and populism domestically.
The group was told to encourage more public conversations and debate focused on “us” rather than “us-versus-them” narratives to foster “social cohesion.”
A briefing note prepared for the senior civil servants warned that if only “marginalized populations are considered,” the result would be that “others feel as if they do not matter.”
“Social cohesion must become a new lens of policymaking. In order to achieve this, the government needs to build connections across difference, foster greater empathy and bring the focus back to the majority (i.e. the middle groups),” officials wrote in the documents.
The suggestions originated from an international expert invited to speak to the deputy minister task force on diversity and inclusiveness in October 2018.
The Canadian Press obtained a copy of the presentation and other documents to the task force under the Access to Information Act.
Polarization in Canada
Tim Dixon, co-founder of the U.K.-based think-tank More in Common, told the task force that Canada is facing the same disruptive forces playing out in other countries that can fuel polarization and division — although Canada may be more resilient to these forces due to past successes in building an inclusive national identity.
He said polarization of opinion can cause some to become resentful of minority groups perceived to be getting special benefits, such as housing or social assistance, at others’ expense. These sentiments are most common among a majority of people who fit into a “middle group” category, marked by moderate views between the extremes of “cosmopolitans with open values” and “nationalists with closed values.”
That’s why Canada was advised to “build social solidarity” by avoiding pitting the interests of one group against another in public communications. Rather, Canada should “elevate the ‘more in common’ message and demonstrate the falsehood of narratives of division,” according to Dixon’s presentation.
The documents show that after the meeting, officials discussed ways the government could incorporate the advice into federal policy. One idea put forward was possibly using Canada’s school system, with its “massive integration power,” to educate and connect people in order to build more empathy and social cohesion, according to a summary of the discussion among deputies.
Focus on ‘shared values’
When it comes to future communications, deputy ministers stressed the need to “focus on shared values rather than diversity values when framing the social cohesion narrative,” the meeting summary says.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau appears to have taken this advice to heart in his political messaging leading up to the federal election this October.
During a Liberal fundraising event last month, asked about countering populist sentiment in the campaign, Trudeau stressed the need to seek common ground and compromise among Canadians.
“We’ve always learned to listen to each other, find common ground figure out a way to move forward that brings people along,” Trudeau said at the July 18 event in Victoria.
“The idea is that we are a country of diversity, a country of a broad range of views and the responsibility we have is to try to bring those views together in a forward path. We can find things that Canadians understand are that right balance — and that, for me, is the counter to populism.”
Gesturing toward a group of pipeline protesters outside the event, Trudeau quipped that none of them was carrying signs promoting messages of compromise — a point he used to highlight that many of the loudest voices are on the peripheries and do not reflect the opinions of a majority of Canadians.
Social media are amplifying some of those voices, Trudeau added — another point echoed from the discussions and research studied by the task force.
Dixon’s presentation warned government officials they need to be mindful of how social media may distort data.
“The majority of people are not involved in the debate and do not like division, but it is those on social media who are most vocal and it could give disproportionate weight to certain issues.”
The Australian version of the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) kicks off on Friday, continuing the long tradition here of conservative groups importing ideas, rather than generating them.
This weekend’s event is a branch-office version of the reliably wacky, but troublingly influential annual US conference. Among other things, CPAC is generally credited with launching Donald Trump’s career as a Republican political contender, after he was invited to speak there in 2011.
In the US, the conference offers a forum for hardline rightwing Republicans. Trump headlined again this year, but he was joined by YouTubers Diamond and Silk; former VP candidate Sarah Palin; anti-immigration Fox News host Laura Ingraham; high-profile evangelist Franklin Graham; and Turning Point USA honcho, Charlie Kirk.
But CPAC has sometimes had trouble in deciding which speakers and which ideas cross the line, as conservatives become more open to radical right ideas on race, multiculturalism and immigration. In recent years it has invited, then disinvited, groups like the conspiracist John Birch Society, and individuals like Milo Yiannopoulos.
The Australian version should make us wonder whether conservatives here, too, have trouble drawing a line around mainstream conservatism, and keeping more malevolent political currents at bay.
The problem is not that all of the speakers at CPAC are beyond the pale. Clearly, whatever leftwing people may think of him, former prime minister Tony Abbott could legitimately be expected to be on the platform at a conservative event. Same for former deputy prime minster, and current podcaster, John Anderson. Abbott’s closest adviser, Peta Credlin, now a conservative media star, is someone we would ordinarily expect also.
Rather, the problem is that these ostensibly mainstream figures are legitimising the far more radical figures farther down the bill at the conference.
Raheem Kassam, for example, is a former Breitbart London editor who, according to Labor senator Kristina Keneally, is a “career bigot”. Late last month, she asked that he be denied entry to the country.
Kassam has repeatedly made misogynistic remarks about UK politicians. He has spread false, antisemitic conspiracy theories about billionaire George Soros, who he claimed was “not Jewish and … a Nazi collaborator”.
His favourite target, however, is Islam. He has called the Muslim holy book, the Quran, “fundamentally evil”. He has called for a referendum on the wearing of the Niqab in public. In his time at Breitbart, he obsessively wrote about Islam in terms of terrorism and “jihad”, and alleged “no-go zones” in European cities. He amplified the latter theme into a book.
Any Australian activist or leader who appears on the same stage as Kassam has clearly not reflected on the contribution that Islamophobic political commentary may have made to an Australian allegedly murdering 50 Muslims in Christchurch not five months ago.
Nor have they reflected on the fact that one of Kassam’s most frequent targets, London mayor Sadiq Khan, was also singled out by the Christchurch shooter in his manifesto.
Some of the politicians speaking at the event also represent fairly radical understandings of “conservatism”. US Representative Mark Meadows, of North Carolina, once vowed to send Barack Obama “home to Kenya”, echoing so-called “birther” conspiracy theories about the former president’s origins.
Michigan Representative Rashida Tlaib, a member of the “squad” of leftwing congresswomen of colour, bluntly accused Meadows of racism last February.
Matt Gaetz, who is listed on the website but mysteriously absent from the daily schedule, suggested ahead of last year’s midterm elections that a so-called “caravan” of migrants traveling through Mexico for the US border had been funded by George Soros.
Gaetz’s tweet came just before the Tree of Life synagogue shooting — some commentators suggested that Gaetz and others who spread such theories contributed to the atmosphere in which the murders took place.
The man Raheem Kassam advised, and who he eventually sought to replace as Ukip leader, Nigel Farage, has made a political career of attacking the UK Conservative party from the right on issues such as immigration, multiculturalism and the European Union. He is generally accorded responsibility for Brexit.
And home-grown spectacle Mark Latham sits for the radical rightwing party One Nation in NSW. Apart from his blustering, occasionally defamatory public pronouncements, Latham advocates for a suite of policies which are hostile to sexual and demographic minorities.
Latham’s bad ideas are legion. To pick some at random: he has proposed banning transgender identification, has called patriarchy a “fake theory”, has asserted without evidence an epidemic of “anti-white racism”, and infamously accused a Muslim journalist of “aiding and abetting terrorism”.
One Nation, the party he leads in the NSW parliament, has policies including a Trumpian travel ban, the effective end of refugee settlement for those who arrive in boats, and a whole raft of policies singling out Muslims.
The bigoted ideas expressed by some of those on the program are further legitimated when Australian conservatives effectively embrace them as their own.
Islamophobia, antisemitic conspiracy theories and anti-immigrant xenophobia are not only reprehensible in their own right, but they have factored into recent mass shootings in the United States and New Zealand, and they are tearing apart democracies around the world.
Does this bother the Liberals and media figures who have chosen to participate? It should certainly trouble their colleagues, and the rest of us.
Australian conservatives are having trouble drawing a line between the mainstream and more malevolent politics?
UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson unveiled plans on Thursday for a new fast-track visa to encourage the “best and brightest” of the world’s scientists to emigrate to Britain.
The announcement came as the impending Brexit — a cause championed by Johnson — will see much European Union research funding cut off and place the immigration status of many European researchers at risk.
“To ensure we continue to lead the way in the advancement of knowledge, we have to not only support the talent that we already have here, but also ensure our immigration system attracts the very best minds from around the world,” Johnson said.
The new fast-track immigration route would be targeted towards engineering, technology, and other sciences, the government said.
Research, business sectors support plan
New provisions would remove the requirement of having a job offer before arriving, and would allow an immigrant‘s dependents to access the UK labor market. It would also remove the limit on the number of applicants vying for the Tier 1 Exception Talent visa.
Business and universities hailed the move, as leading institutions such as Oxford and Cambridge have voiced concerns about the impact Brexit could have on their researchers and talent pool.
The 2018-2019 academic year saw a significant drop in applications to British universities from EU students.
Johnson, who has frequently expressed anti-immigrant views, is also seeking to introduce an Australian-style immigration system based on points awarded for higher education qualifications, language competency and other specialized skills.
Would appear so on substantive grounds, by any objective manner:
As Americans grapple with shifts in culture and demographics, majority-minority California is developing a high school curriculum in ethnic studies, one of the first nationally. Not long ago — while managing his extracurriculars and winnowing his college choices — Eli Safaie-Kia, 17, found time to discover a draft of it.
Its contents were, in some ways, standard-issue: readings and projects aimed at fostering tolerance, offering non-traditional perspectives and helping a massive, multicultural populace better understand one another. But in other ways, the draft was confusing even to a Generation Z kid from a blue-state. For one, it presented Israel in a way that went heavy on Palestinian oppression and scarcely mentioned the Holocaust.
So unsettled was the Israeli-American teen by the California Department of Education’s proposed model curriculum, required by a 2016 law, that the Los Angeles high school senior fired off a comment to the department. “I kinda came across the document,” he said, “and once I began reading through it, it was a little bit disturbing to see how one-sided some parts of the ethnic studies proposal was.”
Now, as the comment period for the draft approaches its Aug. 15 deadline, hundreds of complaints, suggestions and op-eds have posted, from conservatives who don’t like its depiction of capitalism as a “form of power and oppression,” to parents stumped by its academic jargon to no small number of Californians who, like Safaie-Kia, wonder why it says so little about anti-Semitism. A bill winding its way toward the governor’s desk (Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed an earlier version) would make ethnic studies a high school graduation requirement.
The model curriculum is intended to serve as a guide for high schools in a state in which non-Hispanic whites represent only 42% of the population, and its proponents say it’s the logical next step for a state that has already adapted, more than most, to an increasingly diverse culture.
But as anti-immigrant rhetoric, violent white nationalism and rising hate crime roil the nation, the furor around it, even here, underscores how far even California has to go.
For example, some commenters have complained that the curriculum’s language, examples and tone are so left-leaning that they won’t work effectively in more conservative parts of California. “After reading this latest school curriculum twist to the left, it makes the decision much easier to go with charter schools and private education,” one critic commented this month.
Supporters of the draft say it’s time for students to learn about the U.S. through a lens often ignored by those in power.
“Sometimes people want to approach ethnic studies as just a superficial diversity class and that’s it,” said R. Tolteka Cuauhtin, a member of the advisory committeethat worked on the draft. “Ethnic studies is an academic field of over 50 years that has its own frameworks, its own academic language, its own understandings of how it approaches subjects and our world.”
“It seems to be fine for other academic disciplines to have their own academic language,” he said. “AP Chemistry for example has some very complex academic terms, difficult to pronounce, but it’s expected because it’s AP Chemistry.”
Colloquial language, Cuauhtin said, doesn’t always sufficiently express the nuances of race, ethnicity and society, and academic terminology can bridge that gap.
Also controversial, including among state lawmakers, is what the draft appears to have left out. The California Legislative Jewish Caucus submitted a letter to the department expressing its concerns:
“While the [model curriculum] specifies the importance of studying hate crimes, white supremacy, bias, prejudice and discrimination, and specifically discusses bias against other communities, it omits any meaningful discussion of antisemitism,” wrote the caucus.
Democratic Assemblyman Jose Medina of Riverside, the author of the bill making ethnic studies a graduation requirement, also signed the letter and is a member of the Jewish caucus. Assemblyman Jesse Gabriel, a Democrat from the San Fernando Valley and vice chair of the caucus, said he supports teaching ethnic studies in schools, but found the draft offensive.
“SOMETIMES PEOPLE WANT TO APPROACH ETHNIC STUDIES AS JUST A SUPERFICIAL DIVERSITY CLASS AND THAT’S IT. ETHNIC STUDIES IS AN ACADEMIC FIELD OF OVER 50 YEARS THAT HAS ITS OWN FRAMEWORKS.”
“Our caucus meetings tend to be relatively low-key but really across the board people were really really upset, really disturbed by the model curriculum and by the way it treats the Jewish community,” he said. “It really reflects an anti-Jewish bias. It’s pretty outrageous that it omits anti-Semitism.”
The draft’s glossary lists other forms of bigotry like islamophobia and xenophobia. “It’s really hard to understand how that could possibly happen given everything that’s going on in the world given the statistics about the dramatic increase in anti-Semitic violence,” Gabriel said.
Earlier this year a report released by the Tel Aviv University’s Kantor Center found that anti-Semitic violence has increased around the world. In April, a gunman opened fire in the Chabad of Poway synagogue near San Diego. One woman was killed and three others were injured.
Critics also say the draft takes a one-sided approach to the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement which calls for countries to sever ties with Israel in solidarity with the Palestinians.
The draft’s glossary defines BDS as a “global social movement that currently aims to establish freedom for Palestinians living under apartheid conditions.” Gabriel, the Democratic assemblyman, called the definition “one-sided propaganda” and said the draft appeared to bend over backwards to include BDS.
“If you’re going to get into issues related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — I don’t know why that would be something you’d do in an American Ethnic Studies course — then do it in a way … that’s inclusive and presents perspectives that young people could do critical thinking about these issues,” said Gabriel, adding that he understands the draft will go through multiple revisions. But he said the caucus was also concerned with the draft’s inclusion of a song stating that Israelis “use the press so they can manufacture,” perpetuating an anti-Semitic trope.
The portrayal of Israel was what prompted Safaie-Kia, the Los Angeles teenager, to share a public comment.
“Being a proud Californian and Israeli-American, I would never want to feel hated or discriminated against at my public school, and the inclusion of anti-Israel bias in curriculum would threaten my safety as a minority student,” he wrote.
Stephanie Gregson, the Deputy Superintendent of Public Instruction said the draft currently posted will look very different after review by the Instructional Quality Commission in September. The department is recommending edits and the commission will consider those edits at the meeting.
She said while public comment is posted as open until August 15, people can send comments to ethnicstudies@cde.ca.gov anytime throughout the process, which will continue until January or March of next year. She added that the department is aware of concerns.
Cuauhtin, a committee member who helped create the draft, said the draft is a work in progress, and he agrees that it should say more about anti-Semitism as a form of oppression.
“Given our time constraints, the limited parameters we were given to work with and the public comments we received at the time, I’m proud of our work,” he said in an interview with CalMatters. “If we were still meeting today with the public comments that have been received since, I’m confident there would be some changes made.”
Incoming 12th-grader Safaie-Kia said he has confidence in California to come up with a lesson plan for the diverse demographics that are spreading to the rest of the country. The U.S. Census has determined that, by 2060, America will, like California, be majority-minority.
“As a state I think that we really excel in trying to promote a sense of large community and we are a humongous state and it is difficult,” he said.
“But I think pieces like this curriculum, if done correctly, can really help make such a big state feel like a big community instead of such a place where people aren’t friends with their neighbors or people aren’t connected to someone who may live 300 miles away from them.”
Interesting. Will see if they can pull such individual attention off in a consistent manner:
Québec déploie un autre volet de sa réforme du système d’immigration, en lançant son « parcours d’accompagnement personnalisé », auquel il consacrera 20 millions par année.
Cette annonce, faite jeudi par le ministre de l’Immigration, de la Diversité et de l’Inclusion, Simon Jolin-Barrette, suit ses annonces des derniers mois touchant le système Arrima, qui permet de mieux arrimer l’immigration aux besoins du marché du travail, et la bonification des programmes de francisation.
Le parcours d’accompagnement personnalisé permettra de guider les candidats à l’immigration dès le tout début de la démarche, alors même qu’ils sont encore à l’étranger.
« Dès l’étranger, maintenant, il y a un agent d’aide à l’intégration qui va être attribué à chaque personne immigrante pour la suivre dans son parcours. On va les accompagner au niveau des démarches d’installation. On va faire en sorte qu’ils soient inscrits aux cours de francisation, qu’ils soient orientés, qu’ils soient évalués au niveau de leur français pour qu’ils soient bien classés dans les classes », a expliqué le ministre, en entrevue.
« Par la suite on va les diriger vers les emplois disponibles et on va surtout assurer un suivi en termes de francisation, d’intégration, d’employabilité, durant tout le parcours de la personne », a-t-il résumé. Et le tout sera personnalisé.
Rencontre en 5 jours
Ambitieux, le ministre Jolin-Barrette s’est même donné l’objectif d’accorder un premier rendez-vous en personne avec un agent d’aide à l’intégration « dans les cinq premiers jours ouvrables » suivant l’arrivée au Québec.
À l’heure actuelle, les personnes immigrantes qui arrivent à l’aéroport reçoivent seulement une pochette d’information. Et seulement un immigrant sur deux est rencontré au bureau du ministère de l’Immigration à l’aéroport, rapporte le ministre.
Finalement, les personnes immigrantes seront invitées à suivre la session Objectif intégration. Celle-ci doit permettre de se familiariser avec la réalité socioculturelle du Québec et les caractéristiques du marché du travail. La personne qui complète la session touchera une allocation de 185 $.
« C’est vraiment une approche qui permet de donner les clefs du succès pour l’intégration pour la connaissance de la société québécoise, pour que la personne ait tous les outils en main, qu’elle ne soit pas perdue », a illustré le ministre Jolin-Barrette.
Pour déployer le système, Québec embauchera 78 agents d’aide à l’intégration – un poste nouvellement créé. Ils seront chargés d’évaluer les besoins de la personne immigrante, d’élaborer un plan individualisé, d’orienter la personne vers les ressources appropriées et d’assurer le suivi. À terme, il y aura 84 intervenants.
Employeurs contents
Cette partie de la réforme du système d’immigration a été applaudie par les associations d’employeurs, comme cela avait été le cas pour le système Arrima et pour la bonification des programmes de francisation.
Le groupe Manufacturiers et exportateurs du Québec a salué le Parcours d’accompagnement personnalisé, souhaitant qu’il « favorise l’intégration des travailleurs immigrants et que ces derniers soient bien informés des opportunités qui existent dans le secteur manufacturier, particulièrement en région, et du processus de reconnaissance des acquis. S’ils sont bien préparés pour le marché du travail, ils pourront s’intégrer et progresser plus rapidement. Cette une approche gagnante pour les travailleurs et pour les employeurs », a commenté la présidente-directrice générale, Véronique Proulx.
La Fédération des chambres de commerce du Québec a abondé dans le même sens. « L’accompagnement personnalisé permettra d’assurer un suivi rigoureux de l’évolution de la personne immigrante et ajustera, au besoin, le plan d’action, afin d’offrir un service adapté aux besoins de chaque candidat, ce qui est une mesure bénéfique qui viendra assurer leur entrée rapide sur le marché québécois », s’est réjoui son président, Stéphane Forget.
Depressing but not surprising. Strong beliefs lead to more “automatic thinking,” to use Kahneman’s terminology rather than questioning a belief or being more open to different beliefs:
A new study found Canadians who hold strong partisan beliefs are more likely to be misinformed about key political issues than more politically neutral voters.
Data released Wednesday by the Digital Democracy Project found “strong partisan” Canadians were more often incorrect when answering a set of 10 basic questions about current political issues. Those who had no partisan affiliation, or weaker ties to a political party, were less likely to give an incorrect answer.
The study asked 10 questions that had relatively clear answers — like whether or not Canada is currently on track to meet climate change commitments under the Paris Accord (no), or whether the deficit was greater in 2018 than it was in 2015 (yes).
The results suggest the more partisan a voter is, the more likely they are to give an incorrect answer. But they also suggest — perhaps counterintuitively — that the more traditional news Canadians consume, and the more time they spend on social media, the more likely they were to give an incorrect answer.
“Media consumption is as often equipping partisans with arguments to support their position as it is correcting them on facts, because the facts on these things are actually kind of hard to pin down,” said University of Toronto Professor Peter Loewen, one of the academics behind the study, on Wednesday.
“Over the course of the (federal election) campaign I think you’re going to find that people are going to have different sets of facts depending on what their views are, and they’re going to find those informed by what they read in traditional media outlets.”
The Digital Democracy Project is a partnership between the Public Policy Forum and the Max Bell School of Public Policy at McGill University. In the weeks leading up to the federal election, the project is tracking Canadians’ media consumption, social media usage, and the digital discussion around Canadian politics to put together a picture of how political information flows through the electorate.
The initial report, released publicly Thursday, found most Canadians trust traditional media organizations to accurately report political news. The survey asked respondents to rank their trust on a scale of zero to 10.
“Canadians trust mainstream news organizations (5.8) at similar levels as their friends and family (6.0). Canadians are comparatively much less trusting of the information provided by major political parties (4.8), and in what they read on social media (3.3 for all respondents, 4.2 for respondents who indicated they used social media for political news in the past week),” the report stated.
And unlike American voters, Canadians don’t seem to choose where they get their news from based on their partisan leanings. Liberal, Conservative and NDP voters reported they get their news from roughly the same outlets, with CTV Online and CBC Online leading across partisan lines.
But the report also found a disconnect between what voters are concerned about and what political issues take up the most oxygen in the press.
Respondents to the survey listed the environment, health care and the economy as the three most pressing issues. Looking at the Twitter conversations of a sample of 300 journalists, the report found that while a lot of discussion was devoted to environmental issues, the journalists paid little attention to health care and almost no attention at all to the economy.
On the other hand, the journalists spent a lot of time talking about ethical issues (think: the SNC-Lavalin affair) and foreign affairs, the public listed both categories as much less important.
Malaysia’s move to introduce Arabic script in the Malay language syllabus for primary school has upset non-Malay groups and stirred fears of creeping Islamisation in the racially diverse country.
Tamil and Chinese educationist groups on Monday (Aug 5) said they would meet Deputy Education Minister Teo Nie Ching on the plan to teach Malay-Arabic calligraphy, also known as Jawi or “khat” writing, as part of the Bahasa Melayu subject. The language is currently taught and written using Roman script, but was in the past commonly written in Jawi.
“We are not against the multicultural elements in the country nor are we against Jawi script or the Malay language. We feel with the new syllabus, the teachers and the students will carry a huge burden on their back,” the groups said after meeting at the headquarters of Chinese educationist group Dong Zong.
The Education Ministry’s announcement last week that it would include “khat” in the Year 4 syllabus for 10-year-olds next year has led to a barrage of criticism, with some lamenting that children are being overburdened, and other saying it is a way of Islamising young minds.
A total of 138 officials and assemblymen from the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party (DAP), which is part of the ruling Pakatan Harapan coalition, have publicly opposed the plan and urged ministers from the party to do the same.
But DAP stalwart Lim Kit Siang warned Malaysians on Monday that the divisive discourse was a political ploy.
“We must be careful not to fall into the trap of conspirators who want to pit race against race, religion against religion to arouse suspicion, distrust and hatred in our plural society to regain political power,” he said in a statement.
Over the weekend, he defended the proposal, saying that he had taught himself Jawi while detained in prison under the Internal Security Act in 1969.
“It did not make me any less of a Chinese, and may have helped in making me more of a Malaysian,” he said.
Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said last Saturday that the plan would go ahead, noting that the government has never objected to other forms of writing including in Chinese.
The move to add six pages on khat and Jawi in textbooks for all students, including in vernacular schools, had been planned since 2014 as part of a revamp of the syllabus and was meant to “inculcate the values of the legacy of the Malay language and national identity”, the Education Ministry said.
Jawi script can be seen across the country on road signs, state emblems and ringgit notes, and was once taught in schools. Malay students currently learn it as part of Islamic studies.
Education Minister Maszlee Malik has denied that the move is aimed at Islamisation of vernacular schools, where the medium of instruction is Mandarin or Tamil. These schools are largely attended by non-Malays, whereas the Malay-Muslim community mainly attend national type schools where the medium of instruction is Malay.
Deputy Minister Teo has received some 36,000 comments to her Facebook post on the issue, many of which expressed unhappiness. One parent, upset that the DAP has not taken a stronger stance against the move, threw eggs at the party’s office in Perak.
The backlash has also caused tensions to rise among the Malays. On Monday, Mr Ismail Sabri Yaakob, vice-president of opposition party Umno said: “Don’t make Malays question the rights given to the Chinese such as Chinese schools… I am warning Dong Zong, Jiao Zong and DAP, enough is enough!” Jiao Zong is another Chinese educationist group.
Professor James Chin, director of the Asia Institute Tasmania, University of Tasmania, said that there is already a section on Jawi, Chinese and Tamil calligraphy in Year 4 Bahasa Melayu textbooks for vernacular schools.
The uproar shows that “there is a lot of suspicion over Maszlee and the Education Ministry trying to Islamise the schoolchildren,” he said, adding that the issue had become “so politicised”.