Mukakayumba: Le mot en n vu de l’intérieur

More good commentary on the Radio Canada/CRTC controversy over the use of the N word. Context matters:

Je tiens, d’abord, à joindre ma voix à toutes celles et à tous ceux qui ont protesté contre la décision du CRTC relativement à la plainte déposée par Ricardo Lamour à propos de l’utilisation du mot en n à quatre reprises dans un segment de l’émission Le 15-18 animée par Annie Desrochers sur ICI Radio-Canada Première dans le Grand Montréal, le 17 août 2020. De mon point de vue, Radio-Canada n’aurait pas dû s’excuser. C’est donc avec tristesse que j’apprends qu’elle a fini par céder. Je me réjouis naturellement de sa décision de porter la cause en appel. D’ici là, j’ose espérer qu’une tribune sera offerte aux voix dissidentes, le plaignant ne représentant, à mon avis, que lui-même.

Depuis l’éclatement de la première crise autour du mot en n, je me demande pourquoi le mot lui-même n’est pas nommé. Qu’y a-t-il de mal à utiliser le mot « nègre » ? Originaire de l’Afrique noire, plus exactement du Rwanda, je vis au Québec depuis 1974 ; cela fera donc 50 ans en 2024. Il va de soi qu’à ce titre, il m’est arrivé d’avoir été traitée de négresse. Je n’y ai rien vu de grave, sinon de la méconnaissance ou de la mauvaise foi, à l’occasion, dans le ton. Du racisme, j’en ai vécu pourtant. Reste que le mot en n, que certains jugent si blessant qu’ils veulent le faire disparaître, n’a jamais été prononcé durant le pire épisode que j’ai connu, à compter de 2005, à l’UQAC (Université du Québec à Chicoutimi). Une descente aux enfers que je raconte dans La géographie en question (Armand Colin, 2012).

J’estime, pourtant, moi, une femme noire, que Radio-Canada n’avait aucune raison de s’excuser, auprès de qui que ce soit, pour avoir cité à quatre reprises le titre du livre de Pierre Vallières Nègres blancs d’Amérique. Ce propos s’appuie sur deux points en particulier.

Premièrement, je trouve excellents les propos tenus par Simon Jodoin à cette émission. Changer le mot « nègres » du titre pour le « mot en n » aurait eu pour effet d’induire les lecteurs et les auditeurs en erreur. Deuxièmement, je souscris entièrement aux raisons invoquées par l’ensemble des protestataires pour critiquer la décision absurde du CRTC, plus spécialement à celles formulées dans la lettre signée par l’ex-ombudsman de Radio-Canada Guy Gendron et 13 autres personnes qui sont des têtes d’affiche de la SRC.

Outre « l’indépendance du diffuseur public en ce qui a trait à [une] liberté d’expression » à préserver, je soutiens l’observation énoncée ci-après : « le fait que le CRTC, par sa décision, nie l’histoire du Québec et, dans ce cas particulier, un épisode où des penseurs francophones du Canada et des Noirs américains se rapprochaient au nom d’une discrimination que l’on dirait aujourd’hui “systémique” et qu’ils estimaient partagée ».

La preuve par trois

Il est important de se rappeler qu’au-delà de l’histoire du Québec, la décision du CRTC nie des pans importants de l’histoire universelle, plus particulièrement de celle qui se rapporte aux peuples noirs. Comme en témoignent les trois cas suivants, choisis parmi tant d’autres, une partie de cette histoire a été marquée par la réappropriation du mot « nègre » et de son féminin, le mot « négresse », par les personnes identifiées aux Noirs, qui les ont utilisés dans différents combats visant leur affranchissement.

Le premier cas qui me touche, en tant que Québécoise francophone d’origine africaine, se rapporte à la publication, en 1978, du livre La parole aux négresses par la Sénégalaise Awa Thiam aux Éditions Denoël. Préfacé par Benoite Groulx et considéré comme le livre fondateur du féminisme africain francophone, ce livre n’est-il pas un exemple éloquent du rapprochement des peuples — sous le leadership d’une femme noire et d’une femme blanche — pour exprimer leur combat commun contre différentes formes de domination, celle basée sur le genre n’étant qu’une parmi d’autres ? Qu’adviendrait-il de cette partie de l’histoire du féminisme si le terme « négresse » devait être banni du langage des médias et, corrélativement, des salles de cours, ou de n’importe quel autre espace public ?

Le deuxième cas concerne le mouvement de la négritude, fondé à Paris à compter des années 1930 par des écrivains africains et antillais. Les plus connus de ces derniers, le Martiniquais Aimé Césaire, le Guyanais Léon-Gontran Damas et le Sénégalais Léopold Sédar Senghor, ont lancé un mouvement littéraire et politique d’affirmation de l’identité et de la culture des peuples noirs de leur temps. L’expansion de ce mouvement à l’ensemble des luttes des Noirs — des mondes francophones, voire des mondes anglophones (surtout aux États-Unis) — en a fait un mouvement général de lutte de libération de ces derniers contre toutes les formes de domination, y compris la colonisation et l’esclavage.

Lorsqu’on se donne la peine de bien écouter le « segment coupable » du 15-18, on ne peut que remercier Simon Jodoin pour les liens qu’il établit entre l’ensemble des peuples opprimés.

Le troisième cas, plus près de nous, est en lien avec le roman Comment faire l’amour avec un nègre sans se fatiguer publié par Dany Laferrière en 1985. Réédité et porté au cinéma en 1989, cet ouvrage est considéré comme un classique de la littérature québécoise. Quant à son auteur, élu membre de l’Académie française en 2013, il est reconnu comme un écrivain majeur de la littérature d’expression française.

Alimenter la confusion

Au regard de ces trois exemples, la question qui se pose face aux exigences de certains de nos concitoyens qui ne voudraient pas entendre parler du mot « nègre » est la suivante : qu’adviendrait-il de ces pans de l’histoire de l’humanité si les institutions comme le CRTC leur donnaient chaque fois raison ? Serions-nous prêts, collectivement, à sacrifier notre capacité d’apprendre et de comprendre les enjeux, passés et actuels, de notre société, allant du local au planétaire, parce que quelques personnes montent au créneau chaque fois que le mot en n est prononcé ?

Le plus troublant dans cette histoire est le racisme à l’envers qu’il suppose. Selon ce prisme, l’oeuvre de Vallières devrait être bannie, et du langage et de l’espace public, et ce, en dépit de sa valeur historique reconnue. Devrait-on réserver le même sort au roman de Dany Laferrière ? La question mérite d’être débattue.

En fin de compte, bien que je sois une femme noire, je ne me sens pas représentée par les quelques personnes qui cherchent à faire disparaître ce mot sans raison valable. Toute l’agitation autour de ce sujet depuis le début de 2022 ne fait que créer de la confusion et masquer les problèmes réels.

Je ne voudrais pas terminer ce texte sans dire au peuple québécois, qui m’a accueillie et m’a choyée depuis bientôt 50 ans, que je l’aime de tout mon coeur et qu’il est le meilleur au monde. Mais surtout, je tiens à l’inviter à faire attention aux racistes de tous acabits. Ce ne sont pas toujours ceux qu’on croit.

Source: Le mot en n vu de l’intérieur

Cardozo: Ontario needs a serious multiculturalism policy and minister

Answer: All of them.

In terms of the specific recommendations, some are more concrete and likely to have an impact, some less so. And a number are already happening to a certain extent:

Is the role of the Minister of Multiculturalism a throw-away gig or an entry-level job? Is it primarily to help the party in power recruit ethnocultural voters for the next election?

Or is it a portfolio that can address important and complex societal issues that are becoming increasingly critical in Ontario, Canada, and elsewhere?

I am going to argue the last option. That is what Ontario needs today.

Over the last 50 years, various ministers have been responsible for multiculturalism, usually under another guise such as citizenship or anti-racism.

In 2022, here are 10 clear steps that the minister and ministry should be taking.

The minister should promote a general policy of respect for the cultural, racial and religious diversity that is the reality of Ontario, especially in its cities, big and small.

The minister should develop an anti-racism policy to help Ontarians address discrimination and inequality. (This policy existed under the previous Liberal government but was cancelled by the Ford Progressive Conservatives.) It must address rapidly increasing online hate and polarization, plus bullying, violence and overt hate groups. Anti-Semitism has reached new depths where Jews avoid wearing a kippah on the subway. Anti-Black racism is only too evident in policing and elsewhere. Islamophobia is on the rise.

Generally, the minister should work with many other ministries to ensure they all do their bit to advance equality and inclusiveness and eliminate polarization and hate.

The minister should lead a cabinet committee of key minsters to address the issues across government. Members could include the attorney general and solicitor general, plus the ministers of education, colleges and universities, health, social services and environment.

The minister should expanding the number of minorities appointed to boards and commissions.

The minister should include reconciliation with Indigenous peoples as a key part of diversity, addressing historical wrongs and ongoing discrimination.

The minister should address challenges faced by women from various minority communities.

The minister should work with TVO and TFO, the province’s educational networks in English and French, to ensure they broadcast diversity in meaningful ways

The ministry should work with cultural agencies such as the Ontario Arts Council, the Ontario Art Gallery, the Royal Ontario Museum and the Ontario Trillium Foundation to ensure they reflect and fund the diverse reality of Ontarians and create dialogues on diversity.

The ministry should working with the business community, labour and NGOs to advance a better understanding of diversity and a sustained campaign against racism.

Let’s have legislation that codifies what provincial ministries should be doing: an Ontario Multiculturalism Act. Make it the law.

And now we see the new minister is the rookie MPP, the Premier’s nephew, Michael Ford. Oy vey!

These are complex and sensitive issues that require listening, building, funding, explaining and encouraging. The post requires a strong seasoned leader who can engage Canadians of all backgrounds in a serious dialogue. This is not about sending the kid out to the festivals to keep the ethnics happy!

Whether he is up to the sensitive and courageous job is the second issue though. The first is whether his uncle wants to get serious about what a good multiculturalism policy has to offer Ontario.

Note to the mainstream media corps at Queens Park: Please, please, please don’t write this off as the minister for recruiting ethnic voters to the PC Party (and I’m not sure Michael Ford the needed charisma or experience for that role).

Rather, please report on the issues that are tearing our society apart as well as the many attempts to make things better.

Ironically, as a right-of-centre semi-populist white guy, Doug Ford may have the unique ability at this time in our history to address these issues and convince everyday folks that diversity can be beneficial to all, that getting along may be better than the culture wars of fear and excluding the other. He managed to avoid the anti-vaxxers’ rancor. Maybe he can do it here too.

Andrew Cardozo is president of the Pearson Centre and co-editor of The Battle over Multiculturalism.

Source: Cardozo: Ontario needs a serious multiculturalism policy and minister

New Zealand launches new immigration visa category, opens from September | Mint

Higher threshold than most, along with focus on active not passive investment:

To attract experienced, high-value investors to invest in domestic businesses, the New Zealand government has created a new investor migrant visa category. The new Active Investor Plus visa category will replace the existing Investor 1 and Investor 2 visa categories. Eligibility criteria for New Zealand’s Active Investor Plus visa category includes a minimum $5 million investment and only 50% of that can be invested in listed equities.

“We have so many fantastic businesses in New Zealand that are making a real name for themselves in the global marketplace. Our Government has a goal to support these businesses to grow into even more successful global brands, and updating our investor visa settings is a key part of our strategy to attract high-value investors,” Economic and Regional Development Minister Stuart Nash said.

Source: New Zealand launches new immigration visa category, opens from September | Mint

Lynch: Federal government must better deliver core services [more interesting would be his reflections on how Service Canada didn’t live up to its promise]

Hard to disagree with Kevin’s arguments about what is ailing the federal government nor his prescriptions to address these issues, which reflect a reasonable and, more debatable given the need for political buy-in, approach to addressing these.

However, what he leaves out is any reflection on the creation of Service Canada and how the government and the bureaucracy pulled back on Service Canada’s potential to develop and implement citizen-centred service and reverse, or at least rebalance, towards service delivery compared to policy and program development.

He was the Clerk at the time and his insights on the reasons for the pullback would be more insightful than the more general points he makes.

When Clerk, the aggressive and innovative (but certainly not risk free) Deputy was replaced by a much more cautious Deputy, likely chosen deliberately to engineer the pull-back.

More generally, he is silent on the bias within the public service culture for policy and program development, rather than service delivery. He, of course, as one of the most brilliant policy minds of that period, exemplifies that bias:

What is going on with the delivery of government services?

What do the provision of passports, airport security screening, immigration processing, dealing with refugee claims, military procurement, public service payroll systems, keeping border crossings open, preserving public order in the nation’s capital, handling harassment in the military, responding to the mass casualties in Nova Scotia and enforcing anti-money laundering have in common?

All are core government services and they are not being delivered well at all.

Canadians certainly differ in what they think of the government’s proposed policy initiatives. But the unasked question is, can the government actually deliver on them while maintaining the core public services Canadians expect? Indeed, critics accuse this government of being more about announcements than implementation, that it is not focussed on, or good at, delivery.

Delivering requires complex, exhausting, and time-consuming work by a highly capable and empowered workforce of public servants. That it’s not being done well suggests that the delivery issue is not solely the fault of the politicians, that it also lies in the hands of the public service.

If you believe what government does and how it does it matter, then less-than-quality delivery of public services neither serves the public interest nor bolsters the public’s trust in our institutions of government.

The questions are why is this happening, and what can be done? As with any complex problem, there are multiple reasons, but four stand out.

The first is that the sheer volume of new policy initiatives of the Trudeau government is a major impediment to implementation. In either the private or public sector, there is only a limited number of priorities you can manage well, and it’s often said that a government with too many priorities is a government with none. Efficient and timely implementation of policy promises and effective oversight of core government services is the unintended casualty of over-crowded policy agendas.

The second is excessive centralization of power and control in the Prime Minister’s Office. As more and more decision making, on more and more aspects of both policy and operations, as well as communications, is centralized in the PMO, the consequences for effective cabinet governance, ministerial accountability and the role of a professional public service are profound.

The third reason is a compliance regime run amok. In government today there are too many layers of checking, too much reporting and too many different central agencies involved in oversight, all in the name of compliance. This consumes a ridiculous amount of a department’s time and resources, and encourages excessive process, paper work and caution. The end result is risk aversion, not effective risk management.

And fourth is a bureaucracy that spends too much time in reactive mode, too little time on professional advice and getting things done, and is burdened by a proliferation of self-inflicted red tape. The public service has under-invested in hiring the new skills it needs, such as digital operations, data analytics, and project management. Its advice to ministers is too often vetted in advance by political staff rather than discussed when received by ministers. These practices influence public service culture, where today there is reduced emphasis on “speaking truth to power” and taking initiative to “get things done.”

What can be done?

The start would be for the government, and Parliament, to recognize that there is a real and present problem with policy and program delivery. Time will tell whether the Prime Minister’s recent creation of a special ministers’ task force on service delivery will actually move beyond the announcement phase.

The fixing of the problem will take pragmatism, determination, common sense and non-partisanship. Here are some ingredients of a solution.

First, back to basics for ministerial mandate letters. No more lists of 40 to 50 priorities. Instead, focus on the key priorities for ministers and their departments and the expected outcomes and delivery milestones, and abolish the endless reporting back to the PMO. This would re-establish clear accountability for policy and program execution by ministers and departmental officials.

Second, let ministers be Ministers again. Implement the Prime Minister’s promise when he took office in 2015 to move away from excessive centralization of control in the PMO. This is necessary for better governance as well as improved policy and program execution. Ministerial accountability and collective cabinet decision making, not the PMO, are central to our Westminster system of government. Ministers should select their own staff, be responsible for their communications and stand accountable for departmental activities and outcomes.

Third, tackle the compliance morass. This will require eliminating overlap in oversight mechanisms, reducing controls, cutting red tape, stopping needless reporting, and chopping the number of people on the compliance side of government. To do this well, and enhance public trust, an independent external group composed of experts in compliance should provide a clear, focussed and expedited roadmap for reform. In so doing, they could also advise on whether changes to the 15-year-old Accountability Act are needed as well. A further step would be to reform procurement, which has grown complex, risk-averse, and so prone to administrative challenge that it serves no one well.

Fourth, stop the slide toward a reactive “administrative service.” This requires a clear undertaking by the Clerk of the Privy Council to reinforce the core tenets and key capabilities of a proactive, independent public service. Restore the non-partisan voice of the public service to provide frank, unvetted, professional advice to ministers.

And fifth, do something now. What is essential for the credibility of the government is to show it is serious about improving the delivery of core government services and programs. Canadians would prefer better government to bigger government. Fixing the unacceptable problems with passport renewals, airport screening and immigration processing would be good places to start.

Good government is about more than lofty rhetoric. It’s about turning worthy intentions into reality for Canadians through effective and efficient delivery of government programs and services. Canadians invest great responsibility and power in their elected governments; in return, they rightly expect peace, order, and good government.

Source: Lynch: Federal government must better deliver core services

Immigrant population rises in France, but so does discrimination

Interesting studies:

Two studies have released data highlighting the persistent discrimination immigrants face in France. The data reveals that although a large swath of France’s population has immigrant ancestry, discrimination in French society is still high.

Two landmark new studies in France are bursting myths about immigration at a time when xenophobic far-right discourse has gained ground. They show that the children of immigrants are increasingly melting into French society but some with African and Asian backgrounds face persistent discrimination.

Karima Simmou, French-Moroccan student at the prestigious Paris university Sciences Po, embodies the phenomenon.

She comes from a working-class family of eight children, with a mother who raised the family and a father who worked as a miner in western France. She was pushed by her family to go to the elite school.

The children and grandchildren of immigrants from Africa and Asia are well integrated in the French educational system compared with their elders, according to another report. Data show they have increasingly higher education levels than their parents, though many struggle to attain comparable educational levels to French people without immigrant heritage.

And getting jobs is harder, too: 60% of those with non-European roots hold intermediate or high-level jobs, compared with 70% of French people without direct immigrant kinship.

Ined researcher Mathieu Ichou noted two possible explanations for the hiring discrepancy.

“Several surveys, data and audit studies backed up that hiring is not favorable to minorities, and they experience discrimination. France is pretty bad regarding this issue, compared to other European countries,” he said.

Also, Mr. Ichou said, “minorities tend to be underrepresented in the French elite schools.”

Source: Immigrant population rises in France, but so does discrimination

Momani: Biden’s futile trip to Saudi Arabia

Of note. Pivoting to address new circumstances has consequences:

American President Joe Biden’s trip to Saudi Arabia this past weekend was bad theatre. At best it gave the impression of him addressing American consumers’ woes and at worst reaffirmed every skeptic’s view of hypocritical U.S. foreign policy. Make no mistake – this trip would not have happened were it not for Mr. Biden’s dwindling approval ratings at home, attributed in part to rising inflation and growing fears of a recession. Both economic woes are tied to high energy costs caused by Russia’s war on Ukraine.

Biden administration officials provided a laundry list of reasons for the President’s trip, from the long-time favourite of “promoting peace in the Middle East” to getting the Saudis to increase oil production to ease prices on American consumers. But geopolitical and oil market experts had rightly assessed that nothing substantive would come from this trip when it came to either issue. Despite Israeli-Saudi commercial, defence and intelligence ties being at an all-time high, the frail and elderly King Salman was not expected to sign a formal peace treaty with the Israelis. He will instead leave this to his son, Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman (MBS), to ink when he becomes king.

On oil, Saudi Arabia is already pumping crude at record levels and has very little spare capacity for export. Saudi Arabia’s scorching summer heat also means it has high energy needs of its own to power its air conditioners. Hence while Saudi officials paid lip service to providing the world with a stable supply of crude oil, few expected any substantive change to its output levels. Unsurprisingly, oil prices have not decreased since Biden’s Saudi trip.

Yet, this trip’s futility highlights a recurrent issue in U.S. foreign policy. It was only a few short years ago that Mr. Biden, then on the presidential campaign trail, said he would make Saudi Arabia “a pariah” for its involvement in the brutal murder of Washington Post journalist and Saudi democracy activist, Jamal Khashoggi. There has been little change in U.S. foreign policy toward Saudi Arabia during Biden’s time as President, but at minimum the soon-to-be ruler of the oil-rich kingdom was seen as persona non grata in international forums. At G20 meetings, most Western leaders went to great lengths to avoid being pictured with the ostracized monarch.

Of course, leaders of China and Russia have been quite happy to be seen with MBS. They have continued to make lucrative deals with the world’s largest oil exporter and weapons importer. For much of the world, business and realpolitik sadly eclipses any notion of a human rights-based foreign policy. While many may have scoffed at Donald Trump’s transactional foreign policy during his time in the presidential office, it can at least be said that he was transparent about courting Saudi Arabia for its money alone. He boasted at having encouraged them to buy more U.S. arms and to allow further American investment in the Kingdom.

Mr. Biden claimed U.S. foreign policy would change from the Trump era. Yet there was Mr. Biden this weekend giving MBS a fist-bump and proceeding to sit across the table from the man who, for ordering the dismemberment of Mr. Khashoggi’s body, was dubbed Mr. Bone Saw. Saudi media reported that MBS used the meeting with Biden to point out the U.S.’s own human rights failures, from the 2004 Abu Ghraib prison abuses when the U.S. occupied Iraq to the most recent whitewashing of the killing of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh.

There are consequences to this U.S. hypocrisy. When the West asked for support in condemning Russia for its brutal war and occupation of Ukraine, it was no wonder that so many long-time U.S. allies declined to support a UN resolution condemning Russia. Across the world, states have rebuffed the U.S. and the West, instead choosing to continue to do business with Vladimir Putin’s regime despite the horrors it inflicts on Ukraine. They have rejected the West’s normative framing of the war on Ukraine as one of Western values of democracy versus autocracy.

After all, it only took Mr. Biden two years for an about-face on an autocratic Saudi Arabia. How long will it be before the West capitulates and imports Russian oil and grain, or calls the occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea and the Donbas “facts on the ground.” The consequences of Mr. Biden’s trip to Saudi Arabia is an affirmation of what has long been skeptics’ view of U.S. foreign policy: self-serving and hypocritical.

Bessma Momani is professor in the department of political science at the University of Waterloo and senior fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation.

Source: Biden’s futile trip to Saudi Arabia

USA: Federal Government Faces Thousands of Lawsuits Over Immigration Backlog

USCIS, like Canada’s Passport program, operates on a revolving fund meaning that as demand rises and falls, so do revenues. And like Canada, program streamlining and simplification are needed in any case:

Despite pledges from the Biden administration last year to combat processing delays and backlogs at U.S. immigration agencies, a new report published by Syracuse University findsthat by the end of FY 2022 in September, over 6,000 lawsuits will have been filed against the federal government since September 2021 to compel action from U.S. immigration authorities. This is a 50 percent increase in lawsuits compared to the previous fiscal year.

But President Joe Biden can only shoulder so much of the blame. Shortly after former President Donald Trump took office in January 2017, the federal government implemented a broad hiring freeze on all nonmilitary employees that lasted for several months. In February 2020, the Trump administration directly targeted U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), freezing hiring for all nonasylum agent employees. Funded by the fees on paperwork submissions, USCIS’ revenue dried up during the COVID-19 pandemic as applications dwindled, prompting the administration to furlough three-quarters of the government’s immigration work force in the summer of 2020. Even though the furlough was resolved in August 2020 by Congress, many employees left the agency permanently, worried that it would become a permanent layoff.

Source: Federal Government Faces Thousands of Lawsuits Over Immigration Backlog

This Pioneering Economist Says Our Obsession With Growth Must End

Hard to see how countries will wean themselves off this obsession, even as we see the negative effects on the environment and society. Definitely asking the right ethnical and value questions:

Growth is the be-all and end-all of mainstream economic and political thinking. Without a continually rising G.D.P., we’re told, we risk social instability, declining standards of living and pretty much any hope of progress. But what about the counterintuitive possibility that our current pursuit of growth, rabid as it is and causing such great ecological harm, might be incurring more costs than gains? That possibility — that prioritizing growth is ultimately a losing game — is one that the lauded economist Herman Daly has been exploring for more than 50 years. In so doing, he has developed arguments in favor of a steady-state economy, one that forgoes the insatiable and environmentally destructive hunger for growth, recognizes the physical limitations of our planet and instead seeks a sustainable economic and ecological equilibrium. “Growth is an idol of our present system,” says Daly, emeritus professor at the University of Maryland School of Public Policy, a former senior economist for the World Bank and, along with the likes of Greta Thunberg and Edward Snowden, a recipient of the prestigious Right Livelihood Award (often called the “alternative Nobel”). “Every politician is in favor of growth,” Daly, who is 84, continues, “and no one speaks against growth or in favor of steady state or leveling off. But I think it’s an elementary question to ask: Does growth ever become uneconomic?”

There’s an obvious logic to your fundamental argument in favor of a steady-state economy, which is that the economy, like everything else on the planet, is subject to physical limitations and the laws of thermodynamics and as such can’t be expected to  grow forever. What’s less obvious is how our society would function in a world where the economic pie stops growing. I’ve seen people like Peter Thiel, for example, say that without growth we would ultimately descend into violence.

To me that suggests a fairly limited and grim view of human possibility. Is your view of human nature and our willingness to peacefully share the pie just more hopeful than his? 

First, I’m not against growth of wealth. I think it’s better to be richer than to be poorer. The question is, Does growth, as currently practiced and measured, really increase wealth? Is it making us richer in any aggregate sense, or might it be increasing costs faster than benefits and making us poorer? Mainstream economists don’t have any answer to that. The reason they don’t have any answer to that is that they don’t measure costs. They only measure benefits. That’s what G.D.P. is.

There’s nothing subtracted from G.D.P. But the libertarian notion is logical. If you’re going to be a libertarian, then you can’t accept limits to growth. But limits to growth are there. I recall that Kenneth Boulding said there are two kinds of ethics. There’s a heroic ethic and then there’s an economic ethic. The economic ethic says: Wait a minute, there’s benefits and costs. Let’s weigh the two. We don’t want to charge right over the cliff. Let’s look at the margin. Are we getting better off or worse? The heroic ethic says: Hang the cost! Full speed ahead! Death or victory right now! Forward into growth! I guess that shows a faith that if we create too many problems in the present, the future will learn how to deal with it.

Do you have that faith? [Laughs.] No, I don’t.

Historically we think that economic growth leads to higher standards of living, lower death rates and so on. So don’t we have a moral obligation to pursue it? 

In ecological economics, we’ve tried to make a distinction between development and growth. When something grows, it gets bigger physically by accretion or assimilation of material. When something develops, it gets better in a qualitative sense. It doesn’t have to get bigger. An example of that is computers. You can do fantastic computations now with a small material base in the computer. That’s real development. And the art of living is not synonymous with “more stuff.” People occasionally glimpse this, and then we fall back into more, more, more.

But how would a country continue to raise its standard of living without growing its G.D.P.? 

It’s a false assumption to say that growth is increasing the standard of living in the present world because we measure growth as growth in G.D.P.

If it goes up, does that mean we’re increasing standard of living? We’ve said that it does, but we’ve left out all the costs of increasing G.D.P. We really don’t know that the standard is going up. If you subtract for the deaths and injuries caused by automobile accidents, chemical pollution, wildfires and many other costs induced by excessive growth, it’s not clear at all. Now what I just said is most true for richer countries. Certainly for some other country that’s struggling for subsistence then, by all means, G.D.P. growth increases welfare. They need economic growth. That means that the wealthy part of the world has to make ecological room for the poor to catch up to an acceptable standard of living. That means cutting back on per capita consumption, that we don’t hog all the resources for trivial consumption.

You said “make ecological room,” which brings to mind the arguments you’ve made about how we’ve moved from an empty world to a full one. But how do we know that our world is full and that we’re operating near the limits of the planet’s ecological capacity?

What I call the empty world was full of natural resources that had not been exploited. What I call the full world is now full of people that exploit those resources, and it is empty of the resources that have been depleted and the spaces that have been polluted. So it’s a question of empty of what and full of what. Is it empty of benefits and full of cost? Or full of benefits and empty of cost? That gets to that point of paying attention to the costs of growth.

Aren’t the serious difficulties that we’ve seen during past recessions or periods of stagnant growth indicative of what would happen in a steady-state economy? 

The failure of a growth economy to grow is a disaster. The success of a steady-state economy not to grow is not a disaster. It’s like the difference between an airplane and a helicopter. An airplane is designed for forward motion. If an airplane has to stand still, it’ll crash. A helicopter is designed to stand still, like a hummingbird. So it’s a comparison between two different designs, and the failure of one does not imply the failure or success of the other. But in order to move from our present growth economy to a steady-state economy, that’s going to imply some important design principles — some changes in the fundamental design.

Let’s say that tomorrow the United States government says it recognizes the need for ecological balance and is going to de-emphasize growth. Wouldn’t every other country have to make the same decision for it to have the desired ecological effect? 

That’s a very difficult question. If you try to enact laws for counting the ecological costs of your production in the United States and then you enter into trading relations with another country that does not count the costs, they have a competitive advantage. They may ruin themselves in the long run, but in the short run they’re going to undersell you. This creates huge problems for the free traders because the answer to the problem is to have a tariff to protect the U.S. industry. At one time I would have tended to favor moving toward a global government. I don’t know what changed my mind. Perhaps spending six years at the World Bank made me think that global governance looks like a chimera. I think you’re stuck with nation-states. But this is globalism versus internationalism. Globalism says to erase national boundaries. Let’s have one global system that we manage globally. Internationalism says national boundaries are important, but they’re not the ultimate thing. This was the philosophy behind the Bretton Woods agreements.

We said we have a world of interdependent nations, which are fundamentally separate but try to be cooperative. That’s the model that we’re stuck with. So the best road forward is for nations to try to move toward a steady state and accept the fact that you’re going to need to have some tariffs and hope that the resulting benefits are sufficient to convince other nations to follow suit.

A lot of what you’re talking about has to do with getting humanity — from individuals to corporations to governments — to accept the idea of having “enough” and that constraining the ability to pursue “more” is a good thing. Those ideas are basically anathema to modern Western society and, especially, certain notions of liberty. So what would the inflection point or mechanism be that might move people away from that mind-set of “more”? 

So, how do you envision a successful steady-state economy? First, back up and say, How do you envision a successful steady-state Earth? That question is easier because we live in one. Earth is not expanding. We don’t get new materials, and we don’t export stuff to space. So you have a steady-state Earth, and if you don’t recognize that, well, there’s an education problem. But again, there’s this heroic ethic and economic ethic. Maybe the heroic ethic is the right one, but religion’s counsel is to pay attention to the cost. Don’t make people worse off.

Do your religious beliefs influence your economic ideas? 

I’ll start with the second part of that question. When you study economics, you’re looking at the relationship between ends and means. You want to allocate your means so as to maximally satisfy your ends. But traditionally economics has begun with what I would call intermediate means and intermediate ends. Our intermediate ends might be a good diet, education, a certain amount of leisure, health — the benefits of wealth. We dedicate our means toward these intermediate ends. Our intermediate means are commodities that we’re able to produce: food and industrial goods, education. Economics is going from intermediate means, which are limited, to intermediate ends, which economics says are unlimited. I say, let’s not just talk about intermediate means. Let’s ask what our ultimate means are. What is necessary to satisfy our ends and which we ourselves cannot make but must take as given? Is there an answer to such a big question? I think there is. I learned from my old professor Georgescu-Roegen

that it’s matter and low-entropy energy. You need matter and energy to accomplish your physical ends. But the first law of thermodynamics says that matter and energy can never be destroyed or created. You can change its form, and all processes change that form from low-entropy, useful energy to high-entropy, useless energy. Our ultimate means are constrained by the entropy law. But is there an ultimate end? That’s harder to answer.

Can you give it a shot for me? 

I think we’re all in the position where we have to try to answer it for ourselves. But I can rule out the current answer, which is that growth is the ultimate end. Now, instead of that you could say spiritual improvement is the ultimate end. That gets you into fundamental religious questions: What is the meaning of life? Where did I come from? What’s going to happen when I die? These are questions people used to think of as fundamental. Now they’re marginal, unscientific. My critique of economics as it exists today would be that it is too materialistic because it does not consider the relationship between the ultimate ends and the intermediate ends. At the same time, economics is not materialistic enough because it also refuses to deal with the ultimate means. It doesn’t ask questions about the fundamental limits of the entropic nature of the world, of matter and energy and adapting to these physical limits.

Let me stick with ultimate ends for a second. What do you think the meaning of life is? Everyone has an answer to that, even if it’s just to punt, but I’m a Christian. I do think there’s a creator. I don’t think that you can say life is an accident, which is really what scientific materialism says. Neo-Darwinism has gotten a free ride philosophically for a long time. When you calculate the compound probability of all these infinitesimally probable events happening at once to generate life, it becomes quite absurd. The Neo-Darwinist types say, “Yes, we accept that, that’s mathematics.” It’s totally improbable that life should have originated by chance in our universe. “But we have infinitely many unobserved universes!” Infinitely many universes, unobserved? “Mathematically it could have happened!” And our universe is the lucky one? They look down their noses at religious people who say there’s a creator: That’s unscientific. What’s the scientific view? We won the cosmic lottery. Come on.

You’ve spent a lifetime arguing rationally and diligently for your ideas, and there is real discussion happening about alternatives to an economy predicated solely on growth.But growth is still king. Is that at all disappointing? 

My duty is to do the best I can and put out some ideas. Whether the seed that I plant is going to grow is not up to me. It’s just up to me to plant it and water it. Of course, I don’t think burning the world is ethically mandated by the ultimate end, so I like to see the ideas of ecological and steady-state economics move forward. But you’re asking about disappointment. I get a lot of criticism in the sense of “I don’t like that; that’s unrealistic.” I don’t get criticism in the more rational sense of “Your presuppositions are wrong” or “The logic which you reason from is wrong.” That is a disappointment. Georgescu-Roegen made many of the same arguments, and he was also completely ignored. In his case he had made other contributions to mathematical economics, which should have given credibility to his more radical ideas but didn’t. I lacked that independent thing, so it’s even more unlikely I would be taken seriously. But unlikely things do happen.

Source: This Pioneering Economist Says Our Obsession With Growth Must End

Dwivedi: The politics of rage and disinformation — we ignore it at our peril

A warning against complacency:

From 2016 to 2020, I hosted a morning show on a Toronto talk radio station.

Very soon into the gig, a rather discernable and then predictable pattern emerged: other hosts on the station would promote baseless conspiracy theories or blatant misinformation, such as Justin Trudeau being a George Soros-controlled globalist or that a non-binding motion to condemn Islamophobia would criminalize all criticism of Islam. Then, when the morning show didn’t abide by the same rhetoric, I would see a huge uptick in the volume and vitriol in my email inbox.

One of the more graphic rape threats I received during that time made a reference to burning off my clitoris once I had been gang raped. That morning, I had corrected a false notion circulating in conservative circles, and being bolstered by colleagues at the station, that Canada signing onto the UN Global Compact for Migration would mean Canada would no longer have jurisdiction over its borders or have sovereignty in determining its immigration targets.

It has now been documented that there was a co-ordinated campaign to poison the discourse around the compact by pushing misinformation specifically on the issues of immigration and borders. And it worked. Conservatives in Canada repeated the campaign’s unsubstantiated talking points and worldwide, debate over the compact reached such a pitch, the coalition government in Belgium effectively collapsed.

Misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories don’t exist in a vacuum, nor do they only live online. They spill out into the real world and impact very real people. And when misinformation, disinformation or conspiracy theories target groups of people already on the receiving end of hate, unsurprisingly, the hate experienced by those groups tends to increase.

In the aftermath of the last federal election, one thing that became abundantly clear was that much of our legacy political media seemed either unwilling or unable to report on the very real threat posed by politicians who use misinformation and conspiracy theories as part of their political shtick to appeal to voters.

The People’s Party of Canada (PPC) garnered just over 800 000 votes in the 2021 election, more than double its vote share in the 2019 election. Certainly, not every single PPC voter is an avowed white supremacist, but there were clear ties between the PPC and extremist groups that went largely ignored by legacy media. For example, columns and news coverage alike failed to acknowledge the PPC riding president charged for throwing gravel at the prime minister on the 2021 campaign trail had well-established, explicit ties to the white nationalist movement.

Instead of engaging in substantive discourse on the information ecosystem and political environment that allowed Maxime Bernier, a Harper-era cabinet minister and near-leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, to descend into a conspiracy theory-pushing zealot, our political chattering classes chose instead to focus on righteous indignation, decrying the import of American-style politics into our Canadian sphere.

Then came the “freedom convoy.” Suddenly, white journalists were regularly on the receiving end of deranged diatribes and threats of violence for reporting basic facts, akin to what their Jewish, Muslim, and BIPOC colleagues had experienced for years. There was a glimmer of hope that we’d collectively start to take these issues more seriously.

That was, however, short-lived as the bulk of legacy political media reverted to their natural resting state of being wilfully blind to the conspiracy theory-laden rage in this country and the politicians who encourage it, all under the guise of objectivity coupled with a healthy dose of normalcy bias.

Bernier has been unable to secure a single seat for his party in the last two federal elections, and so it’s easy to write him and the PPC off as having been wholly rejected by the Canadian electorate.

It will become much harder to do that once Pierre Poilievre officially leads the Conservative Party of Canada in September. Poilievre is an enthusiastic and unapologetic peddler of conspiracy theories about the World Economic Forum. As both NDP MP Charlie Angus and CPC MP Michelle Rempel Garner have noted, there is a very real danger in mainstreaming conspiracy theories about a secret elite cabal controlling the country.

There are plenty of fundamentally good and decent Conservatives out there, both inside and outside the official party apparatus, who are uncomfortable with the direction their party is taking. However, there is no indication that a CPC with Poilievre at the helm will feel the need to temper its rhetoric. The party will effectively become a better funded, more organized, more mainstream version of Bernier’s PPC.

It’s easy and even tempting to scoff at that notion. But that is being purposefully ignorant to what has happened to conservatism in a lot of places, including right here. When Conservatives point out Poilievre is the best-placed person to lead the party, they’re not wrong. He very much embodies the modern-day CPC core base: angry, aggrieved, and willing to say anything so long as it dunks on Libs in the process.

The revelations from the Jan. 6 committee hearings in the U.S. should serve as a stark warning to Canadians as to what happens when conspiracy theories and disinformation become mainstreamed by the political establishment. Downplaying or even placating this type of rhetoric poses a fundamental danger to democracy itself. The sooner Canada realizes this, the better off we’ll be.

In the meantime, I look forward to Canadian columnists telling us that we should consider ourselves lucky that we’re not in the same boat as the Americans. After all, our conservatives only actively cheered on and supported the people who were trying to subvert Canadian democracy, they didn’t actually try to subvert it themselves.

Supriya Dwivedi is the director of policy and engagement at the Centre for Media, Technology and Democracy at McGill University and is senior counsel for Enterprise Canada.

Source: The politics of rage and disinformation — we ignore it at our peril

Citizenship-by-Investment: Henley Global Citizens Report 2022 Q2 Press Release

Always interesting to see where the money is going. Canada is on the list for the start-up visa program, which is distinct from most of the other programs listed in terms of being based more on actual investment than just residence (but look forward to an eventual IRCC evaluation to see how effective it is):

“A tsunami of private capital has left Russia and Ukraine, the UK has lost its wealth hub crown, and the US is fading fast as a magnet for the world’s wealthy, with the UAE expected to overtake it by attracting the largest net inflows of millionaires globally in 2022, according to the latest Henley Global Citizens Report, which tracks private wealth and investment migration trends worldwide.

The Q2 report released today by international residence and citizenship by investment advisory firm Henley & Partners exclusively features the latest projected 2022 net inflows and outflows of US dollar millionaires (namely, the difference between the number of HNWIs who relocate to and the number who emigrate from a country) forecast by New World Wealth. The firm is the only known independent wealth research company systematically tracking international private wealth migration trends over the past decade. The HNWI migration figures focus only on people with wealth of USD 1 million or more and who have truly moved — namely, those who stay in their new country more than half of the year.

As expected, Russia has suffered the biggest emigration of millionaires over the past six months, with forecast net outflows of 15,000 by the end of 2022 — a massive 15% of its HNWI population and 9,500 more than in 2019, pre-pandemic. Russia’s invasion is in turn driving a steep spike in outgoing HNWIs from Ukraine, which is predicted to suffer its highest net loss in the country’s history — 2,800 millionaires (42% of its HNWI population) and a net loss of 2,400 more than 2019. No country-specific figures are available for 2020 and 2021 owing to Covid-related lockdowns and travel restrictions.

Top 10 countries gaining and losing millionaires in 2022

Forecast figures in the Henley Global Citizens Report show the top 10 countries in terms of net inflows of HNWIs in 2022 will be the UAE, Australia, Singapore, Israel, Switzerland, the US, Portugal, Greece, Canada, and New Zealand. Large numbers of millionaires are also expected to move to ‘the three Ms’: Malta, Mauritius, and Monaco. On the flip side, the 10 countries where the highest net outflows of HNWIs are predicted are Russia, China, India, Hong Kong, Ukraine, Brazil, the UK, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and Indonesia.

Dr. Juerg Steffen, CEO of Henley & Partners, says HNWI migration was a rising trend over the past decade until, understandably, it dipped in 2020 and 2021 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. ‘The 2022 forecast reflects an extremely volatile environment worldwide. By the end of the year, 88,000 millionaires are expected to have relocated to new countries, 22,000 fewer than in 2019 when 110,000 moved. Next year, the largest millionaire migration flows on record are predicted — 125,000 — as affluent investors and their families earnestly prepare for the new post-Covid world, with an as yet-to-be revealed rearrangement of the global order, and the ever-present threat of climate change as a constant backdrop.’

Andrew Amoils, Head of Research at New World Wealth says HNWI migration figures are an excellent barometer for the health of an economy. ‘Affluent individuals are extremely mobile, and their movements can provide an early warning signal into future country trends. Countries that draw wealthy individuals and families to migrate to their shores tend to be robust, with low crime rates, competitive tax rates, and attractive business opportunities.’

UK and USA – the mighty are falling

According to the latest data, destinations that traditionally attracted wealthy investors are losing their luster. The UK, once touted as the world’s financial center, continues to see a steady loss of millionaires, with net outflows of 1,500 predicted for 2022. This trend began five years ago when the Brexit vote and rising taxes saw more HNWIs leaving the country than entering for the first time. The UK has suffered a total net loss of approximately 12,000 millionaires since 2017.

The appeal of another financial giant, the US, is also dwindling fast. America is notably less popular among migrating millionaires today than pre-Covid, perhaps owing in part to the threat of higher taxes. The country still attracts more HNWIs than it loses to emigration, with a net inflow of 1,500 projected for 2022, although this is a staggering 86% drop from 2019 levels, which saw a net inflow of 10,800 millionaires.

Commenting on the geopolitics of millionaire migration in the Henley Global Citizens Report, award-winning journalist Misha Glenny says private wealth growth is bound to remain anemic in the US this year as political unpredictability looms. ‘In November, the mid-term elections are likely to return a Republican House and possibly the Senate, too. With culture wars between Democrats and Republicans mounting once more with the leaked decision of the Supreme Court to overturn the Roe vs. Wade ruling on abortions, some fear we are entering another period of dramatic instability such as that which characterized the Trump years. As a consequence, some high-net-worth investors will doubtless think twice before committing their wealth to the Americas.’

The UAE’s stellar ascent as a wealth hub

By contrast, the UAE has become the focus of intense interest among affluent investors and is expected to see the highest net influx of HNWIs globally in 2022, with 4,000 forecast — a dramatic increase of 208% versus 2019’s net inflow of 1,300 and one of its largest on record. This mirrors the country’s remarkable rise in the Henley Passport Index rankings over the past decade as it focused on attracting tourism and trade by implementing a succession of mutually reciprocated visa waivers. The UAE is now doing the same with its competitive, agile approach to adapting immigration regulations to attract private wealth, capital, and talent.

Glenny says affluent Russians seeking to escape the impact of the devastating Western sanctions on their country have started to move to the UAE and Israel in large numbers. ‘An underlying pattern was already detectable in advance of the invasion of Ukraine. Well before the imposition of sanctions on the Russian banking system, there was a tsunami of capital leaving the country, largely prompted by the increasingly capricious governing style of President Vladimir Putin and his demands of loyalty made on middle-class and wealthy Russians. They have now come under further pressure from many Western countries, such as Britain, where they had previously made their homes.’

Israel, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore among the big winners 

As Glenny points out, net HNWI inflows are on the rise in Israel, with a figure of 2,500 forecast for 2022 — a significant increase of 79% since 2019.

Long-term high performer Australia consistently attracts large numbers of HNWIs. New World Wealth estimates that over 80,000 US dollar millionaires have moved to the country over the past 20 years. In 2022, the net inflow is expected to be 3,500 — the second-highest globally. Neighboring New Zealand is expected to receive a net inflow of 800 HNWIs in 2022, and Asia’s prime hub of affluence, Singapore, continues to attract millionaires, with net inflows of 2,800 expected — a prolific 87% increase compared to 2019’s figure of 1,500.

Commenting in the Henley Global Citizens Report, FutureMap founder and international bestselling author Dr. Parag Khanna says, ‘Globalization is not dead — and certainly not from the perspective of Asia, where inward capital flows are rising on the back of a post-Covid reopening and genuine investments across the region in productive capacity. With multiple factory floors, multi-trillion-dollar economies, rapid urbanization, a rising middle class, and surging technological penetration, Asia’s continued ascent remains the major economic story of our age.’

China, Hong Kong (SAR China), India, Brazil among the biggest losers 

Wealth emigration is beginning to hurt in China, with net outflows of 10,000 HNWIs expected in 2022. Amoils says, ‘General wealth growth in the country has been slowing over the past few years. As such, recent outflows of HNWIs may be more damaging than in the past. China’s deteriorating relationships with Australia and the US are also a major long-term concern.’

In Hong Kong (SAR China) HNWI departures continue albeit at a slower pace, with projected net millionaire outflows of 3,000 in 2022 (a 29% drop compared to 2019). Brazil’s millionaire exodus is intensifying with net outflows of 2,500 HNWIs predicted — up 79% compared to 2019. India is expected to suffer a net loss of approximately 8,000 HNWIs in 2022, up 14% since 2019 when the net loss was 7,000. However, India produces far more new millionaires than it loses to migration each year.

Commenting on wealth growth projections in the Henley Global Citizens Report, Prof. Trevor Williams, former Chief Economist at Lloyds Bank Commercial, says emerging economies are forecast to boom in the next decade. ‘As the world economy grows, economies in Africa, Latin America, and elsewhere in the Global South are catching up with high-income economies. And as this report shows, they will see a more significant number of millionaires and billionaires in the next decade. For example, the number of HNWIs in Sri Lanka is forecast to increase by 90% by 2031, while India and Mauritius’s millionaire growth is forecast at 80%, and China’s at 50%, compared to 20% in the USA and 10% in France, Germany, Italy, and the UK.’

Relentless uncertainty fuels demand for investment migration 

Henley & Partners received the highest number of investment migration program enquiries on record in the first quarter of 2022 — an increase of 55% compared to the previous quarter, which was itself record-breaking. The top four nationalities currently driving demand are Russians, Indians, Americans, and Brits, and for the first time ever, Ukrainians are in the top 10 globally.

The Portugal Golden Residence Permit Program remains the most popular program in 2022, followed by the St. Kitts and Nevis Citizenship by Investment Program. Next is Canada, with the Canada Start-Up Visa Program the fastest way for entrepreneurs and wealthy individuals to access Canadian residence and the North American market. Rising in popularity this year is the Greece Golden Visa Program, and last in the top five is the Antigua and Barbuda Citizenship by Investment Program.

Dominic Volek, Group Head of Private Clients at Henley & Partners, says historically, many wealthy individuals acquired residence rights or citizenship without moving to those countries. ‘Recent turmoil is causing this to shift — more investors are considering relocating their families to other countries for a range of reasons, from safety and security, to education and healthcare, to climate resilience and even crypto-friendliness. It is important to note that nine of the top ten countries for forecast net HNWI inflows in 2022 host formal investment migration programs, which encourage foreign direct investment in return for the right to reside or citizenship. Investors can now see the value of diversifying their domicile portfolios as the ultimate hedge against both regional and global volatility.’

The Henley Global Citizens Report also features regional insights by investment migration industry leaders representing seven key markets: the AmericasEurope and the UKAfrica, the Middle EastSouth AsiaEast Asia, and Southeast Asia and Oceania alongside expert commentaries by notable private wealth industry leaders such as Albert S. Yeo, President of BDO Private Bank Inc. (Philippines), Bijal Ajinkya, Partner in the Direct Tax, Private Client and Investment Funds Practices of Khaitan & Co (India), Yannick Archambault, Partner and National Leader of the KPMG Family Office in Canada, Matthias Ribback, who manages multi-asset portfolios for US clients of Vontobel Swiss Wealth Advisors AG, Murray Sarelius and Michelle Zhou from KPMG China, Ladi Runsewe, Founder and Chief Executive Officer of UR Family Office (UFO) in Nigeria, Ayuli Jemide, founder of DETAIL Commercial Solicitors (Nigeria), Tim Searle, Chairman of Globaleye (Dubai), and Giles Maynard, Senior Financial Advisor and Regional Manager at Carrick Wealth in South Africa.”

Source: Henley Global Citizens Report 2022 Q2