Polgreen: One of America’s Most Successful Experiments Is Coming to a Shuddering Halt [#immigration]

Good critique of Trump’s National Security Strategy view on immigration:

…Arguments in favor of migration tend to focus either on its economic benefits or its moral claim on the American psyche. But from the nation’s founding these two have been intertwined in ways both productive and confounding. Over the past year, as I’ve written about migration across the globe, I have often asked opponents of migration whether they would prefer to live in a country people flee from or flee toward. The answer, invariably, is the latter. The recent surge in support for immigration reflects, I suspect, that America’s status as the destination of choice for the world’s best minds is an intense source of pride.

It is also a source of strength. Trump clearly prefers the menacing snarl of hard power, but America’s openness to the world’s most ambitious people — and its unique ability to absorb and make use of human talent — has perhaps been its most potent form of soft power. Why try to defeat the world’s richest country when you might have the chance to join it and reap its ample rewards?

That is not the Trump administration’s way of thinking. For all the talk about abolishing D.E.I. in favor of merit, it seems to believe that for Americans to compete with the best of the world, merit must be redefined in nationalist terms, if not entirely set aside. Its National Security Strategy said so explicitly.

“Should merit be smothered, America’s historic advantages in science, technology, industry, defense and innovation will evaporate,” the document states. However, it continues, “we cannot allow meritocracy to be used as a justification to open America’s labor market to the world in the name of finding ‘global talent’ that undercuts American workers.” Trumpism seems to be seeking a form of talent autarky.

This is a radical change, and one that will surely leave the United States poorer, weaker and more isolated. I cannot help but detect in these nativist outbursts against Indian immigrants and their descendants a profound loss of confidence. The protesters repulsed by the towering Hanuman statue saw it as a threat to their culture, religion and traditions. But to me, that glittering hulk of alloyed metal symbolizes something else: the enduring magnetism of America’s promise, tarnished though it may be.

Source: One of America’s Most Successful Experiments Is Coming to a Shuddering Halt

Le Devoir Éditorial | Bouchard-Taylor, un legs ignoré

Good editorial:

À l’hiver 2007, le Québec semblait littéralement au bord de la rupture. Une série d’incidents impliquant des accommodements religieux enflammaient le débat public. L’installation de vitres givrées au YMCA d’Outremont, un jugement de la Cour suprême autorisant le port du kirpan à l’école, le code de vie de la municipalité d’Hérouxville destiné aux immigrants : les manchettes s’enchaînaient, nourrissant une perception de crise identitaire. Dans ce climat d’anxiété collective, le premier ministre Jean Charest annonçait, le 8 février 2007, la création de la Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différences culturelles, confiée à deux éminences : le sociologue Gérard Bouchard et le philosophe Charles Taylor.

M. Charest en appelait alors à une réflexion sensée. « Il est clair que le débat s’enlise et qu’il sert la division plus que la compréhension », rappelait-il au moment de propulser Bouchard-Taylor. Pendant des semaines, les deux commissaires ont sillonné le Québec, permettant à quelque 3400 personnes de participer aux audiences publiques qui faisaient souvent salle comble. Cette vaste consultation populaire a permis de prendre le pouls d’une société profondément divisée sur la question de son identité et de sa relation avec les minorités religieuses. Certains témoignages étaient empreints de préjugés et de peurs irrationnelles, d’autres exprimaient un désir sincère de préserver les acquis de la Révolution tranquille. L’exercice démocratique a été aussi cathartique qu’éprouvant.

Dans leur rapport final, Fonder l’avenir. Le temps de la conciliation, les deux commissaires arrivent à un constat aussi cinglant que libérateur : non, il n’y avait pas de véritable crise des accommodements raisonnables au Québec, et ce, malgré les apparences. Ce que les médias avaient présenté comme une avalanche de demandes déraisonnables formulées au nom de la liberté de religion relevait largement de la distorsion des faits. La commission Bouchard-Taylor conclut que, parmi les cas les plus médiatisés, 71 % s’éloignaient de l’exactitude des faits. L’emballement médiatique avait considérablement enflé la « crise ».

Les commissaires décèlent derrière cette enflure un malaise identitaire dont souffrent plus particulièrement les Québécois d’ascendance canadienne-française. Ceux-ci vivent difficilement leur double statut de majoritaire au Québec mais de minoritaire en Amérique du Nord, et craignent peut-être d’être submergés par les minorités culturelles et d’être dépossédés de leurs valeurs communes. La crise des accommodements camoufle donc une réaction de défense de plusieurs Québécois inquiets de perdre leur identité culturelle.

Le rapport Bouchard-Taylor propose une voie médiane fondée sur l’interculturalisme québécois, un modèle distinct du multiculturalisme canadien et de la laïcité fermée à la française. Les commissaires recommandent notamment d’interdire le port de signes religieux uniquement aux personnes en position d’autorité coercitive — juges, policiers, gardiens de prison, procureurs de la Couronne — tout en permettant leur port ailleurs dans la fonction publique, y compris pour les enseignants. Cette approche visait à équilibrer la neutralité de l’État avec le respect des libertés individuelles. La formule n’est pas retenue.

Sous la gouverne du Parti québécois, le Québec adopte en 2013 la Charte des valeurs, qui propose d’aller plus loin que les recommandations de Bouchard-Taylor. La nation n’en a pas fini de ses crispations identitaires, car le Québec s’entre-déchire autour de cette charte. En 2019, la Coalition avenir Québec présente enfin le projet de loi 21 sur la laïcité de l’État. Sur le modèle de la Charte des valeurs, on y interdit le port de signes religieux aux personnes en position d’autorité, y compris les enseignants du primaire et du secondaire. La loi fait l’objet de vives contestations.

L’adoption de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État marque l’aboutissement d’un processus qui a pris le chemin inverse de celui tracé par Bouchard et Taylor. Là où le rapport de 2008 appelait à la conciliation, à la nuance et au dialogue, le Québec a opté pour une solution législative plus rigide qui, si elle répond aux inquiétudes d’une majorité, pose des questions profondes sur notre capacité collective à vivre ensemble dans le respect de nos différences et force la mise à l’écart de certains groupes.

Le véritable héritage de Bouchard et de Taylor réside dans la démarche qu’ils ont incarnée. À un moment où le Québec aurait pu basculer dans l’intolérance et la xénophobie pure, ils ont rappelé l’importance de l’analyse rigoureuse, de l’écoute et du dialogue. Ils ont démontré que les perceptions pouvaient différer radicalement de la réalité et que les débats identitaires devaient être menés avec intelligence et compassion. Dix-huit ans après leur nomination, Bouchard et Taylor nous rappellent qu’une société mature ne se construit pas sur la peur de l’autre, mais sur la capacité à dialoguer, à comprendre et à chercher des solutions qui honorent à la fois les valeurs collectives et les droits individuels.

Source: Éditorial | Bouchard-Taylor, un legs ignoré

In the winter of 2007, Quebec seemed literally on the verge of rupture. A series of incidents involving religious accommodations inflamed the public debate. The installation of frosted windows at the YMCA of Outremont, a Supreme Court judgment authorizing the wearing of the kirpan at school, the code of life of the municipality of Hérouxville for immigrants: the headlines followed one another, feeding a perception of identity crisis. In this climate of collective anxiety, Prime Minister Jean Charest announced, on February 8, 2007, the creation of the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences, entrusted to two eminences: Sociologist Gérard Bouchard and Philosopher Charles Taylor.

Mr. Charest then called for a sensible reflection. “It is clear that the debate is getting bogged down and that it serves division more than understanding,” he recalled when propelling Bouchard-Taylor. For weeks, the two commissioners crisscrossed Quebec, allowing some 3,400 people to participate in public hearings that were often a fulle. This broad popular consultation made it possible to take the pulse of a deeply divided society on the question of its identity and its relationship with religious minorities. Some testimonies were imbued with prejudices and irrational fears, others expressed a sincere desire to preserve the achievements of the Quiet Revolution. The democratic exercise was as cathartic as it was trying.

In their final report, Founding the Future. At the time of conciliation, the two commissioners came to an observation as scathing as it was liberating: no, there was no real crisis of reasonable accommodation in Quebec, despite appearances. What the media had presented as an avalanche of unreasonable demands made in the name of freedom of religion was largely a matter of distortion of the facts. The Bouchard-Taylor Commission concludes that, among the most publicized cases, 71% were far from the accuracy of the facts. The media runaway had considerably inflated the “crisis”.

The commissioners detect behind this swelling an identity malaise suffered more particularly by Quebecers of Canadian-French descent. They hardly live their dual status as a majority in Quebec but as a minority in North America, and perhaps fear being overwhelmed by cultural minorities and being dispossessed of their common values. The accommodation crisis therefore camouflages a defensive reaction of many Quebecers worried about losing their cultural identity.

The Bouchard-Taylor report proposes a middle path based on Quebec interculturalism, a model distinct from Canadian multiculturalism and French-style secularism. The commissioners recommend in particular that the wearing of religious signs be prohibited only to persons in a position of coercive authority – judges, police officers, prison guards, Crown prosecutors – while allowing their wearing elsewhere in the public service, including for teachers. This approach aimed to balance the neutrality of the State with respect for individual freedoms. The formula is not retained.

Under the leadership of the Parti Québécois, Quebec adopted the Charter of Values in 2013, which proposed to go further than the recommendations of Bouchard-Taylor. The nation has not finished its identity tensions, because Quebec is torn around this charter. In 2019, the Coalition avenir Québec finally presented Bill 21 on the secularism of the state. On the model of the Charter of Values, it prohibits the wearing of religious signs to people in positions of authority, including primary and secondary school teachers. The law is the subject of strong challenges.

The adoption of the State Secularism Act marked the culmination of a process that took the opposite path from that traced by Bouchard and Taylor. Where the 2008 report called for conciliation, nuance and dialogue, Quebec has opted for a more rigid legislative solution that, if it responds to the concerns of a majority, raises deep questions about our collective ability to live together with respect for our differences and forces the exclusion of certain groups.

The true legacy of Bouchard and Taylor lies in the approach they embodied. At a time when Quebec could have turned into intolerance and pure xenophobia, they recalled the importance of rigorous analysis, listening and dialogue. They demonstrated that perceptions could differ radically from reality and that identity debates should be conducted with intelligence and compassion. Eighteen years after their appointment, Bouchard and Taylor remind us that a mature society is not built on the fear of the other, but on the ability to dialogue, understand and seek solutions that honor both collective values and individual rights.

From Bouchard lui-même: Quand l’espoir vient des citoyens

« En haut, en haut ! C’est un grand concept sociologique sophistiqué, ça, en haut ! », s’exclame-t-il d’un ton faussement bourru. Me sentant désarçonné au bout du fil, il éclate d’un grand rire.

Le ton est donné : interviewer Gérard Bouchard sera tout sauf ennuyant. Ce monument de l’histoire et de la sociologie a codirigé la fameuse commission Bouchard-Taylor sur les accommodements raisonnables, a enseigné à Harvard, a écrit de nombreux ouvrages. Et à 81 ans, le sociologue chéri des Québécois est vif, drôle, versant autant dans l’autodérision que dans les critiques acerbes.

Des critiques qu’il dirige beaucoup vers le gouvernement du Québec actuellement. C’est là, « en haut », qu’il déplore les plus grandes dérives. Mon intention n’était pas nécessairement d’amener mon interlocuteur dans l’arène politique, mais il y a sauté lui-même à pieds joints.

Lorsque je lui demande ce qu’il souhaite collectivement aux Québécois pour 2026, sa réponse est immédiate.

« Je souhaiterais que tout le débat sur l’identitaire perde enfin de l’actualité. L’identitaire est un sac vide. Cette affaire-là ne va nulle part. C’est un débat qui divise, mais qui n’ouvre pas sur grand-chose. »

— Gérard Bouchard

Il enchaîne en dénonçant la désinvolture avec laquelle, selon lui, le gouvernement Legault écarte les droits fondamentaux pour imposer sa vision de la laïcité.

« Ça relève d’un sentiment antireligieux, je ne vois pas autre chose, dit-il. L’idée qu’une société, pour être laïque, doit repousser le religieux dans ses derniers retranchements pour qu’il ne soit finalement plus visible du tout… Ce n’est pas un idéal pour une société, ça ! Ou alors, si c’est un idéal, ça en est un qui repose essentiellement sur la violation d’un droit fondamental. »

« On vit encore sur cette espèce de revanche que l’on prend contre les abus du clergé que notre société a subis jusqu’au milieu du XXsiècle, analyse-t-il. On avait de sacrées bonnes raisons de le faire, on a beaucoup souffert. Mais là, il faudrait en finir avec ça. On ne va quand même pas vivre sur ce ressentiment de génération en génération ! »…

“Up, up! It’s a great sophisticated sociological concept, that, at the top! “, he exclaims in a falsely gruff tone. Feeling distraught at the end of the line, he bursts out laughing.

The tone is set: interviewing Gérard Bouchard will be anything but boring. This monument of history and sociology co-led the famous Bouchard-Taylor Commission on Reasonable Accommodations, taught at Harvard, wrote many books. And at 81, the beloved sociologist of Quebecers is lively, funny, pouring as much into self-deprecation as in harsh criticism.

Criticisms that he directs a lot towards the Quebec government currently. It is there, “at the top”, that he deplores the greatest drifts. My intention was not necessarily to bring my interlocutor into the political arena, but he jumped there himself with his feet together.

When I ask him what he collectively wishes for Quebecers for 2026, his answer is immediate.

“I would like the whole debate on identity to finally lose news. The identity is an empty bag. This case is not going anywhere. It is a debate that divides, but does not open up much. ”

— Gérard Bouchard

He continues by denouncing the casualness with which, according to him, the Legault government discards fundamental rights to impose its vision of secularism.

“It’s an anti-religious feeling, I don’t see anything else,” he says. The idea that a society, to be secular, must push the religious to his last entrenchments so that he is finally no longer visible at all… This is not an ideal for a society! Or, if it is an ideal, it is one that is essentially based on the violation of a fundamental right. ”

“We still live on this kind of revenge that we take against the abuse of the clergy that our society suffered until the middle of the 20th century,” he analyzes. We had damn good reasons to do it, we suffered a lot. But now, we should end this. We are still not going to live on this resentment from generation to generation! “…

Year in review and look ahead

Time for my looking back piece, even if a bit self-indulgent.

Most of my time was spent on an analysis of the 2025 election results from a diversity analysis with Jerome Black, highlighting how representation of visible minorities had increased while that of women and Indigenous had stalled. A second area of major work was following and participating in C-3 citizenship discussions and debates. Annual updates on public service diversity and birth tourism, and setting the baseline for appointments that will be made by PM Carney.

2026 will continue with my various annual updates. Jerome Black and I have an analysis in train on the intersectionality of women and visible minority candidate in competitive ridings. I will be analysing the impact of C-3 in relation to age, gender, and country of origin and comparing that with expatriate voting data, given that the latter has grown significantly and the number of expatriate votes cast exceeds the winning margin in a number of ridings. No doubt other issues of interest will emerge.

Lots to keep me busy and engaged, along with maintaining my blog.

Best wishes for the holidays, whichever ones you celebrate.

Print below by my late father.

Citizenship 

Citations

Immigration – Citations

Multiculturalism 

Diversity and Employment Equity

Before the cuts: a bureaucracy baseline from an employment equity lens (Hill Times)

Political Representation 

The diversity of candidates and MPs stalled for some groups in this election (Policy Options, The Hill Times, with Jerome H. Black)

Citations

A Conspicuous Gap May Undermine Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Plan

Interesting argument:

In asking the Supreme Court to let him do away with birthright citizenship, President Trump has urged the justices to restore “the original meaning” of the 14th Amendment.

What the amendment meant when it was ratified in 1868, Mr. Trump’s lawyers said in a brief, was that “children of temporary visitors and illegal aliens are not U.S. citizens by birth.”

The court will hear arguments in the spring to decide whether that is right. There are many tools for assessing the original meaning of a constitutional provision, including the congressional and public debates that surrounded its adoption.

But one important tool has been overlooked in determining the meaning of this amendment: the actions that were taken — and not taken — to challenge the qualifications of members of Congress, who must be citizens, around the time the amendment was ratified.

A new study to be published next month in The Georgetown Law Journal Online fills that gap. It examined the backgrounds of the 584 members who served in Congress from 1865 to 1871 and found good reason to think that more than a dozen of them might not have been citizens under Mr. Trump’s interpretation of the 14th Amendment. But no one thought to file a challenge to their qualifications.

That is, said Amanda Frost, a law professor at the University of Virginia and an author of the study, the constitutional equivalent of the dog that did not bark, which provided a crucial clue in a Sherlock Holmes story.

The study raises new questions about Mr. Trump’s legal battle to narrow protections under the 14th Amendment’s citizenship clause, which says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.”

The Constitution requires members of the House of Representatives to have been citizens for at least seven years, and senators for at least nine. It adds that each House “shall be the judge” of its members’ qualifications.

“If there had been an original understanding that tracked the Trump administration’s executive order,” Professor Frost said, “at least some of these people would have been challenged.”…

Source: A Conspicuous Gap May Undermine Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Plan

USA: The next step was citizenship. Then these immigrants were pulled out of line.

Cruelty personnified:

For immigrants, naturalization ceremonies represent the culmination of their yearslong effort to earn citizenship. In front of a federal judge, permanent residents raise their right hands, repeat the Oath of Allegiance to their new country, and usually wave a small American flag with pride once the judge confirms their citizenship.

On Dec. 4, inside Boston’s Faneuil Hall – a historic site where revolutionaries like Samuel Adams fostered the idea of American freedom – one such event took a turn. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services officers denied entry to several people who showed up for their naturalization ceremony, according to Project Citizenship, a nonprofit providing legal support for those seeking citizenship. Each of these individuals was from one of 19 countries the Trump administration identified as high-security risks under a Dec. 2 Department of Homeland Security memo, which mandated the immediate pausing and review of immigration applications from those countries, including Haiti, Afghanistan, and Venezuela.

What happened at the Boston ceremony is part of a tightening of the naturalization process throughout the country. In late November, New York state Attorney General Letitia James wrote a letter to USCIS questioning its decision to cancel ceremonies in several counties in her state; USCIS said the counties “did not meet the statutory requirements.” On Dec. 9 in Indianapolis, 38 out of 100 prospective citizens were turned away at their ceremony, according to local news reports. Local outlets in Atlanta reported that, on Dec. 12, three immigrants had their oath ceremonies canceled.

The efforts to clamp down on legal immigration pathways follows the shooting of two National Guard members in Washington, one fatally, just before Thanksgiving. An Afghan national, who entered the country legally in 2021 through a program for allies who served alongside the U.S. military, has been charged with first-degree murder. Following that attack, President Donald Trump quickly announced significant immigration restrictions, including a pause on all asylum decisions. This week, the Trump administration added 20 countries to a list of nations whose citizens face full or partial bans on entering the U.S.

Those who apply for naturalization are some of the most thoroughly vetted immigrants in the country. To be eligible, an immigrant must generally have been a lawful permanent resident for at least five years, be a “person of good moral character,” and pass tests in civics and English. The process can take decades, and the oath ceremony is largely seen as a formality.

Gail Breslow, the executive director of Project Citizenship in Boston, said that 21 clients of the organization had their naturalization ceremonies canceled this month. Clients were either pulled out of line at the Dec. 4 ceremony or notified via email that their ceremonies, scheduled for Dec. 4 or Dec. 10, had been canceled.

Source: The next step was citizenship. Then these immigrants were pulled out of line.

Adams et al: Writing a new immigration story for Canada

It’s both, the contribution immigrants make and the limits of absorptive capacity:

…The Canadian success story about immigration we celebrated just a few years ago has changed, and we are now writing a new chapter. The world is changing rapidly in ways that we cannot expect to avoid, and the path forward will be like navigating rapids in a surging river. Sustaining public and political support for the multicultural and immigrant-welcoming society that Canada has built over the past half-century will require a careful balance between the immigration inflow necessary for economic growth and labour market demand, and our collective capacity to ensure a place (that is, a home, a job, health care, education and other essential public services) for everyone, native-born and newcomer alike. The newly-released federal budget appears aimed in this direction, and time will tell whether it helps us reach such balance.

This new chapter calls upon our leaders across all sectors to reframe the narrative around how we think about newcomers who arrive in our country. The tendency is to think of them primarily as people who require housing, jobs and other supports like language training – as a drain on government funding and places pressure on existing resources. Instead we need to focus more on newcomers as an essential influx of talent and needed skills that can help energize our communities and maintain our current standard of living now and into the future.

Source: Writing a new immigration story for Canada

Keller: Canada’s falling population is exactly what the doctor ordered

mmMore from Keller:

…There’s a compelling logic to choosing many permanent immigrants from the temporary resident pool. But with such a large pool, and so many more applicants than permanent residence spaces, Canada can afford to be choosy. For the sake of the economy, we must be choosy. 

Unfortunately, that’s not what Ottawa and the provinces are doing. The Carney government gets a small gold star for a couple of quarters of right-sizing immigration quantity, but it gets a question mark, and even a black mark, when it comes to correcting the significant downgrade in immigration quality and selectivity that took place under the Trudeau government.

Source: Canada’s falling population is exactly what the doctor ordered

Immigration and Crime Shift Canadians Toward Cultural Conservatism

Another survey confirming a shift and partisan differences:

The data reveals a 16-point increase over the past 5 years in hostile views of immigrants.

A clear majority (54%) now believe that immigration threatens traditional Canadian customs and values, up from just 38% in 2020, with a small 4-point NET score increase occurring in the past year (from +15 to +19). This isn’t a blip, but a trend with momentum.

The partisan dimension is striking, with those who self-identify with Conservatives (73%) and Bloc (75%) leading this concern in contrast to Liberals (37%) and NDP (33%) Even more telling, attitudes toward legal immigration have soured considerably, with only 39% now viewing it positively, down a stunning 15 points since 2018. Meanwhile, 61% favour making immigration more difficult, up 16 points from 2018’s 45%.

Concern about illegal immigration remains statistically unchanged at 75% viewing it as serious since 2018, but the intensity has shifted. 42% now rate it “very serious,” up from 37% in 2018. Those who self-identify with Conservatives drive this at 88%, but half of the NDP identifiers and almost three-in-four (71%) Liberals also agree.

Canadians aren’t just worried; they are assigning blame. A striking 72% believe the federal government has failed to manage immigration, with 72% saying too many immigrants have been admitted, and 71% linking excessive immigration to housing pressures and declining services. Nearly 3-in-5 Canadians (58%) report that their views on immigration have changed over the past five years, with Conservatives (70%) and Bloc supporters (75%) most likely to acknowledge this shift….

Source: Immigration and Crime Shift Canadians Toward Cultural Conservatism

Rétention des immigrants récents: Le Québec maintenant champion canadien

Strong short-term retention, weaker long-term retention:

Un an après leur admission, 91,5 % des immigrants permanents admis en 2022 qui prévoyaient s’établir au Québec y vivaient toujours. En Ontario, la proportion est de 91,3 %, selon des données publiées vendredi par Statistique Canada.

Ce résultat est d’autant plus surprenant qu’il s’inscrit dans un contexte de mobilité accrue.

En 2023, 13,5 % des immigrants admis un an plus tôt avaient déjà changé de province ou de territoire, en hausse marquée par rapport à 10,1 % en 2022. La pandémie a laissé des traces : la mobilité interprovinciale a bondi à ce moment, puis est restée élevée.

Autrement dit, les nouveaux arrivants bougent davantage. Dans ce contexte, réussir à en garder plus de neuf sur dix après un an n’a rien d’anodin.

Le Québec fait mieux que l’Ontario, mais aussi la Colombie-Britannique (88,5 %) et l’Alberta (87,3 %). Pour la cohorte admise en 2022, c’est le meilleur taux de rétention à un an au pays.

Une montée rapide

La montée du Québec est récente, mais rapide. Entre 2019 et 2022, le taux de rétention à un an est passé de 85,9 % à 91,5 %, après avoir atteint un sommet en 2021 (93,4 %). Malgré un léger recul en 2022, le niveau demeure élevé.

Pendant ce temps, l’Ontario faisait du surplace. Depuis 2019, son taux de rétention tourne autour de 93 %, sans progression marquée.

Résultat : le Québec a rattrapé, puis dépassé la province voisine.

À moyen terme, le tableau change. Cinq ans après leur arrivée, 79,6 % des immigrants permanents admis en 2018 résidaient toujours au Québec, contre 90,8 % en Ontario.

À l’échelle des grandes villes, Montréal est plus fragile. Son taux de rétention sur cinq ans a atteint 71,3 %, comparable à celui de Toronto, mais inférieur à ceux de Vancouver, Calgary et Edmonton.

Concrètement, Montréal perd encore des immigrants vers d’autres provinces. Sur cinq ans, la métropole enregistre une perte nette de 5725 immigrants permanents pour la cohorte admise en 2018, pendant que plusieurs villes de l’Ouest canadien continuent d’en gagner.

À court terme, le Québec dans son ensemble tire mieux son épingle du jeu. Pour la cohorte admise en 2022, la province affiche un solde migratoire interprovincial positif, avec un gain net de 2095 immigrants permanents.

Le Québec ne fait pas que retenir la majorité de ceux qui s’y installent : il attire aussi des immigrants initialement destinés à d’autres provinces, surtout l’Ontario.

Source: Rétention des immigrants récents Le Québec maintenant champion canadien

StatsCan study: In 2023, 13.5% of immigrants admitted 1 year earlier settled in another province or territory, up from 10.1% in 2022


Rob Breakenridge: A debate on immigration will be a welcome distraction for Smith

Playing with fire?

…There are two sides of this question to consider: the degree to which Alberta wishes to control immigration and the degree to which Alberta wishes to limit immigration.

In her post last week and in an interview with Postmedia’s Rick Bell, Smith went out of her way to float the idea of limiting newcomers’ access to various social supports, based either on immigration status or number of years spent in Alberta.

This may not be hardline enough for the ardent separatists whose manifestofantasizes about deportations in the tens of thousands in their new utopia. But it’s a pretty clear signal that the Alberta government wishes to discourage any further influx of newcomers to this province.

This would seem to be a more recent and strategic pivot from this premier. It wasn’t that long ago that Smith was musing about the possibility of more than doubling Alberta’s population and drafting a letter to Prime Minister Trudeau criticizing federal immigration limits. The “Alberta is Calling” campaign may have originated under the previous premier, but it continued under the current one.

The Alberta government wanted population growth, but they didn’t seem prepared for the possibility that they might get it. The focus on the immigration issue provides a convenient scapegoat for the government’s mismanagement of that rapid population growth.

Pointing fingers at Ottawa doesn’t preclude the need to address these growth pressures. New figures from Statistics Canada show that while Canada’s population actually shrunk in the third quarter, Alberta’s population continued to grow.

But this is a volatile issue at the best of times. The political pressures that have thrust this issue to the forefront for the Alberta government, and their motivations for elevating this to a top priority — alongside a separation vote, no less — create the potential for a divisive and unhelpful debate.

Source: Rob Breakenridge: A debate on immigration will be a welcome distraction for Smith