Nadeau | L’extrême droite n’existe pas

Sobering:

Lorsqu’il débarque à Montréal en 1937 pour exposer les dangers de la montée du fascisme dans le monde, l’écrivain André Malraux raconte, à ceux qui viennent l’écouter, comment un avion de son escadrille a été abattu en Espagne. Il parle de la nécessité de combattre, « pour le peuple et pour un idéal de dignité humaine ». Il fait, au passage, l’éloge de Norman Bethune, ce docteur qu’incarna Donald Sutherland au cinéma, à qui l’on doit des avancées en médecine.

Le Devoir, dans ses pages de l’époque, considère l’auteur de La condition humaine, prix Goncourt 1933, comme un vulgaire propagandiste. Les auditoires de Malraux sont à majorité anglophones, écrit Le Devoir, comme si cela discréditait sa pensée. Le quotidien Le Canada, qui assiste aux mêmes événements, offre un compte rendu différent.

Nous le savons aujourd’hui : devant la montée de l’extrême droite en Europe, qui gronde dans l’Espagne de Franco comme une répétition générale du pire, André Malraux ne se trompe pas sur la nécessité de combattre le fascisme.

Le monde canadien-français que Malraux découvre, il en parle, dans un discours prononcé à Madrid, le 7 juillet 1937. « Dans un pays des plus pauvres, plutôt dans une des contrées les plus pauvres, qui ressemble tant à l’Espagne, au Canada français où se trouvent la même misère et le même courage, j’ai parlé pour l’Espagne. » Malraux raconte encore comment un simple ouvrier canadien-français lui offrit sa montre, sa seule richesse, pour financer la lutte contre la montée de l’extrême droite.

Dans cette société canadienne-française que connaissent mes grands-parents, les revendications sociales et politiques s’accumulent en un terrible fatras. Au milieu d’une crise générale, comment s’en sortir ? Le monde d’en bas se trouve écrasé par ceux d’en haut. Pour remédier aux faiblesses du système politique dont ils font les frais, plusieurs souscrivent à l’idée de l’affaiblir davantage, au nom d’élucubrations qui montrent du doigt des boucs émissaires.

Toute ressemblance avec ce passé, il est interdit de la noter, professent aujourd’hui les nouveaux administrateurs des mêmes vieilles peurs et des mêmes vieux ressentiments qu’autrefois. Ceux-là mêmes qui affirment que l’extrême droite n’existe pas, malgré des évidences qui nous préviennent du contraire, voient en revanche poindre partout, à les en croire, les doigts crochus de mouvements de gauche.

Les néofascistes cavalcadent de nouveau, en toute liberté, dans les prairies décomplexées de la haine des étrangers et des minorités. Ils chevauchent des rhétoriques usées, où il est toujours question de culture et de civilisation, comme s’il s’agissait de statues de marbre immuables. Ils préconisent des mesures coercitives, le renforcement des pouvoirs exécutifs. Leurs mots servent à labourer un champ de bataille plutôt qu’à cultiver un espace commun. Mais surtout, n’allez pas dire que leur idéologie, leurs obsessions d’une régénération chantée sur des airs identitaires, leur volonté de stigmatiser des minorités, c’est du déjà vu, du déjà connu ! « La plus belle des ruses du Diable est de vous persuader qu’il n’existe pas », écrivait Baudelaire.

En mai dernier, les partis d’extrême droite se sont rassemblés à Madrid, à l’invitation du parti ultranationaliste Vox. À la tribune se sont succédé la cheffe de file du Rassemblement national (RN) français, Marine Le Pen, le déjanté président argentin Javier Milei, lequel est désormais appuyé par le milliardaire Elon Musk, ou encore André Ventura, le dirigeant du parti ultranationaliste portugais Chega. Les voix de la première ministre italienne, Giorgia Meloni, du premier ministre hongrois, Viktor Orbán, ainsi que d’autres figures de la droite radicale se sont aussi fait entendre. Tous clament combattre les mêmes ennemis : les minorités, les immigrants, les étrangers, les mouvements sociaux. Vladimir Poutine, après tout, ne ressemble-t-il pas beaucoup, par plusieurs aspects, à ces gens-là ?

En voyant la Bolivie échapper, la semaine dernière, à un coup d’État, comment ne pas penser à l’assaut du Capitole aux États-Unis, le 6 janvier 2021, alors que Donald Trump, malgré ses mensonges en série, risque bel et bien de revenir à la tête du pays ? Cette situation mondiale fragile favorise, dans son ombre, la croissance de populismes de toutes sortes. Au Canada, la montée d’un Pierre Poilievre profite en partie d’un contexte mondial délétère pour s’autoriser à multiplier des coups de gueule dignes, parfois, de chats de ruelle. Du jamais vu, en tout cas.

En France, le RN du clan Le Pen a beau battre des records d’absentéisme au Parlement européen, c’est à lui que l’électorat a confié une large part de sa représentation lors du scrutin du 9 juin. Ces mêmes élus risquent maintenant de faire des gains sans précédent lors du second tour des élections législatives du 7 juillet. Le RN promet de repousser les immigrants, tout en diminuant les taxes sur les carburants, ce qui revient à amputer les revenus de l’État tout en augmentant les profits des compagnies pétrolières. Le RN affiche par ailleurs la volonté d’exonérer les moins de 30 ans d’impôt. Âgé de 28 ans, le président du RN, Jordan Bardella, pourrait ainsi ne pas verser un sou à l’État s’il devient premier ministre, tout comme d’autres jeunes loups fortunés de son entourage. Dans un cadre où l’équité est mise de côté, la nouvelle extrême droite, soutenue par des milliardaires et des possédants, propose dans les faits de prendre le relais du néolibéralisme en assurant le renouvellement de son hégémonie, en profitant d’un moment mortifère où la crise de la démocratie atteint des sommets.

La montée des droites extrêmes témoigne d’un effondrement des systèmes de représentation politiques, dans un déni de démocratie de plus en plus généralisé, à une époque où les politiques néolibérales encouragent au chacun pour soi. Quoi qu’on en dise, les néofascistes et leurs partisans ne représentent pas, devant ce désastre, une menace pour le système, mais son pur produit.

Quand une démocratie est malade, disait Albert Camus, le fascisme se presse volontiers à son chevet. Et ce n’est pas pour prendre de ses nouvelles…

Source: Chronique | L’extrême droite n’existe pas

Statement by Minister Miller on Canada Day

Quite a good statement and video IMO. Curious to hear views of others:

“On Canada Day, we celebrate our freedoms and reflect on our rights and responsibilities as Canadian citizens. We remember and honour the shared history, symbols and values that define us as Canadians. A critical part of being Canadian is understanding the histories and realities of Indigenous Peoples, who have been caretakers of this land since time immemorial, and recognizing their integral role in this country’s past, present and future.

“Every Canadian has a responsibility to advance reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples. It is important that we all understand the rights and significant contributions of First Nations, Inuit and Métis. As part of our ongoing commitment to advance reconciliation, Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship worked with Indigenous creators to share the voices and experiences of Indigenous Peoples directly with new Canadians. I am pleased to share that the video ‘Welcome, there is room’is now being used at every citizenship ceremony across the country.

“This morning, I am honoured to attend a special citizenship ceremony being held at the Rogers Centre before the Toronto Blue Jays annual Canada Day game. This is one of the many citizenship ceremonies taking place across Canada today. The moment when newcomers take their oath of citizenship is a very meaningful and moving experience for everyone involved. I consider this to be one of the best parts of my job! If you wish to experience the sense of pride in being Canadian, I encourage you to participate in an upcoming citizenship ceremony in your area.

“To learn more about Canada Day celebrations near you, you can also visit the Canadian Heritage website.

“I hope today’s celebrations renew your pride in being Canadian and inspire you to give back to your community, to learn more about Indigenous Peoples and cultures and to welcome those who have chosen Canada as their home. Our diversity, equity, inclusivity and multiculturalism are what sets Canada apart.

“Whether you’ve recently chosen to work, study or build your life here—or you’ve always called this country home—today is about celebrating what unites us: our love and respect for Canada.

“Happy Canada Day!”

Source: Statement by Minister Miller on Canada Day

ICC: Naturalization visualized, looking at citizenship data in detail

Was happy to be part of this and had fun pouring through and analyzing the data:

Continuing its focus on understanding the causes and potential responses to the decline in citizenship uptake, today the Institute for Canadian Citizenship is publishing an in-depth analysis by expert researcher Andrew Griffith of demographic and socioeconomic data from Census 2016 and 2021 of naturalized and non-naturalized immigrants. 

Click here to view the report

Highlights from the report

1. Citizenship is declining across all major demographic variables

Citizenship rates have declined across all major source countries, education levels, and provinces of residence. Notably, citizenship uptake is lowest among university-educated immigrants, who represent a growing proportion of recent immigrants. Despite higher immigration levels, Ontario, British Columbia and Alberta experienced the largest declines in naturalization.

2. Family class immigrants have the lowest naturalization rates, refugees the highest

Immigrants who arrive under the family category have the lowest naturalization rates in both census periods, but also experienced the largest decline – 17 percent – between the two periods. Naturalization is higher for economic class and refugee immigrants, but these categories also experienced declines of 10 percent and 5 percent respectively across the two periods analyzed.

3. Naturalized citizens generally have higher incomes than non-citizens, non-citizen women lag behind in most labour force measures

Among immigrants with a bachelors degree, median after-tax income of non-citizens is only 43 percent of the median after-tax incomes of citizens across all census periods. The gap in unemployment levels between non-citizen and citizen women increased from less than 1 percent in Census 2016 to 2.3 percent in Census 2021 – a 155 percent increase.

4. Government can act to reverse the trend

Government should expand funding to programs that educate, encourage and prepare immigrants for citizenship, and also adopt a meaningful performance target focused on the naturalization rates of recent immigrants – those who arrived within 5-9 years. It should avoid diminishing the value of citizenship by making it a more visible and celebrated part of the immigration journey.

Coyne: In a country where immigrants are the majority, anti-immigration politics are obsolete

Or counter productive. But still room for lots of debates and discussions over numbers of both permanent and temporary, priorities and programs and the like:

….Indeed, we are about to cross a significant threshold. As of the 2021 census, 23 per cent of Canadians were immigrants – a record. Add to that the 17.6 per cent of the population with at least one foreign-born parent, and more than 40 per cent of the population were either first- or second-generation immigrants.

That was three years ago – before the current great wave of immigration. By now that number must be at least 42 or 43 per cent. Add to that the 6.8 per cent of the population, as of April 1 of this year, made up of non-permanent residents, and we are very nearly at 50 per cent.

That proportion is only likely to grow. Two years ago – again, before the great wave – Statistics Canada projected first- and second-generation immigrants would make up 52.4 per cent of the population by 2041. But that was on the basis of a projected total population of 48 million. It is already at 41.4 million.

There is no going back from this. We have crossed the immigration Rubicon. It’s easier to campaign against immigration in a country with little experience of it. But in a country where immigrants, and their children, make up the majority? It is not going to happen.

Source: Opinion: In a country where immigrants are the majority, anti-immigration politics are obsolete

McGugan: Canada is a great place, with politicians who have a knack for bad decisions

More critical commentary, but leaves out the complicity of business associations, education institutions, provincial governments and others:

….The government’s incoherence on housing reflects its commitment to a similarly befuddled immigration agenda.

Mr. Trudeau supersized immigration after he became Prime Minister in 2015. Exactly why was never clear: Canada’s existing system admitted generous numbers of people, primarily on economic grounds, and was considered a model internationally.

Yet Mr. Trudeau ramped up the annual immigrant intake from a net total of roughly 200,000 people in 2015 to 300,000 by 2019 and more than 400,000 currently. Even more important, he allowed a vast expansion in the scale of programs that admit non-permanent residents – primarily international students and temporary workers – taking that category to more than 800,000 people this year.

The entirely predictable result of this population surge has been housing shortages and soaring rents. Ottawa is now moving to slash the number of non-permanent residents, but that will take time.

Perhaps the key question to ask is why nobody in Ottawa saw problems coming. It doesn’t take advanced economic modelling to suspect that the collision between a drum-tight housing market and an unprecedented surge of new residents would not turn out well.

On this Canada Day, we should ponder why our political class – federally and provincially, left and right – has developed such a knack for making unforced errors. Canada remains great. Sadly, its politicians aren’t.

Source: Canada is a great place, with politicians who have a knack for bad decisions

Current immigration levels could lead to ‘overreaction,’ Quebec premier says

Of note and legitimate concern even if coming from Premier Legault and his series of missteps:
Quebec Premier François Legault warned Friday there’s a risk of “overreaction” against newcomers if the province maintains its current immigration levels.Legault told reporters on the Gaspé Peninsula he doesn’t want to see Quebec end up like the United States or France, where the debate on immigration has fuelled extremist views. Recent statistics show there has been an increase of more than 300,000 non-permanent residents in Quebec in the last two years, a number Legault said is more than the province can accommodate.

“There’s a risk of reaction or overreaction in the face of impacts on services, on the French language, on housing,” he said. “We have to be balanced in how many immigrants we take in every year.”

Legault’s comments came in response to a question about whether he fears a “rise of the right” in Quebec and Canada. Concerns about immigration have fuelled the popularity of far-right parties in several European countries, including France, where the anti-immigration Rassemblement National is leading in polls heading into the first voting round in parliamentary elections this weekend.

In the United States, President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump clashed on immigration during a televised debate Thursday night, and the issue will probably be a flashpoint in the 2024 presidential election.

“What I hope is that we don’t end up in the same situation as the United States or France,” Legault said. “I think Quebecers have always been welcoming. But we can’t welcome 300,000 new people in two years. That’s too many.”…

Source: Current immigration levels could lead to ‘overreaction,’ Quebec premier says

Gurski: Again, the Liberals show they don’t really understand national security

Interesting commentary on the IRGC listing and related security issues:

Last week saw a flurry of activity from the Canadian government on national security.  First, it announced on June 19 that the IRGC — Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps — had been formally “listed” as a terrorist entity. Then the Senate approved Bill C-70 calling for the establishment of a foreign agent registry.

I will defer comments on C-70 for later and focus on the significance – if any – of the decision to add the IRGC to a large number of “listed entities.” The government crowed that it took this move after “years” of hard work and claimed this demonstrated, yet again, how seriously it takes national security.

Except that the IRGC move was not all that urgent: the Conservatives asked that the Liberal government list this group back in 2018, which makes you wonder what took so long. It is not as if the government needed to study whether the IRGC merited this rank given its 40 years of support for other listed entities (among which are Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad) and well-known penchant for mucking about in the Middle East and elsewhere. Calling it a terrorist group now does not exactly constitute rocket science.

The terrorist listing tool dates back to 2002 (full disclosure: I wrote the first al-Qaida listing that year while working as a senior terrorism analyst at the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, CSIS) and is used to identify groups the government believes engage in terrorist activity. It is handy largely from a financing perspective: if you are daft enough to send a cheque or e-transfer to Hamas leadership, you are guilty of terrorist financing.

But aside from that, the listing process suffers from two problems. First, it is not essential for a group (or individual) to be listed to warrant attention and investigation from our protectors (Communications Security Establishment, CSIS, RCMP, etc.). We at CSIS had been looking at al-Qaida for decades prior to the creation of the list; in other words, we did not need some mandarin to say “gee, AQ is a terrorist group, maybe our spies should monitor it.” Furthermore, the non-appearance of a group (or individual) from the list does not preclude investigating it (or him/her). Our spies aren’t waiting for orders to carry out their work in accordance with their well-established practices and legislative mandates.

Second, the listings are often purely political in nature. The addition of the Proud Boys in January 2021 was clearly a knee-jerk reaction to the raid on the U.S. Capitol by a dog’s breakfast of wankers, including some members of the U.S. branch of this group. The chapter in Canada has never carried out a single act of violence in this country and frankly, to cite a friend of mine who investigated the far right in Canada in the 1990s, couldn’t make a cheese sandwich. Sources told me that CSIS was not in favour of listing the Proud Boys as the group did not merit that kind of attention/status.

Sometimes groups are “delisted” for purely political reasons too. The Harper government took the anti-Iranian People’s Mojahedin of Iran (PMOI, better known as the MeK) off the list in the early 2010s, despite its use of violence here and abroad. Go figure.

The timing of the IRGC decision also raises eyebrows. Just before the House of Commons rose for the summer? Did the government think no one was paying attention?  Just before a byelection in Toronto? To show it takes national security “very seriously” (to quote Chrystia Freeland)? To deflect criticism of its handling of the ongoing People’s Republic of China interference gong show?

For what it is worth, I have no issue with naming the IRGC a terrorist entity. I worked as an Iranian analyst for 20 years at both CSE and CSIS, and I understand what this ideological bunch of thugs stands for.

At the same time, the choice of day/month for this action does nothing to shake my belief that this government neither comprehends nor cares about national security. The IRGC could have been listed 20 years ago, and in all honesty should have been part of the original process just after 9/11. Making a big deal of it now just looks, well, political.

Phil Gurski is President and CEO of Borealis Threat and Risk Consulting.
http://www.borealisthreatandrisk.com

Source: Gurski: Again, the Liberals show they don’t really understand national security

Yakabuski | Ne pas apprendre de ses erreurs [Dattani]

Agreed. Where is the vetting? And for not disclosing this information, Dattani shouild be automatically disqualified:

Lors de la Journée internationale dédiée à la mémoire des victimes de l’Holocauste de cette année, la présidente intérimaire de la Commission canadienne des droits de la personne (CCDP), Charlotte-Anne Malischewski, s’est déclarée « profondément préoccupée par la montée fulgurante de l’antisémitisme » qui s’observe au Canada depuis les attaques du Hamas sur Israël commises en octobre dernier.

« Lorsque la haine se présente dans nos communautés, elle menace la sécurité publique, la démocratie et les droits de la personne, a-t-elle tenu à rappeler. La haine nous divise et nous oppose les uns aux autres. »

Dans le contexte actuel, où la guerre à Gaza a fait de la communauté juive canadienne le bouc émissaire des critiques visant le gouvernement israélien de Benjamin Nétanyahou, on se serait attendu à ce que le ministre fédéral de la Justice, Arif Virani, s’efforce de trouver un digne successeur à Mme Malischewski pour occuper sur une base permanente ce poste se trouvant au sommet de la hiérarchie des instances des droits de la personne au Canada.

D’autant plus que la CCDP se verra octroyer de nouveaux pouvoirs en vertu du projet de loi C-63 sur les préjudices en ligne afin de déterminer la validité des plaintes concernant le contenu haineux. Le nouveau président de la CCDP doit lui-même être au-dessus de tout soupçon de parti pris pour ou contre tout plaignant qui s’adressera à la commission.

Or, en nommant Birju Dattani à la présidence de la CCDP, le 15 juin dernier, M. Virani semble avoir surtout cherché à plaire à l’aile progressiste du Parti libéral du Canada. La nomination de cet ancien directeur de la Commission des droits de la personne du Yukon et « défenseur de l’équité, de la diversité et de l’inclusion » rappelle celle d’Amira Elghawaby, devenue l’an dernier représentante spéciale chargée de la lutte contre l’islamophobie, qui s’est vue hantée par ses écrits considérés comme antiquébécois après l’annonce de sa nomination.

Mme Elghawaby s’est vite excusée. Mais son acte de contrition a aussitôt été remis en doute par les politiciens québécois, et sa crédibilité en a irrémédiablement été entachée. Si elle a pu garder son poste, elle est toutefois devenue quasi invisible depuis son entrée en fonction.

Le cas de Birju Dattani est beaucoup plus grave. Selon les révélations publiées cette semaine dans les médias torontois, le passé de cet ancien président de l’Association des étudiants musulmans de l’Université de Calgary est semé de propos antisémites et d’associations douteuses. Alors qu’il étudiait à Londres, en 2012, il a participé à une manifestation devant l’ambassade d’Israël au cours de laquelle les manifestants répétaient le slogan « le sionisme, c’est du terrorisme ». En 2015, alors qu’il était chargé de cours dans la capitale britannique, il a participé à une conférence aux côtés d’un membre du groupe fondamentaliste islamiste Hizb ut-Tahrir, qui prône la charia et que le gouvernement britannique a inscrit sur sa liste des organisations terroristes prohibées cette année.

Le Centre consultatif des relations juives et israéliennes ne demande rien de moins que le retrait de sa nomination. Selon l’organisme, M. Dattani « a partagé des articles comparant Israël à l’Allemagne nazie, a participé à une table ronde au Royaume-Uni avec un membre du Hizb ut-Tahrir, […] qui cherche à établir un nouveau califat et s’oppose à l’existence d’un État israélien, et a donné à plusieurs reprises des conférences sur le mouvement Boycott, désinvestissement et sanctions (BDS) lors de la Semaine contre l’apartheid israélien dans des universités britanniques ».

Le bureau d’Arif Virani a plaidé l’ignorance en disant que M. Dattani ne l’avait pas informé de ses gazouillis controversés ou de son militantisme anti-Israël lors du processus de nomination à la présidence de la CCDP. À l’époque où il vivait à Londres, M. Dattani utilisait un autre prénom. Cela n’épargne toutefois pas le ministre d’être accusé d’avoir failli à la tâche de procéder à des vérifications rigoureuses avant de le nommer.

M. Virani promet maintenant d’effectuer un examen officiel de la nomination de M. Dattani avant le 8 août, soit la date de son entrée en fonction à la tête de la CCDP, et de rendre le rapport de cet examen public. Pour sa part, M. Dattani s’est excusé cette semaine dans une entrevue au Globe and Mail, où il reconnaît que ses propos et ses gazouillis antérieurs ont pu blesser des membres de la communauté juive. « Je ne le ferais pas maintenant », a-t-il souligné, en précisant que son opinion avait « évolué » depuis.

Tant mieux si Birju Dattani reconnaît ses torts. Sa nomination reste néanmoins irrecevable. Après tout, il a manifestement essayé de cacher ses propos antérieurs aux membres du bureau du ministre de la Justice, qui lui ont certainement demandé, lors du processus de nomination, de leur faire part de toute information potentiellement compromettante sur son passé. Les Canadiens doivent pouvoir croire en l’impartialité de la CCDP pour que cette instance conserve la crédibilité nécessaire au bon accomplissement de sa fonction critique, qui est celle de protéger la population canadienne contre la discrimination.

Quant au gouvernement de Justin Trudeau, disons que la nomination de M. Dattani est un autre exemple d’un excès de zèle progressiste, qui se retourne encore une fois contre lui. Disons qu’il ne semble pas apprendre de ses erreurs.

Source: Chronique | Ne pas apprendre de ses erreurs

MacDougall: As Canada ages, it risks losing the post-war consensus on immigration

While not much new here, nevertheless well stated:

It’s funny the things you notice when you come back to a place after having not been there for a while.

It’s been 11 years since I decamped for Britain, and every time I come back to Canada, whether that’s to Ottawa or the West Coast, where I’ll be next week, what I notice are the … parking lots.

There are parking lots everywhere in Canada. Little pocket lots in the downtown core. Bigger ones under some of the office buildings. And acres upon acres of them alongside the strip malls of suburbia.

Canada is a nation that grew and matured during the automobile age. London, where I live now, is a rail city, with its roads stretching back to horse and cart, if not Roman times. There’s no point driving in London when the train or tube can get you there quicker. Hence the lack of parking lots.

More to the point, even if you wanted to make London a car city you would struggle to do it. Its form is now baked into its current shape, cluttered, as it is, with a lot of old stone and jagged roads. Canada has far more room to manoeuvre.

At least, it did.

Many of Canada’s major urban centres are now groaning under the demands being placed on them. One way of reading this week’s shock byelection result in downtown Toronto is as a response to the Trudeau government’s somewhat intermittent concern with Canada’s Jewish citizens, many of whom live in Toronto-St. Paul’s. Another way to read it, however, is as an urban cri-de-coeur against liberal drug policies, expensive housing, and high immigration. Let’s hope the post-election tea leaves are being forensically examined.

All my life, Canada has, thankfully, been a welcoming place, a beacon for immigrants from around the world. A place where immigrant families could give their children a better life. The post-war Canada that welcomed them was a place with an identity; it wasn’t viewed as a hotel for the world, or some kind of post-national state. Everyone came to be a part of something.

I should say the Canada of my youth was a place of identities, plural. Sure, there is the persistent (but diminishing) need for Canadians to not be American. But the fundamental political tension in the country was between French and English. Now we barely mention it, with the tension coming from things like Chinese or Indian interference in our elections, such are the size of the Chinese and Indian diasporas. Ask a young adult in downtown Toronto what they think about Quebec and they’re likely to not have thought of it at all.

To say these arrivals and the diminution of separatism have been a boon to Canada is an understatement. But it’s not a one-way ratchet toward progress. Things can still become unstuck. Growing by more than a million people in a year, as Canada did in 2023, with 96 per cent of that coming from immigration, presents different challenges from the time when Sault Ste. Marie offered as much opportunity as downtown Toronto. There needs to be a different plan, because we’re not the same country our immigration system was modelled on.

As a result, the public’s support for immigration is falling. I can think of no bigger failure for a Canadian government than to lose the cross-party consensus on immigration. To preserve it, we’re going to need frank and respectful conversations, which is a big ask in the age of polarizing social media.

Justin Trudeau senses the malaise, which is why his government plans on reducing the number of temporary residents it accepts. But his government needs to push on and figure out a new model for integration and assimilation into our urban cores, one that involves a lot of building. Simply being Canada isn’t good enough any more. The times have changed. People will go elsewhere if they think they’ll get stuck, opportunity-wise, upon arrival.

It does no good to pave a paradise like Canada, if all you’re going to do is put up a parking lot.

Andrew MacDougall is a London-based communications consultant and ex-director of communications to former prime minister Stephen Harper.

Source: As Canada ages, it risks losing the post-war consensus on immigration | Opinion

David Polansky: Canadian citizenship is immensely valuable. Our political elites should act like it 

Overly general “lament for a nation” without any specifics in terms of levels, categories, permanent vs temporary etc. And is this only an issue of “elites” or is it broader given the number of diverse interests that had, until recently, been pushing or supportive of higher levels of immigration?

That being said, as many have noted and the government belatedly has acknowledged, current immigration levels, permanent and temporary, have been misguided and placed excessive pressures on housing, healthcare and infrastructure:

The recent revelations concerning foreign interference among Canada’s elected officials have hit like a bomb—at least among those media organs that could be bothered to report on it. It obviously raises critical concerns about national security, as well as questions about the legitimacy of any political party whose members are found to have been compromised.

But perhaps less obviously, it also raises fundamental questions about the value of Canadian citizenship. For, among much else, this foreign interference is an affront to the prerogatives of the citizenry—chiefly their rights and privileges to elect a government that answers to them and not to others.

More broadly still, however, public comments by the present leadership over the years have reflected a denigration of the meaning of citizenship. Between this and the emergence of diaspora politics as a significant phenomenon, one can see how foreign meddling—and potentially treason—might become normalized.

In light of these developments, it is worth reflecting on what Canadian citizenship means and what it might be worth—for not all the answers are intuitive. Fear not, this isn’t going to be a sentimental paean to maple syrup and portaging and flannel clothing. For, the real value is surprisingly material in nature.

Indeed, Canadian citizenship is an asset of extraordinary value. But it is systematically undervalued by Canada’s political elites, at least partly because they themselves, being economically privileged, hold other assets against it: liquidity, foreign property, often multiple passports, and so on. Consequently, they have been able to favour immigration policies that have diluted the value of citizenship (much as issuing new stock dilutes the ownership of existing shareholders), while at the same time insulating themselves from the downsides. They can retreat from overcrowded public spaces via their private cottages, they can avoid public school problems by paying for private schooling, they can pursue private medical options when ER delays in hospitals become interminable, and so on.

But for the average Canadian, the value of citizenship is historically tied to the possibility of a materially abundant life in a high-functioning country within the bounds of a more or less middle-class household income. The dwindling of this possibility is not just a story of economic mismanagement (though it is that too), but also a dilution of the worth of Canadian citizenship—an asset that ensured a high level of equality for as long as it held its value.

Let’s consider this more concretely. Canada is the world’s second-largest country, with approximately two percent of the earth’s surface. Much of it is inhospitable and unable to support large communities, but that still leaves a good deal of land area available relative to a (historically) small population. And yet over 80 percent of the country remains uninhabited. Much of the rest, however, is sublimely beautiful. Within 100 miles of the U.S. border, one can find an oceanic coastline, towering mountains, deep forests, crystalline lakes, sprawling prairies, and other manner of dramatic scenery that sounds like it came out of a travel guide.

Now, as the saying goes, you can’t put a price on beauty, but then one can readily consult the listings for waterfront properties around Muskoka or West Vancouver to at least get an approximation. Of course, for much of Canada’s modern history, going back to the 16th century, surviving a harsh landscape took priority. But for generations now, property ownership in one of the world’s most beautiful countries has been the patrimony for most of its citizens. Yes, some people always had more money than others and thus larger houses, nicer furnishings, and so on, but these advantages were more quantitative than qualitative.

In any case, home ownership as such was not seen as a luxury good, and even the post-1960s influx of new arrivals seemed only to contribute to the country’s economic growth without threatening to diminish the supply of housing stock, such was the capaciousness of Canada. And—equally important—such was the stringency of Canada’s immigration controls, ensuring that a high level of human capital was maintained across demographic changes in both ethnic composition and total numbers. This was particularly important in light of the generous benefits associated with Canada’s welfare state, including health care, maternity (later, parental) leave, unemployment insurance, and social security. For such a system to remain solvent, it was imperative to have an industrious and law-abiding population that consistently paid in more than it took out—especially in a country that was never as wealthy as its southern neighbour.

This represents more or less the truth of Machiavelli’s insight that liberality always depends upon parsimony. In Canada’s case, we would say that the liberality or generosity of its welfare state relied upon the parsimoniousness of its immigration regime. In a wide world of people who might wish to immigrate to Canada, only those expected to contribute to rather than draw on the public fisc were considered, and this approach held even as immigrant populations became increasingly multicultural and multiethnic (with the orientation of origin countries shifting southward and eastward over time).

And housing is only the most pressing of a host of issues impacted by the government’s lack of policy restraint. Canada maintains a primary system of public education from K-12, taxing its residents accordingly. The quality of that education and the nature of student experience is greatly impacted by externalities beyond the reach of any school board. The point is that what was once an assumed feature of life in a well-governed region or municipality (access to decent public education) emerges as a privilege under constrained conditions.

It is only under such conditions that one can understand citizenship as an asset in itself—one that has become depreciated through misguided public policies. And it is only in light of that depreciation that certain underlying inequalities are more starkly revealed. It is not that inequality didn’t previously exist, but as access to such schools and such neighbourhoods is placed under competitive pressure, the privileges that accrue to the rich—allowing them to retain such access under challenging conditions—become more salient as well.

And this dynamic goes both ways: just as the wealthiest Canadian can pay out of pocket for treatment at the Mayo Clinic rather than assume a spot on the interminable waiting list for surgery, so too well-heeled non-Canadians throughout the world have found in Canada, a stable country with an ever-rising real estate market, a congenial place to park their capital. In both cases, wealthy individuals are able to transcend national boundaries to their advantage; and in both cases, the average Canadian loses, priced out of the housing market and stuck relying on dwindling public services.

The fact that all those born in Canada enjoy the privileged status of citizenship—and it is a privilege, insofar as no one deserves to be born in one place over another—makes many uncomfortable. Downplaying its significance has lately become a habit to which elites especially are prone. Nonetheless, the government of Canada is obligated as a matter of legitimacy to uphold the rights and interests of actual Canadians over those of the rest of the human race. And doing so is in its way an egalitarian measure—for it ensures that the associated benefits are enjoyed by all of its citizens, not just the wealthiest. Some might still call this unfair, but it’s a lot fairer than the alternatives.

David Polansky is a Toronto-based writer and research fellow with the Institute for Peace & Diplomacy. His writing has appeared in the Globe and Mail, Washington Post, and Foreign Policy. Read him at strangefrequencies.co or find him on Twitter @polanskydj.

Source: David Polansky: Canadian citizenship is immensely valuable. Our political elites should act like it