Updated Citizenship Statistics: Different Numbers, Same Trend

Citizenship Take-Up 2014.001Further to my presentation at Metropolis in March and the media and other commentary the citizenship statistics generated, CIC has provided updated numbers for the full 2014 year, in contrast to the January-October numbers I used.

CIC was also able, for landing years 2005-8, separate out the take-up percentages six years after landing, to provide a more consistent measure (each additional year automatically means more citizens).

But while the number and slope of the curve have changed, the trend of a decline has not.

A longer time series for six years after landing would of course be preferable.

Again, the main reasons for the decline:

  • the processing difficulties and backlog in citizenship processing (currently being addressed so this should be a one-time occurrence, and the difference between the October and full year numbers suggests that is the case);
  • the more difficult citizenship test and higher failure rates (although 2014 January-September numbers show an increase in the overall pass rates to 90.5 percent from an average overall pass rate of 82.7 percent during 2010-13);
  • more rigorous language assessment; and,
  • anti-fraud and misrepresentation measures, including the residency questionnaire, leading to longer processing times.

New Canadians a better credit risk: Report

Not surprising but interesting:

“There is a common misconception that providing credit to new immigrants is a risky move for financial institutions, but the fact is that immigrants have a 20 per cent lower delinquency (rate on credit cards) than the national average of the general population,” explains Regina Malina, senior director of decision insights at Equifax Canada.

In her latest report, she says lenders often approach new Canadians with caution, and wind up presenting these customers with a limited product selection for credit due to a lack of insight into their credit history and risk score.

As a result, limited credit options tend to push customers to seek credit with another institution because the initial options available to them may not meet their changing needs over time, the study found.

For example, many new immigrants end up closing their first Canadian credit cards or let them become inactive, and financial institutions are losing these customers to their competition, often within two years, notes Malina.

But 46 per cent of new immigrants with an inactive or closed credit card still need that product, and 71 per cent of them will turn to a new financial institution that offers a higher limit, says the data and analytics firm study.

Between 2006 and 2011, approximately 1.2 million people immigrated to Canada, primarily from China and India, and one of the first things newcomers do is apply for credit to secure housing, car loans and phones, she said.

“Institutions are competing hard for this key market, as nearly 80 per cent of new immigrants obtain their first financial product from one of five major Canadian banks,” she noted.

“With about 250,000 new immigrants arriving in Canada every year, financial institutions have a big opportunity to build long-term relationships with this growing customer base,” the report states.

New Canadians a better credit risk: Report | Toronto Star.

Malta Offers Citizenship and All Its Perks for a Price – NYTimes.com

One approach to citizenship (the mercenary kind):

As wealthy foreigners rush to get citizenship in Malta under a new program, the residency requirement is taking many forms.

Russians rent high-end villas, then stay in five-star hotels when they visit.

An American financier plans to live in Switzerland but occasionally vacation in Malta.

One Vietnamese businessman, eager to start the clock ticking on the 12-month timetable for residency, sent the necessary paperwork on his private jet to expedite renting a property he had never seen.

“They come twice, once to get a residency card and once to get a passport,” said Mark George Hyzler, an immigration lawyer at a firm here.

Malta’s citizenship program, which offers a passport to those willing to pay 1.2 million euros, about $1.3 million, has been controversial since it was introduced more than a year ago. But the residency requirements, meant to make the program more palatable, are only increasing the consternation among critics, who say the program has resulted in the sale of citizenship to the global 0.1 percent.

“They come twice, once to get a residency card and once to get a passport,” said Mark George Hyzler, an immigration lawyer. Credit Darrin Zammit Lupi for The New York Times

Applicants must show they have rented a property in Malta for 12 months. But they do not necessarily have to spend any time in this Mediterranean island nation, raising the question of what genuine links they are establishing.

“It is questionable how the residency requirement is being applied,” said Tonio Fenech, a member of Malta’s Parliament

Lawyers, accountants and real estate agents say the citizenship program has catapulted Malta onto the radar of the global elite. Applications are pouring in, and the program aims to raise €2 billion, more than a quarter of Malta’s gross domestic product.

Malta Offers Citizenship and All Its Perks for a Price – NYTimes.com.

Conservatives rally for communism memorial as Vietnamese Canadians mark Journey to Freedom Day

Making the politics involved even more transparent:

Canada’s minister of state for democratic reform told a crowd of Vietnamese Canadians gathered to commemorate the inaugural Journey to Freedom Day that opposition to the prominent downtown site planned for a memorial for the victims of communism was “shameful” and that the controversial monument will get built.

“It is shameful that the Liberals and the NDP have come out against building this monument at this site, and it is shameful that some in the media have done the same. This is a worthy project, it is the right thing to do, and under the strong leadership of Prime Minister Harper, we will build this monument,” Pierre Poilievre told more than 500 people at a rally on the downtown site chosen for the monument across from the Supreme Court and fronting onto Wellington Street.

Poilievre’s sentiments were echoed by Ludwik Klimkowski, board chair for Tribute to Liberty, the group fundraising to build the monument.

The monument’s prominent location has drawn criticism and opposition from the likes of Mayor Jim Watson, Ottawa architect Barry Padolsky, Shirley Greenberg, an architect who was on the jury that chose the winning design, and the Royal Architectural Institute of Canada.

Conservatives rally for communism memorial as Vietnamese Canadians mark Journey to Freedom Day | National Post.

French Muslim girl kicked out of class because her skirt was too long

Hard to see how this kind of approach and inflexibility helps integration:

A 15-year-old French Muslim girl has been banned from her classroom for wearing a long black skirt, seen as going against France’s law guaranteeing secularism.

She missed two days this month in a dispute over her skirt, French education officials said Wednesday, and the issue remains unresolved.

A popular Twitter hashtag #jeportemajupecommejeveux (I wear my skirt as I like) popped up on Wednesday after the dispute was made public in the girl’s local newspaper in Charleville-Mézières, in northeast France.

School officials say the skirt itself was not the issue. Rather, the problem was that the student had worn it specifically as a sign of her faith, contravening the 2004 law barring religious symbols in classrooms below university level.

The student, identified as Sarah, was among a group of at least five girls who arrived at the Leo Lagrange school in recent weeks with long skirts — and Islamic headscarves which they removed before entering school, the Reims Academy Services said.

The students were asked to change into “neutral clothing” before coming to class. Sarah complied, then stopped coming to class, the Academy Services said.

“It was a concerted action … with a will to put a (religious) identity on display,” Patrice Dutot, inspector of the Ardennes Academy, which oversees schools in the area, said by telephone.

French Muslim girl kicked out of class because her skirt was too long | Toronto Star.

Non-permanent residents are force in Canadian economy

Interesting take from CIBC on the economic contribution of non-Permanent Residents:

The most powerful demographic and economic impact is not in the tight labour markets of Alberta and Saskatchewan, but in British Columbia and Ontario, Tal found.

The number of non-permanent residents tripled in Ontario between 2006 and 2013. If those people hadn’t arrived, the province would have lost 120,000 people in the important cohort that is forming households and powering economies.

In B.C., the number in the 25-44 age group would have been flat if the non-permanent residents total hadn’t doubled.

“It is not a coincidence that those two provinces are also the ones to experience long-lasting strong housing market activity,” Tal said in his analysis.

The implication is that any new federal policies to alter the status of TFWs should take into account their importance as spenders in the Canadian economy.

“The main issue is to take into account the economic impact of such large numbers. The number is big enough to change the trajectory,” Tal said.

He said the 2013 numbers, which he drew from Statistics Canada, may underestimate the number of non-permanent residents in Canada compared to more recent figures from Citizenship and Immigration Canada.

He points to a 14 per cent growth in new permits for TFWs and nine per cent growth in extensions in 2014. There is very little evidence such workers are returning to their home countries, he said.

Non-permanent residents are force in Canadian economy: CIBC – Business – CBC News.

How ethnic nationalism undercuts multiculturalism on the Korean peninsula

More on multiculturalism and diversity in the Koreas:

The ideal of creating a modern nation-state for the Korean people underpinned the founding of 
both North and South Korea. But the nation-building process also produced minorities. In South Korea, discrimination on the basis of regional origin increased under the authoritarian regimes led by Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo Hwan
 and continues in public discussions today. In North Korea, the social stratification (songbun) system divides the population into three major categories, and 51 subcategories, on the basis of how one’s grandparents participated in the emerging state’s anti-colonial communist revolution.

The most important minority group in South Korea today is ethnic Korean Chinese. Increasing numbers of 
ethnic Korean Chinese have migrated to South Korea under the diaspora (dongpo) policy, which loosened entry and residency regulations. Today, the ethnic Korean Chinese population in South Korea reaches 500,000 — 39 per cent of the total foreign nationality population. Despite sharing the same language and working in sectors where there is the most need, ethnic Korean Chinese continue to face prejudice and discrimination from broader South Korean society.

South Korea’s migration policy 
is designed to satisfy small- and medium-size businesses’ demand for cheap labour. This policy focus means the rights of migrant workers have not been protected effectively. Under the Employment Permit System, adopted in 2004, migrant workers continue to experience abuse and exploitation. They face restrictions when changing workplace and are prohibited from forming or joining labour unions. A 2014 Amnesty International report detailed abuses of migrant workers 
in the farm and fishery sectors and recommended that the government allow workers greater freedom to change workplace and enforce work condition standards across all sectors.

Marriage migrants also face problems. In rural areas, the majority of marriages — 236,000 in total — are between a Korean man and a foreign bride. Cultural differences in this male-dominated family setting can create major difficulties, and family discord and domestic violence are common. One counselling centre received 5000 requests for divorce counselling in 2014. In that same year, 69 per cent of immigrant wives suffered abuse. Seven of these women were murdered by their partners.

Civic, religious and feminist groups run shelters for immigrant women facing divorce proceedings, who risk having their residency revoked. There are 100 multicultural support centres nationwide that run incipient conflict resolution mechanisms and seek to represent the interests of immigrant wives. Jasmin Lee, a naturalised Filipino-Korean elected in 2012, is the first advocate for immigrant wives in the National Assembly. 
Lee faced racially-charged attacks, demonstrating a general insensitivity to multiculturalism in South Korea.

How ethnic nationalism undercuts multiculturalism on the Korean peninsula | East Asia Forum.

Toronto police chief won’t abolish controversial practice of carding: ‘There will be an increase in crime’

Dose of reality on levels of change to be expected given police will always want more information and data (earlier post on new policy Toronto Police’s carding reform is built on a good foundation):

Asked specifically what would happen if carding was banned, Saunders replied: “If we removed the ability of our officers to engage with the community, all I can tell you is it will put us in a situation where there will be an increase in crime.”

A new city policy on carding, adopted by the police services board in April, is subject to mandatory review after six months. The policy, which stripped away safeguards and restrictions proposed in an earlier draft, allows police to stop citizens without telling them they’re free to go unless they specifically ask. It also removes an earlier requirement for police to hand out receipts to anyone they card.

At the summit Wednesday, Mayor John Tory, who sits on the police services board, defended the process that led to the new policy.

“I completely accept the fact that the system as has been, the system which was in place, combined with inadequate framing, which I think is a major shortcoming we’ve had in the system, frequently produced unjust, discriminatory consequences for black young people in particular,” he said. But when he came into office five months ago, he added, there was effectively no carding policy at all.

“The policy we recently approved was not only the best we could do at that time, but it was better than no oversight, no policy and procedure,” he said.

As for what will happen after the six-month review, Saunders appeared to rule out at least one potential option.

“Abolishing it,” he said, ” is not the way in which we’re going to say ‘everything is going to be better.’”

Toronto police chief won’t abolish controversial practice of carding: ‘There will be an increase in crime’

The Failure of Multiculturalism: Kenan Malik

While much of Kenan Malik’s arguments reflects the European experience (rather than Canadian or Australian multiculturalism with its integration and participation focus), he largely ends up in the right place in noting that it is the particular variant of multiculturalism that is important, and that it needs the assimilationist (or integrationist) element to succeed:

Multiculturalism and assimilationism are different policy responses to the same problem: the fracturing of society. And yet both have had the effect of making things worse. It’s time, then, to move beyond the increasingly sterile debate between the two approaches. And that requires making three kinds 
of distinctions.

First, Europe should separate diversity as a lived experience from multiculturalism as a political process. The experience of living in a society made diverse by mass immigration should be welcomed. Attempts to institutionalize such diversity through the formal recognition of cultural differences should be resisted.

Second, Europe should distinguish colorblindness from blindness to racism. The assimilationist resolve to treat everyone equally as citizens, rather than as bearers of specific racial or cultural histories, is valuable. But that does not mean that the state should ignore discrimination against particular groups. Citizenship has no meaning if different classes of citizens are treated differently, whether because of multicultural policies or because of racism.

Finally, Europe should differentiate between peoples and values. Multiculturalists argue that societal diversity erodes the possibility of common values. Similarly, assimilationists suggest that such values are possible only within a more culturally—and, for some, ethnically—homogeneous society. Both regard minority communities as homogeneous wholes, attached to a particular set of cultural traits, faiths, beliefs, and values, rather than as constituent parts of a modern democracy.

The real debate should be not between multiculturalism and assimilationism but between two forms of the former and two forms of the latter. An ideal policy would marry multiculturalism’s embrace of actual diversity, rather than its tendency to institutionalize differences, and assimilationism’s resolve to treat everyone as citizens, rather than its tendency to construct a national identity by characterizing certain groups as alien to the nation. In practice, European countries have done the opposite. They have enacted either multicultural policies that place communities in constricting boxes or assimilationist ones that distance minorities from the mainstream.

Moving forward, Europe must rediscover a progressive sense of universal values, something that the continent’s liberals have largely abandoned, albeit in different ways. On the one hand, there is a section of the left that has combined relativism and multiculturalism, arguing that the very notion of universal values is in some sense racist. On the other, there are those, exemplified by such French assimilationists as the philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy, who insist on upholding traditional Enlightenment values but who do so in a tribal fashion that presumes a clash of civilizations.

There has also been a guiding assumption throughout Europe that immigration and integration must be managed through state policies and institutions. Yet real integration, whether of immigrants or of indigenous groups, is rarely brought about by the actions of the state; it is shaped primarily by civil society, by the individual bonds that people form with one another, and by the organizations they establish to further their shared political and social interests. It is the erosion of such bonds and institutions that has proved so problematic—that links assimilationist policy failures to multicultural ones and that explains why social disengagement is a feature not simply of immigrant communities but of the wider society, too. To repair the damage that disengagement has done, and to revive a progressive universalism, Europe needs not so much new state policies as a renewal of civil society.

The Failure of Multiculturalism.

It’s not about Islam, it’s about courage: Authors protesting Charlie Hebdo’s PEN award are missing the point – Salon.com

One of the better commentaries on the Charlie Hebdo and PEN controversy by Laura Miller:

It isn’t always easy to judge where power resides. Islamophobia is a real problem, but so is Islamic fundamentalism — and even just good ol’ fashioned patriarchal religious authoritarianism. Most of the targets of Muslim extremism are other Muslims. Muslim writers, artists and cartoonists are subject to religious censorship on a routine basis across the Muslim world. Islam cannot be simply or easily equated with victimhood, even if Muslims are discriminated against in French society.

And yet even in France, extremist Muslims seized the power to impose the ultimate punishment on the staff of Charlie Hebdo for, in the words of Salman Rushdie, “drawing pictures.” They were able to do so only with the backing of an organized, well-funded international network that, when it comes to criticism of their beliefs, would gladly shut down the speech rights of everyone, regardless of faith or nationality. The attack on Charlie Hebdo was a significant initiative in their campaign to do just that. It was not a one-off, or an uprising of the powerless, even if its organizers are able to play on real grievances to hoodwink young men into executing homicidal and suicidal actions.

As I’ve written before, Charlie Hebdo’s humor is too crude and obvious to appeal to me, but I’m predisposed to favor anyone who takes religious authorities down a peg. Raised in the Catholic Church, I regard anti-clerical campaigns as anything but passé; my own experience suggests to me that some French Muslims might find irreverent portrayals of the prophet, however crass, to be a crowbar prying open the confining box of tradition and piety. I don’t think anyone should be forced into secularism, but history tells us that this is far less of a threat than the compulsion — enforced by the state or by a more intimate community — to believe and observe. For this reason, I feel that no religion should be shielded from ridicule and satire; organized religion is always a form of power.

Rushdie has excellent cause to fear violent Islamic extremism, which Charlie Hebdo always maintained was the true object of its mockery. It’s likely that Eisenberg, a Jew, and Cole, a black man, have a heightened sensitivity to scenarios in which racial caricatures appear in publications indulged or encouraged by a prejudiced state. And from what my French friends tell me, there are all kinds of cultural signals in those cartoons that Anglophones miss, leading them to radically misinterpret the jokes. We’re all entitled to interpret them in our own way, of course, and even to repudiate them for what we think we see there. But what we can’t do with any real credibility is decide what they mean to somebody else.

It’s not about Islam, it’s about courage: Authors protesting Charlie Hebdo’s PEN award are missing the point – Salon.com.

And the contrary view by Philip Slayton and Tasleem Thawar of PEN Canada which I find less convincing, as it only focuses on one community, not recognizing that Charlie Hebdo, as noted above, aims for equity among the largely religious groups it offends:

Clearly, Charlie Hebdo’s right to publish should be defended. But does an obligation to defend something entail an obligation to celebrate it? We often recognize and celebrate writers who are silenced by the state or other powerful groups – still the primary threats to free speech around the world. And PEN has always been committed, as stated in the PEN charter, to dispelling race, class and national hatreds. This is why celebrating Charlie Hebdo is complicated. While Charlie Hebdo journalists were victims of a horrific attack on free expression, there are good arguments that regardless of their intentions, their work can be used to promote hate and further marginalize an already disenfranchised community.

The same argument holds true for PEN American’s impending celebration of Charlie Hebdo. Certainly Charlie Hebdo was courageous in continuing to publish, despite threats and, indeed, the murders of its journalists. In awarding this prize, PEN American clearly distinguishes between agreeing with Charlie Hebdo’s message, and applauding their bravery. But, as the six writers who are boycotting the PEN Gala are aware, despite intentions, the PEN award may very well be perceived as an endorsement of a magazine that continues to lampoon a disempowered group with scathing and provocative cartoons, and used to bolster the arguments of those who seek to further marginalize them. No organization can expect unwavering support from within its ranks when it makes difficult choices on sensitive matters. PEN represents writers with widely differing viewpoints – it has always embraced controversy and encouraged dissent.

 We celebrated Charlie Hebdo’s right to offend – and some took offence