Près de 60 000 dossiers d’immigration approuvés s’empilent à cause des cibles de Québec

A noter:

Alors que les ministres de l’Immigration se défient et se déchirent, la pile de dossiers d’immigration déjà approuvés pour la résidence permanente ne cesse de s’épaissir à Ottawa. Créé par la divergence entre les demandes acceptées et les seuils de Québec, le goulot d’étranglement s’épaissit aussi de plus en plus vite.

La mécanique peut paraître complexe entre les deux ordres de gouvernement, mais il reste que le ministère fédéral de l’Immigration, des Réfugiés et de la Citoyenneté (IRCC) s’efforce « de respecter les demandes du Québec quant au nombre de nouveaux résidents permanents », nous écrit-on. Une personne qui a été jugée éligible à la résidence permanente par toutes les instances est donc en attente d’une place parmi les seuils de la province.

Il y a ainsi 38 000 réfugiés déjà reconnus qui vivent au Québec pour un seuil maximum de 3700 places fixé par le gouvernement de François Legault pour 2024 et 2025. Au rythme actuel, il leur faudra donc plus de 10 ans pour avoir accès à la résidence permanente pleinement. Entretemps, ces personnes ont accès aux services et peuvent travailler, mais elles ne peuvent pas demander de carte de résidence permanente. Ces années compteront-elles avant d’obtenir la citoyenneté ? IRCC reste muet sur ces éléments malgré nos questions.

« Il n’existe aucun délai maximal », nous écrit aussi ce ministère.

Il ne s’agit plus d’une simple antichambre de l’immigration, puisque la personne a déjà vu sa demande d’asile acceptée par Commission de l’Immigration et du statut de réfugié (CISR). Après une décision favorable, le demandeur d’asile approuvé se tourne vers le ministère provincial de l’Immigration, qui lui décerne un certificat de sélection du Québec.

La personne est donc ironiquement « sélectionnée » par Québec, mais sa demande de résidence stagne à Ottawa, car le ministère respecte les maximums établis par la province. Cet arriéré de résidents permanents en attente a aussi augmenté de 8000 individus en six mois, selon les chiffres déjà publiés par Le Devoir en août dernier….

Source: Près de 60 000 dossiers d’immigration approuvés s’empilent à cause des cibles de Québec

Aaron Wudrick: It’s time for a grown-up conversation on immigration

Wudrick weighs into the question of values even if to date, most critics have focussed on the practicalities (housing, healthcare, infrastructure etc) with little substantiation. However, the influx of 1,000 or so Gaza’s, fleeing the destruction, combined with the range of anti-semitic language and actions, provides a high profile example. Doesn’t appear to be an accident that applicants have to provide their social media links:

Canada has been shaped by large-scale immigration. With the exception of Indigenous Peoples, the vast majority of Canadians today are either immigrants or descendants thereof. Our nation has thrived as a pluralistic and multiethnic society, built through the gradual integration of people from around the world. 

While this is largely a good news story it should not obscure a hard truth: in the 21st century, the challenges associated with immigration are vastly different from those of 50 or 100 years ago, and until recently policymakers have been unwilling to discuss immigration policy accordingly. These challenges can be broadly categorized into three areas: economic impact; infrastructure capacity; and cultural friction.

When it comes to economic impact, immigration has historically, on balance, been beneficial to Canada’s economy and standard of living. But in recent years the evidence has become more mixed. In particular, the sheer number of new arrivals—over one million in 2022 alone—especially in the form of temporary and lower-skilled migrants, is increasingly being used as a substitute for Canadian labour, driving down wages. This downward pressure, while good news for employers trying to contain costs, has the dual effect of dragging down per-capita GDP, while disincentivizing business investment in labour-productivity-enhancing innovations. 

The cause of the jump in total migrants per year is also no secret: there has been an explosion in the number of international postsecondary students studying in Canada over the last decade—jumping from 248,000 in 2012 to 807,000 in 2022—largely as a result of postsecondary institutions seeking a more lucrative income stream since they are able to charge international students much higher fees. With no annual cap on foreign student visas, this has effectively become a massive back-door entry loophole to get into the country. Many of these students arrive with the hope of becoming permanent residents, which also entitles them to sponsor family members to come to Canada, further boosting migration levels.

Equally concerning has been the effect of this population growth on housing prices, which is a straightforward arithmetic function of supply and demand. Canada has some of the most expensive housing in the world, overwhelmingly a result of insufficient housing supply, especially in major cities. High levels of immigration, also concentrated in these cities, exacerbate the problem from the demand side. Both Canadians and newcomers suffer if they cannot afford a place to live. Similarly, many Canadians are unable to find a family doctor and face crowded schools, transit, hospitals, or other crumbling infrastructure. Rapid population growth makes these challenges harder to manage.

But, while concerns about immigration’s impact on our economy and infrastructure have slowly begun to attract more attention and public discussion, the issue of cultural friction remains largely taboo. 

It should be said that historically, Canada has been fairly successful at integrating people from diverse religious, linguistic, and racial backgrounds, and even today there is a strong case that Canada manages these challenges better than most other countries. What was once a fairly organic process that allowed for integration over years, if not generations, has been supplanted by activist government policy that preaches an official doctrine of big-M Multiculturalism, which fetishizes and subsidizes cultural differences while simultaneously erasing and downplaying Canadian history. In effect, the implicit social contract between Canada and newcomers has become unbalanced. Canada is and should remain a place where newcomers are free to retain their religion, language, and culture. But we must also actively invite all Canadians, new and old, to join a shared national project to ensure we are working towards living together rather than simply side by side.

In addition to counterproductive government policies, few have noted that the integration process has been dramatically changed by technological advance which now allows for immigrants to retain permanent, real-time cultural ties to their native countries. This phenomenon—where people can be physically present in one place but maintain daily cultural and social ties to their homeland—presents a special challenge to a country with a relatively weak national identity. This is particularly true of Canada’s large diaspora communities, including those from China, India, and Iran, which have increasingly impacted Canada’s international relationships and given rise to interference (alleged or proven) by these countries on Canadian soil.

Canada has historically enjoyed strong support for immigration across the political spectrum, a consensus that is not common in other countries. Recent opinion polling suggests that this consensus is rapidly eroding, if not already gone. We are long overdue for an honest, constructive, and robust debate about the way forward on immigration. We owe it to Canadians—both present and future.

Aaron Wudrick is the domestic policy director at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.

Source: Aaron Wudrick: It’s time for a grown-up conversation on immigration

Asylum claims jump at Canadian airports after Ottawa eases some visitor visa requirements

“Fix” one problem by creating another! Waiving the sufficient funds requirements and the demonstration of intent to leave requirement may have appeared a good idea at the time but did nobody at the official or political level not expect an increase in claimants?

Canada is experiencing a surge of asylum claims being made at domestic airports after a contentious move by the federal government to waive certain requirements for thousands of visitor visa applicants.

The Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) has processed more than 26,000 asylum claimants at airports through September this year, an increase of 54 per cent from last year’s total, according to figures from Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). While the numbers have been rising since 2022, the trend accelerated in the spring.

In March, the federal government closed Roxham Road, a popular route into Quebec for those seeking asylum in Canada. The closure has forced would-be claimants to find new entry points.

But there was another, less-publicized move, that likely contributed to the trend. Earlier this year, Ottawa waived some eligibility requirements for visitor visa applicants – in particular, those individuals no longer have to prove they have sufficient funds to stay in Canada or demonstrate they will leave the country when their visas expire. The policy went into effect on Feb. 28 and lasts through the end of 2023.

The Globe and Mail reported in January that IRCC was considering such a move, after the newspaper leaked a government document that outlined ways to reduce a significant volume of visa applications.

The memo said that not all applicants for temporary resident visas, or TRVs, would be “genuine visitors,” and that in waiving eligibility requirements for those individuals, it could lead to an additional 8,600 asylum claims.

Still, Ottawa pressed ahead with the plan – although it didn’t disclose anything publicly until June, four months after the policy took effect. Radio-Canada was first to report on the change.

“The percentage of people coming to Canada on a TRV and claiming asylum remains low compared to the overall volume of TRVs the department typically issues each year,” IRCC spokesperson Mary Rose Sabater said in a statement. “In the current reality of increasing global migration, Canada, like many other countries, is experiencing a rise in the number of people claiming asylum.”

Many people connected to the immigration system, including lawyers and government employees, have criticized Ottawa’s approach to expediting the processing of applications. They say the immigration department is not performing its due diligence in screening all visitors, while also putting stress on the refugee system, which was already struggling to accommodate a rush of people seeking protection in Canada.

The change “makes our immigration system seem unreliable,” said Zeynab Ziaie Moayyed, an immigration lawyer in Toronto. It’s “a short-sighted way to reduce that backlog, but creates all kinds of other problems.”

At times last year, there were more than 2.6 million applications in IRCC’s inventories, including for visitor visas, work and study permits and permanent residency. As of Aug. 31, there were 2.2 million applications in the queue.

The IRCC memo, which dates to December, said waiving eligibility requirements would apply to roughly 450,000 TRV applications in the system.

The document said the stockpile of applications was “eroding the public’s trust” in the department and its ability to manage migration. Hopeful immigrants and visitors often complain that it can take years for the government to render a decision on their files.

“The accumulated visitor visa inventory is limiting Canada’s attractiveness for tourists and business persons, in addition to keeping families separated,” the government said on a webpage that announced the policy change. “Facilitating the processing of applications currently in the inventory by streamlining eligibility requirements will position Canada for a clean start and a return to pre-pandemic processing times, thereby ensuring our international competitiveness moving forward.”

The measure applies to visitor visa applications that were in the system by Jan. 16, coinciding with the date of The Globe’s story on the policies under consideration.

The government also waived a requirement – the need for foreign nationals to establish that they will leave the country by the end of their authorized stays – for those seeking “super visas,” which allow parents and grandparents of Canadian citizens or permanent residents to visit the country for five years at a time.

Despite the exemptions, prospective visitors are still subject to other screening procedures, such as those ensuring they aren’t a known threat to national security.

In a statement, the CBSA said it has seen an increase in the number of asylum claimants in recent weeks at airports, including Montréal–Trudeau International Airport and Toronto Pearson International Airport. The agency said the claimants were mainly from Mexico, India, Kenya, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria and Uganda.

Federal data show that a majority of asylum claims made at airports occur in Quebec. Eric Forest, a spokesperson for Trudeau International Airport, said it is “not suited to receive a large number of asylum seekers daily nor should it be its mandate.”

The IRCC memo outlined the pros and cons of using “aggressive measures” to reduce its inventory of visa applications, which it described as a crisis situation. Among the drawbacks, there would be “increased pressure” on the asylum system, including for the CBSA, the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, hotels and airlines.

As of June 30, there were more than 103,000 refugee protection claims pending at the IRB, an increase of 47 per cent over six months.

Ms. Ziaie Moayyed questioned why IRCC would waive some requirements when it already has methods to process applications in bulk.

“They could have used the technology tools they have to process those applications,” she said. “It wouldn’t have created this really bad precedent that Canada will, at some point, if pushed, allow a large number of applications to go through without any eligibility assessment.”

Source: Asylum claims jump at Canadian airports after Ottawa eases some visitor visa requirements

Palestinians in the GTA appeal to federal government to help loved ones flee Gaza

As always, the response will be judged in relation to other groups fleeing violence like Syria, Ukraine, Afghanistan and others. Also as always, there will be degrees of inconsistency, and, security concerns regarding possible Hamas supporters.

Largely academic for the moment until there is a corridor for civilians to flee, which likely will be a secondary priority compared to Canadian citizens and Permanent Residents:

A group of Palestinians living in the GTA are appealing to the federal government to bring family members living in Gaza to Canada faster than standard immigration policies allow.

Milton local and permanent resident Abdallah Alhamadni says they’re hoping Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) will create a humanitarian pathway for Palestinians fleeing from the Israel-Hamas war, similar to those implemented for people escaping violence in places like Syria and Ukraine.

“I have a great hope, it’s not impossible to do that,” said Alhamadni, adding Canada has a reputation for helping people around the world find safe haven in the country during times of crises.

Source: Palestinians in the GTA appeal to federal government to help loved ones flee Gaza – CBC.ca

Canada-U.S. refugee pact changes expected to ‘exacerbate existing threats’: memo

It may, but to date the number of irregular arrivals remains under 100, a small number compared to likely visa and permit overstays:

A newly released memo shows federal officials warned last spring that expanding a bilateral refugee pact to the entire Canada-U.S. border would likely fuel smuggling networks and encourage people to seek more dangerous, remote crossing routes.

Officials feared the development would also strain RCMP resources as irregular migrants dispersed more widely across the vast border.

The April memo, made public by Public Safety Canada through the Access to Information Act, was prepared in advance of a Cross-Border Crime Forum meeting with American representatives.

Under the Safe Third Country Agreement, implemented in 2004, Canada and the United States recognize each other as havens to seek protection.

The pact has long allowed either country to turn back a prospective refugee who showed up at a land port of entry along the Canada-U.S. border — unless eligible for an exemption — on the basis they must pursue their claim in the country where they first arrived.

However, until this year it did not apply to those who crossed between official entry points.

On March 24, during U.S. President Joe Biden’s visit to Ottawa, the two countries announced the Safe Third Country Agreement would cover the entire land border effective the following day.

The move followed concern and debate about increases in irregular migration to both Canada and the United States.

The internal memo said the Cross-Border Crime Forum was an opportunity to reaffirm Canada’s commitment to ensuring fair, orderly migration between the two countries, in part through support for expansion of the refugee agreement.

The memo noted there was a drop in the number of irregular border interceptions by the RCMP between March 25 and April 25.

But “Despite preliminary positive results related to irregular migration volumes, changes to the (Safe Third Country Agreement) are expected to change the criminal threat environment and exacerbate existing threats to the Canada-U.S. border,” it noted.

It said individuals may be motivated to cross the border via more dangerous and remote routes in order to avoid law enforcement and circumvent the expanded protocol.

It is “highly likely that human smuggling networks will expand their operations and play a vital role in these clandestine entries” by providing services such as safe houses, fraudulent documents and transportation to and from the border, the memo said

“Human smuggling creates significant risks for irregular migrants and exposes them to dangerous conditions. Irregular crossings in remote, rural, or isolated locations may result in physical injury or fatalities.”

In addition, the memo said, the RCMP is aware that irregular migrants may become victims of physical or sexual abuse or human trafficking during their passage to Canada.

Irregular migration through isolated regions puts responding RCMP members’ health and safety at risk, the memo added. “These activities also produce challenges on the RCMP’s resources as irregular migrants become less concentrated and more dispersed across the Canada-U.S. border.”

The memo also warned that organized crime groups might use shifting irregular migration routes along the border to smuggle illicit commodities including drugs, guns and tobacco.

The internal warnings echoed concerns the Canadian Council for Refugees voiced upon expansion of the Safe Third Country Agreement. In that sense, the content of the memo is not surprising, said Gauri Sreenivasan, a co-executive director at the council.

“What’s very concerning is it underscores how clearly the government was aware of the dangers that were associated with closing down the border,” she said in an interview.

The council has consistently argued against the refugee pact, saying the U.S. is not always a safe country for people fleeing persecution.

The best public policy is to allow a claimant to show up safely at a border crossing and to hear their case fairly, Sreenivasan said. “There is nothing illegal about asking for protection. In fact, it’s a right protected under international human rights law.”

In late March, just after expansion of the refugee agreement, eight people drowned in the St. Lawrence River when an apparent attempt to smuggle them into the U.S. went awry.

A statement issued following the Cross-Border Crime Forum meeting in late April said cabinet members from the two countries asked officials to review recent incidents along the border to identify opportunities to improve intelligence, detection and interdiction to disrupt cross-border smuggling, investigate events and hold people accountable.

RCMP spokeswoman Marie-Eve Breton says co-operative efforts “have demonstrated that we can respond to the evolving threat environment encountered at the border.”

When people crossing between ports of entry are intercepted by the RCMP or local police, they are brought to a designated port of entry providing there are no national security or criminality concerns identified, Breton said. Once at the port of entry, the Canada Border Services Agency will then determine whether or not the claim is eligible under the Safe Third Country Agreement.

The border service agency says it works closely with Canadian and U.S. partners to ensure the lawful, safe and humane treatment of refugee claimants while maintaining border security.

“It is illegal to enter between ports of entry and it is not safe,” said border agency spokesperson Maria Ladouceur. “We encourage asylum seekers to cross the border at designated ports of entry.”

Breton also urged border-crossers to follow the rules. “This process is safer, faster and according to the law.”

Source: Canada-U.S. refugee pact changes expected to ‘exacerbate existing threats’: memo

Lederman: In Poland, an outrage over a movie shows the government’s fear of both fact and fiction

Of note:

“Only pigs sit in the cinema.” That phrase was coined during the Second World War by the Polish Home Army to discourage people from seeing Nazi propaganda films screening in German-occupied Poland.

But the resistance slogan is getting new life in today’s politically charged Poland, as controversy swirls over the feature film The Green Border, which has caused the far-right Law and Justice (PiS) government to lash out and compare the movie to, yes, “Nazi propaganda.” The outrage prompted 74-year-old director Agnieszka Holland to hire security as she travelled to Poland for the movie’s release.

The Green Border, which won the Special Jury Prize at the Venice Film Festival, is a harrowing look at Poland’s real-life migrant crisis. It is set largely along the natural, forested border, where refugees from the Middle East and Africa have been trying to enter the European Union through Poland. They are lured there by Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko, whose government has offered the false promise of safe passage – a political strategy meant to antagonize the EU.

In the film, a group of desperate people, including a woman from Afghanistan and a family of Syrian refugees – three children, their parents and grandfather – fly to Minsk, and are shuttled from the airport to the barbed-wire border in the thick forest. There, they try to cross into Poland. Rather than being welcomed, they are forced into a terrible cross-border cat-and-mouse game while navigating the cold, swampy forest. Sadistic guards on both sides – and in the no man’s land in the middle – behave cruelly to these desperate people, including pregnant women, who are trying to escape homeland threats such as war and severe oppression. The human rights abuses they encounter as they try to claim asylum in Poland are in violation of international law.

The “only pigs” line was recently resurrected by Polish border guards who saw the film, and repeated by President Andrzej Duda, who has not. He made the ugly comment during a TV appearance, and called for an audience boycott, in objection to the film’s depiction of the country’s actions at the border.

With a runtime of more than two hours, the devastating black-and-white film – which is at the Vancouver International Film Festival this weekend, following screenings at TIFF – is excruciating to watch. But it is essential.

While heavily researched, this is not a documentary; it is a dramatization, with fictional characters. That doesn’t make it untrue.

A Polish journalist I recently met in Poland, Joanna Lopat-Reno, has documented the crisis – one where people “are repeatedly pushed around, intimidated, beaten, starved, whole families waiting in the forest,” she wrote in her European Press Prize-nominated article, “Ammar in the Polish wardrobe: A story about hiding refugees on the Polish-Belarusian border.” She is anxious to call attention to the issue. “That … fictional story is not very different from what happens in reality. Now. Because it is still happening.”

But on the day The Green Border opened in Poland, Deputy Prime Minister and PiS party leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski held a news conference where he called the film “simply shameful, repulsive and disgusting.” Polish Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro compared Ms. Holland to a Nazi propagandist. Ms. Holland’s father was Jewish, and his parents died in the Holocaust.

The government even produced its own short film warning viewers about the “untruths and distortions” of the feature, and ordered cinemas to play it ahead of screenings.

This is all happening in the run-up to Poland’s Oct. 15 election, in which the refugee crisis has been an issue. The PiS campaign is pushing its anti-immigration policies as it tries to win a third term. It is also asking this referendum question: “Do you support the admission of thousands of illegal immigrants from the Middle East and Africa?”

Ms. Holland has said the film’s release was not timed to coincide with the election, but with film festival season. She calls the government’s attacks on the film “an organized hate campaign.” 

In spite of the controversy – or perhaps because of it – The Green Borderhad the biggest opening weekend for a Polish film this year. Yet despite the film’s critical reception, Poland’s Oscar committee announced on Monday that it submitted a different entry to the Academy Awards for consideration in the international-feature category: the much prettier period film, The Peasants, which is easier on the eyes, and heart – and easier for the current government to stomach.

Art can bring attention to issues that are being largely ignored, and call attention to governments that are acting egregiously.

Will this film bring change? Impossible to know. But it will make you care. We need to pay attention to these people – and the lawmakers who hope to silence them.

Source: In Poland, an outrage over a movie shows the government’s fear of both fact and fiction

John Ivison: Canada’s UN envoy warns of a North American migrant crisis unlike any other

Of note:

Bob Rae has seen more than his fair share of distressing scenes as Canada’s special envoy to Myanmar, advising the Trudeau government on the Rohingya crisis.

But he said his visit to Panama’s Darién Gap in late August, to bear witness to the irregular migration crisis unfolding in one of the world’s least accessible places, was particularly heartbreaking.

Darién has become a funnel point for a great migration that is turning into a humanitarian crisis, as hundreds of thousands of people brave raging rivers, robberies, sexual assaults and venomous snakes to try to make their way north toward the United States.

Rae said the increasing number of children and single mothers making the dangerous trek is especially concerning.

Canada’s ambassador to the United Nations was flown into the remote jungle area at the invitation of the Panamanian government to observe the torrent of distressed humanity crossing by foot and small boat from South America to Central America.

Rae said 4,000 people arrived in Panamanian reception areas last Monday. “The numbers have really skyrocketed,” the former Ontario premier said.

In 2019, just 24,000 people made the perilous 100-kilometre jungle crossing, which can take up to 10 days. The flow rose to 250,000 last year, according to UNHCR, the United Nations refugee agency, and it expects that this year numbers will rise to 600,000.

To put that in context, just 180,686 irregular migrants arrived in the European Union last year from Africa and Asia.

There are no roads in the region, so irregular migrants either walk across the border from Colombia or hire Indigenous locals to take them in small boats.

Venezuelans and Ecuadorians make up the bulk of migrants, pushed by rising food insecurity, political instability and gang activity.

But Rae said he was shocked to find that there were also people from China, Afghanistan, Syria and Azerbaijan. “It’s become a global industry telling people how to get on El Camino (the northward route) and go all the way up to the U.S. and Canada,” he said. “(Traffickers) feed them misleading information. The countries in the region are only starting to co-operate to find out what is driving this. It’s quite extraordinary.”

He said he talked to a man from Fujian province on China’s southeastern coast who had flown with around 10 others to Quito in Ecuador. “I asked him what he was doing and, through the translator, he said he tried to get in through Mexico, that there is no work in China at the moment and that he wants a better future for his family in the U.S. or Canada,” Rae said.

Social media is full of accounts that suggest the Darién Gap can be crossed easily in a day. The reality is quite different. “It’s very dangerous, the rivers are very fast-flowing and people are dying on the route,” Rae said. The very remoteness of the crossing means there are no reliable records of how many have perished on the way.

A published interview by a worker from the UN’s International Organization for Migration with a recent arrival in Panama detailed a typical journey.

Gabriela left Ecuador with her 15-year-old son, hoping to get to the U.S., having watched a video that said Darién could be crossed in a day.

Ecuador has been plagued by chronic political instability and spiralling crime rates — homicides have quadrupled in two years.

Gabriela said she took the decision to leave to provide for a younger son who has special needs. But she said found herself lost in the mountainous jungle and swampland after losing contact with the group she was travelling with. She was rescued and said she would never do it again. But crossing the Darién Gap is just the beginning. Migrants are attempting to fulfill their American dream, despite being warned that travellers who arrive irregularly in the U.S. will be returned to their country of origin.

Rae said the Panamanians have been keen to move new arrivals to the Costa Rican border, providing buses that have carried over 200,000 people toward their northern neighbour.

Costa Rica has declared a state of emergency along its southern border, as its ability to cope with sanitation and health issues has been swamped.

In the town of Paso Canoas, which straddles the Costa Rican-Panamanian border, makeshift refugee camps have grown up, overwhelming the local community.

Those with US$30 for the bus fare can head north on the Inter-American Highway to Nicaragua.

The rest are stranded in a garbage-strewn camp with only half a dozen bathrooms. There is little in the way of food or shelter. Migrants endure 30-degree heat and daily downpours. The Red Cross is present, providing rudimentary first aid for people with stomach complaints from drinking untreated water on the journey, according to local media accounts.

In April, Colombia, Panama and the U.S. held a trilateral meeting to discuss joint efforts to meet the emerging crisis, including combatting human-smuggling networks and expanding lawful pathways for Colombians, such as temporary work visas.

The continuing flow of migrants, and Panama’s public comments, suggest those efforts have been in vain.

Panama is set to launch a publicity campaign: “Darién is a jungle, not a road” to discourage would-be travellers.

Panamanian officials complain that Colombia continues to “indiscriminately” send migrants their way. Rae said the crisis is increasing tensions in the region.

In August, Costa Rican president Rodrigo Chavez met his American counterpart, Joe Biden, in the White House to discuss legal pathways for some of the hundreds of thousands of refugees who have arrived in his country to move onward to the U.S.

Rae said one of the things Canada can do is to bring together countries in the region to deal with what is an increasingly serious humanitarian situation.

“It’s not about pointing fingers at each other. We have to work together,” he said.

“Obviously along the route, we donate to the Red Cross and others who are helping, but we have to encourage everyone to create a policy that will deal with this together. Each government on their own gets desperate — the Panamanians were talking last week about closing the border. Well, it’s not physically possible to close the border. But there’s a lot of agitation and people are getting angry.”

Source: John Ivison: Canada’s UN envoy warns of a North American migrant crisis unlike any other

Près de dix ans d’attente pour qu’un réfugié obtienne sa résidence permanente au Québec

Of note:

Les seuils d’immigration proposés par le gouvernement Legault menacent de faire exploser les délais des futurs résidents permanents dans la catégorie humanitaire. Tandis que s’amorceront dans moins de deux semaines les consultations publiques en immigration, Le Devoir a appris que le nombre de dossiers est tel qu’au rythme où vont les admissions au Québec, il faudra près de dix ans à un réfugié reconnu et à ses personnes à charge pour obtenir la résidence permanente.

Selon les données d’Immigration Canada, quelque 30 000 réfugiés reconnus vivant au Québec — soit des demandeurs d’asile à qui le gouvernement fédéral a donné le statut de « personnes à protéger », ce nombre comprenant leurs personnes à charge se trouvant à l’étranger — attendaient ce précieux sésame en date du 8 août. Or, la planification pluriannuelle soumise par la ministre de l’Immigration, Christine Fréchette, propose d’accueillir, pour chacune des quatre prochaines années, environ 3550 personnes dans la catégorie « réfugiés reconnus sur place ». Cette catégorie comprend les demandeurs d’asile arrivés au Québec notamment par voie terrestre, maritime et aérienne.

Une règle de trois montre qu’il faudra huit ans et demi pour écouler ces dossiers, sans compter que des milliers de nouveaux réfugiés reconnus vont venir ajouter le leur sur la pile. Rien qu’en 2022, 60 000 demandes d’asile de personnes vivant au Québec ont été déposées. Ces demandes ne seront toutefois pas toutes acceptées.

« Je suis abasourdie, même si les chiffres ne me surprennent pas tant que ça parce qu’il y a eu une hausse des demandes d’asile », a déclaré Stéphanie Valois, présidente de l’Association québécoise des avocats et avocates en droit de l’immigration. « Mais ce qui me surprend c’est quand on met [ce nombre] en parallèle avec les objectifs d’admission dans la planification du Québec. Il y a un décalage complet avec la réalité. »

« Le Québec se met la tête dans le sable », a déploré pour sa part Stephan Reichhold, directeur de la Table de concertation des organismes au service des personnes réfugiées et immigrantes. « Ces délais sont rattachés à des souffrances majeures pour les familles qui sont séparées et reconnues comme réfugiées. Qu’elles se fassent traiter comme ça, c’est absolument inacceptable. » Selon lui, le message qu’on leur envoie est clair : « Mieux vaut pour ces personnes déménager en Ontario ! »

Sans la résidence permanente, les réfugiés reconnus ne peuvent pas étudier, avoir accès aux garderies et occuper certains emplois, explique Me Valois. « Et pour la réunification familiale, c’est une catastrophe », dit-elle, en rappelant que, si les réfugiés reconnus sur place sont en sécurité au Québec, ce n’est pas toujours le cas de leurs proches. « J’ai beaucoup de clients du Soudan, et c’est la guerre là-bas. Même si le réfugié soudanais qu’on reconnaît comme personne à protéger se trouve ici, les membres de sa famille, eux, peuvent être bloqués à l’étranger dans une situation de danger. Ils ne peuvent pas attendre tout ce temps. »

Les partis d’opposition, choqués

Ces données sur le nombre de dossiers font réagir les partis d’opposition. Le député de Québec solidaire et porte-parole en matière d’immigration, Guillaume Cliche-Rivard, se dit « atterré » et « choqué » de constater que le plan de la ministre Fréchette maintiendra dans la précarité « sans raison apparente et pour des délais excessifs » les personnes parmi les plus vulnérables qui travaillent et sont déjà intégrées.

« Cela confirme l’incompétence du ministère, qui présente, année après année, des plans incomplets et sans crédibilité. La ministre Fréchette vient malheureusement de nous confirmer que son arrivée n’a rien changé à ce niveau. »

Pour le député libéral de Nelligan, Monsef Derraji, l’immigration dite « humanitaire » est aussi économique. « Ce n’est pas de la charité. C’est une catégorie qu’on s’est donnée, car on est très accueillant comme peuple au Québec », soutient-il. « Le nombre de demandes a augmenté depuis l’arrivée de la CAQ au pouvoir et, pour moi, on ne peut pas faire fi de ça. »

Il estime d’ailleurs que la consultation publique qui s’amorce passe à côté de débats importants. « C’est l’occasion en or de parler de la capacité d’accueil, on a l’occasion de parler des travailleurs étrangers et on ne le fait pas. C’est la même chose pour les personnes de la catégorie humanitaire, on n’en parle pas. »

Le co-porte-parole du Parti québécois en immigration, Stéphane Handfield, rejette pour sa part la faute sur Ottawa. « Il faut aborder la question en fonction de notre capacité d’accueil [langue, logement, école, médecin, etc.], ce que le gouvernement fédéral n’a certainement pas fait dans les dernières années. Il s’agit ici de personnes vulnérables, qui, dans bien des cas, sont séparées des membres de leur famille depuis de nombreuses années en raison de la lenteur du système d’immigration fédéral. »

Des cibles souvent dépassées

Rappelons que, dans le plan d’immigration, les cibles proposées par le gouvernement sont souvent dépassées, car ce sont des indicateurs. En 2021 et en 2022, par exemple, il était prévu d’accueillir entre 2500 et 2800 réfugiés reconnus sur place, y compris leurs personnes à charge, mais en réalité, plus de 5600 personnes ont été admises dans cette catégorie en 2021 et quelque 4000 en 2022. Environ deux fois plus.

En plus du nombre croissant de demandes d’asile, cela peut aussi s’expliquer par un rééquilibrage dans la foulée de la pandémie. En 2019, soit tout juste avant la pandémie, le nombre de personnes admises dans la catégorie « réfugiés reconnus sur place » avait été fidèle à la prévision. En 2018, la prévision a été légèrement dépassée.

Mentionnons que, dans la catégorie de l’immigration humanitaire, les « réfugiés sélectionnés à l’étranger », dont font partie les réfugiés parrainés au privé par des petits groupes d’individus ou des organismes, ne sont pas aussi nombreux à attendre. Selon les chiffres d’Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada, le nombre est d’environ 2000 personnes.

Suscitant un engouement certain, les consultations publiques sur la planification de l’immigration au Québec pour la période 2024-2027 s’amorceront le 12 septembre prochain. Un nombre record de plus de 70 intervenants et organismes seront entendus.

Source: Près de dix ans d’attente pour qu’un réfugié obtienne sa résidence permanente au Québec

Des demandeurs d’asile qui s’adaptent plutôt que de combattre en vain

Given ongoing levels of asylum claimants, some suggestions to facilitante their integration at the local level. Silent on the need for faster processing and decisions on asylum claims, however:

Le 20 juillet dernier, dans un article du Devoir (« Un nombre record de demandeurs d’asile passent désormais par les aéroports »), on apprenait que les demandeurs d’asile n’étaient pas moins nombreux à entrer au pays depuis la fermeture du chemin Roxham.

En effet, en suivant la courbe des entrées chaque mois comparativement à l’année précédente, on anticipe que le nombre de demandeurs d’asile admis en 2023 au Canada serait vraisemblablement similaire à celui de 2022. Si la frontière terrestre au sud apparaît plus imperméable, les demandeurs d’asile arrivent dorénavant en plus grand nombre par les airs.

Après quelques mois, le constat se pose donc simplement : la fermeture de chemin Roxham ne semble pas avoir eu d’effet sur le nombre de demandeurs d’asile qui entrent au Canada. Le phénomène d’arrivée des migrants qui touchaient jusqu’à récemment principalement l’Europe et les États-Unis est désormais une réalité chez nous. Si cette tendance a été longtemps ignorée, elle devient maintenant incontournable.

Pour faire face à cette question de manière pragmatique, il faut davantage s’intéresser au continuum de services d’accueil et à leur coordination, une réflexion qui tarde à se faire. Une meilleure cohérence entre les politiques publiques devrait être recherchée afin de s’assurer de l’accueil et de l’intégration de ces migrants, mais aussi de l’atteinte des objectifs nationaux chers au Québec, notamment celui de la francisation et de l’accès égal à des opportunités.

À cet égard, un écueil d’envergure est la collaboration entre les différents ordres de gouvernement. Cette coordination entre les ordres de gouvernement et les organismes qui offrent la majorité des services d’installation et d’intégration doit reposer sur une séparation claire des pouvoirs et responsabilités, un alignement des stratégies ainsi qu’un financement proportionnel au niveau d’engagement de chacune des parties prenantes.

Échelle locale

Également, et la recherche est claire à cet effet, la coordination des services voués aux nouveaux arrivants doit être menée à l’échelle locale pour être optimale. Le gouvernement du Québec, qui est responsable des services d’accueil et d’intégration en vertu de l’entente qu’il a ratifiée avec le gouvernement fédéral en 1991, doit absolument s’appuyer sur les lieux de concertation municipaux ou régionaux qui ont développé l’expertise des défis et sur les ressources disponibles sur le terrain.

Pour l’instant, Québec, qui a transféré des compétences aux villes après l’abolition des conférences régionales des élus il y a presque 10 ans, peine à reconnaître le leadership de celles-ci dans la coordination des services locaux. Ses programmes et financements devraient être alignés sur les stratégies et les priorités locales, plutôt que d’en faire fi.

Les efforts et ressources seraient ainsi mieux alloués. De même, avec la mise en place des agents d’aide à l’intégration (les AAI, comme ils sont désignés par le milieu), Québec dédouble un service existant sans que ces agents aient la capacité d’arriver à la cheville de l’expertise qui s’est développée à travers les années dans les organismes communautaires.

L’arrivée des demandeurs d’asile crée d’ailleurs une pression immense dans les communautés, ses organismes et institutions, particulièrement dans la grande région de Montréal. Ce sont largement eux qui offrent les services d’installation, de francisation, pour l’aide à l’emploi ; ils accueillent les enfants dans les écoles, logent et équipent les familles, etc.

Or, les organismes sur le terrain vous le diront : pour faire connaître leurs services, il leur est souvent impossible d’entrer en contact avec les demandeurs d’asile pris en charge par PRAIDA, le programme québécois chargé des demandeurs d’asile. Ceux-ci finissent par accéder aux services des organismes du milieu, mais pas sans embûches.

Pour s’assurer de la pleine intégration des immigrants, notamment des demandeurs d’asile, et ce, dans l’intérêt de la société québécoise, Québec doit reconnaître le rôle stratégique joué par les communautés locales et s’assurer de les outiller adéquatement.

Responsabilité mondiale

En bref, il faut entrevoir une suite aux discussions concernant l’accueil des demandeurs d’asile, et ce, à tous les ordres de gouvernement. Il n’est pas étonnant que les décideurs aient bien voulu croire (du moins en apparence) que la fermeture du chemin Roxham aurait tout réglé : l’arrivée des migrants en Europe et aux États-Unis a largement polarisé les débats politiques depuis quelques années. La réalité canadienne demeure toutefois que le nombre de demandeurs d’asile qui passent ses frontières est minime par rapport à ce qui a été observé ailleurs.

À juste titre, la ministre de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, Christine Fréchette, rappelait cet hiver que les demandeurs d’asile étaient avant tout des humains, exhortant ainsi à un peu d’humanité dans le débat public.

Les demandeurs d’asile sont admis officiellement au Canada comme réfugiés dans environ 50 % des cas après un processus administratif permettant d’évaluer leur demande. C’est donc dire que dans une large proportion, on juge qu’effectivement, leur sécurité et même leur vie sont menacées dans leur pays d’origine.

Établir ses pénates ici relève pour eux d’un exploit suivant un parcours difficile, et une chance inespérée de vivre en paix. Si ces migrants quittent leur terre natale, c’est qu’elle leur est devenue hostile pour de nombreuses raisons : groupes armés, conflits, persécution pour des motifs politiques et religieux, ainsi que les changements climatiques… Et bien sûr, les pays occidentaux ont aussi leur rôle à jouer, en amont, pour atténuer ces crises mondiales.

Source: Des demandeurs d’asile qui s’adaptent plutôt que de combattre en vain

Globe editorial: Ottawa can’t wash its hands of Toronto’s refugee crisis

Yet another critical Globe editorial:

Here’s a short list of things that Ottawa spends money on but has no constitutional responsibility for: health care, child care, new fridges for big grocery companies, and Gen Y tech consultants for small businesses.

…

Source: Ottawa can’t wash its hands of Toronto’s refugee crisis