Des immigrantes enfermées à double tour dans la violence conjugale

2024/01/30 Leave a comment

A noter, probablement le meme chose d’ailleurs au Canada:

Les immigrantes sont surreprésentées dans les maisons d’hébergement, au point qu’elles y forment une majorité dans la région de Montréal. Les acteurs de terrain constatent non seulement que le phénomène est en augmentation, mais aussi que les femmes ont des statuts de plus en plus fragiles.

Une dizaine d’immigrantes victimes de violence ont témoigné au Devoir dans les derniers mois. La plupart ont demandé d’être présentées sous des prénoms d’emprunt pour des raisons de sécurité dans cette enquête. C’est Caroline, venue avec un permis de travail lié à son conjoint étudiant. Ou Mélissa et Sofia, mariées dans leur pays d’origine à un homme déjà installé ici et dont le parrainage a été retiré une fois la violence dénoncée. C’est Ivonne Fuentes, parrainée par un Québécois en région.

Ce sont deux femmes à qui un conjoint avait promis un parrainage jamais déposé, et qui se sont retrouvées sans statut avec un nouveau-né. C’est une réfugiée mariée ici qui craint son ex-conjoint et l’exclusion de sa communauté d’attache. C’est Silvia, tombée enceinte alors qu’elle n’avait qu’un visa de touriste et qui a vécu deux ans et demi sans statut avec son autre petite fille. D’autres, aussi, déjà résidentes permanentes, mais convaincues que leur conjoint ou la police avaient le pouvoir de les expulser si elles portaient plainte, comme Lucienne.

Les trois associations de maisons d’hébergement pour victimes de violence conjugale du Québec sont sans équivoque : la proportion des femmes nées à l’extérieur du Canada hébergées dépasse nettement leur poids dans la population en général.

Dans les 46 établissements membres du Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale, elles représentaient 69 % des femmes dans la région de Montréal et 51 % à Laval. Dans la région de la Capitale-Nationale, elles étaient 27 %, ce qui dépasse donc largement la proportion d’immigrants de 6,7 % dans la population générale.

La moyenne générale à l’échelle de la province était de 19 % l’an dernier au Regroupement, et de 26 % dans les maisons d’urgence de la Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes (FMHF).

Quant à l’Alliance des maisons d’hébergement de deuxième étape pour femmes et enfants victimes de violence conjugale (Alliance MH2), les immigrantes y ont représenté l’année dernière les trois quarts des femmes hébergées à Montréal et le tiers de celles hors métropole. La « deuxième étape » désigne l’accès à un appartement et à des services pour une durée plus longue après un logement d’urgence de quelques mois. En moyenne, dans leurs 18 maisons présentement en fonction sur tout le territoire, c’était près de la moitié des femmes hébergées qui étaient nées à l’extérieur du Canada.

Nous avons aussi parlé au cours des derniers mois à une trentaine d’autres personnes liées au milieu de la violence conjugale. Intervenantes en maison d’hébergement, travailleuses sociales, spécialistes de l’accueil des immigrants, policières, avocates et une infirmière : toutes ont dû s’adapter à cette nouvelle réalité, souvent avec des ressources insuffisantes, des programmes inadéquats et des lois qui ne la prennent pas en compte.

Plus précaires

Ce qui inquiète encore davantage les maisons d’hébergement est que les statuts précaires sont de plus en plus courants.

Demandeuse d’asile, étudiante étrangère, travailleuse, femme parrainée par son conjoint : environ une femme sur dix en hébergement n’a pas de statut permanent, selon les regroupements consultés et le dernier diagnostic de Statistique Canada. C’est plus de trois fois la proportion des femmes temporaires dans la population en général.

« La ligne est mince pour ces femmes-là de tomber sans statut », observe Katia Jean Louis, agente de liaison à la Maison pour femmes immigrantes de Québec.

Ces femmes détenant un visa temporaire font souvent passer le maintien de leur statut avant leur santé ou leur intégrité physique. Celle qui a demandé à se faire appeler Caroline* tenait par exemple avant tout à conserver son emploi, si difficilement trouvé : « Je restais tétanisée, je faisais de mon mieux pour protéger mon visage. Je ne voulais pas que cela se sache à mon travail », dit-elle après avoir décrit trois moments où son ex-mari lui a donné des coups.

« Je voulais pouvoir faire un permis de travail. […] C’était devenu invivable dans la maison, mais je suis restée quand même », raconte-t-elle, étant donné que son permis était lié à celui de son mari.

Temporaires ou permanentes, « le point commun de toutes les femmes immigrantes, c’est vraiment la peur. Car c’est ce qui est inculqué par la personne violente : “Tu vas être expulsée dans ton pays, tu ne peux rien faire, tu n’as pas de droit ici” », expose Mayranie Lacasse, coordonnatrice de l’Inter-Val 1175.

Les femmes qui nous ont raconté leur histoire n’ont pas toutes séjourné en maison d’hébergement après avoir quitté leur partenaire violent. Mais toutes l’ont dit et répété à leur manière : l’immigration les a rendues plus vulnérables à la violence conjugale. Même pour Lucienne, arrivée du Cameroun au Québec depuis 2011, dont l’ex-mari lui disait qu’il avait le pouvoir de l’expulser du pays, puisqu’il l’y « avait fait venir ».

Au-delà des préjugés

« Je peux vous dire que le processus d’immigration en soi, c’est stressant, indépendamment de la violence conjugale. Donc, une femme qui est dans ce processus-là se retrouve […] dans une situation de double vulnérabilité par rapport à la violence conjugale », observe notamment Mme Jean Louis.

Ce n’est pas à cause de leur personnalité ni de leur culture que ces femmes sont plus vulnérables, soulignent des chercheuses et des intervenantes. L’immigration et tout ce qui l’encadre ici au Canada créent des « contextes de vulnérabilité », explique la chercheuse Sastal Castro-Zavala, professeure de travail social à l’Université du Québec à Rimouski (UQAR).

Certains contextes « peuvent favoriser la domination, la prise de pouvoir et les oppressions, et donc rendre plus facilement vulnérable à cette violence-là », explique-t-elle. Elle donne l’exemple du parrainage, qui « crée des inégalités à l’intérieur d’un couple », notamment à cause d’une « dépendance » accrue et presque totale au conjoint qui contrôle les démarches d’immigration.

C’est ce qui est arrivé à Mélissa, une femme du Maghreb, qui raconte qu’elle ne savait pas comment prendre l’autobus même après plusieurs mois passés ici. « J’ai voyagé, j’ai étudié à l’université, j’avais mon côté indépendant. Mais en arrivant ici au Canada, un pays de droit avec un mari pareil, j’étais en prison », expose-t-elle.

« L’immigration, beaucoup font le mélange avec culture. On dit : “Ah ! les femmes immigrantes, [leur] culture est violente.” Il faut faire attention parce que beaucoup de femmes immigrantes se trouvent dans un contexte de vulnérabilité. Elles ne se séparent pas, [ce n’est pas] pour une question culturelle, mais pour une question structurelle » expose Mme Castro-Zavala.

Cet amalgame a la vie dure et il est parfois un « éléphant dans la pièce » : comment aborder le fait que les immigrantes sont surreprésentées dans les maisons d’hébergement sans alimenter les préjugés envers certaines cultures ?

Les femmes nées ici « ont peut-être d’autres réseaux que les maisons d’hébergement », dit Maud Pontel, coordonnatrice générale de l’Alliance MH2. Elles ont notamment plus souvent « des capacités financières pour, par exemple, déménager ou peut-être de la famille chez qui elles peuvent aller habiter ».

Ne plus se taire

Il ne faut pas non plus ignorer le poids et l’influence de la famille restée au pays : « Il arrive qu’une femme vienne nous voir et, pendant qu’elle nous parle, son téléphone ne fait que sonner, la famille l’appelle sans arrêt », raconte Rose Ndjel, directrice d’Afrique au féminin. Ce centre de femmes du quartier Parc-Extension reçoit trois ou quatre femmes par semaine, évalue-t-elle, qui sont victimes de violence, que ce soit pour leurs besoins alimentaires, d’intervention ou de référence.

« Ça arrive que, quand la femme fait valoir ses droits dans la maison, elle devient désobéissante aux yeux du mari », constate-t-elle. Il est arrivé que des hommes « viennent jeter les valises des femmes devant le centre », rapporte Mme Ndjel. Mais pour elle, ces femmes entament leur propre prise de parole, après des années du mouvement #MoiAussi. Dans une marche organisée à la fin octobre 2023, elle les y encourage : « Si vous voulez parler fort, allez-y ! »

Devant les besoins de plus en plus criants, l’organisme communautaire a fait des demandes pour créer La Maison Augustine, une maison d’hébergement spécialisée dans les contextes d’immigration.

Une ressource pionnière de ce type, Le Bouclier d’Athéna, constate que, malgré certaines améliorations, les besoins de ces femmes tardent à être pris en charge : « Nous avons vu beaucoup de femmes qui, malheureusement, ne peuvent pas être traitées dans le réseau des services sociaux existants ; 80 % de tous nos cas nous viennent du réseau de services existants. Ce sont les autres maisons d’hébergement, les CAVAC, la DPJ, les hôpitaux, etc. », dit Melpa Kamateros, la directrice générale de l’organisation.

Pour celle qui y travaille depuis plus de 30 ans, « il n’y a pas le même filet de sécurité », surtout pour celles qui ne parlent pas le français ni l’anglais. Elle reste tout de même optimiste, souvent encore étonnée de la force de ces femmes : « Dès qu’elles prennent les renseignements, elles sont prêtes à partir. Elles sont prêtes à prendre leur vie en main. »

Source: Des immigrantes enfermées à double tour dans la violence conjugale

Filed under Immigration, Multiculturalism Tagged with , , ,

Marche: When extremist activists drive the left to oblivion, what will remain?

2024/01/29 Leave a comment

Well worth reading:

…The foundation of Canadian multiculturalism rests on a basic piece of common sense: Leave your shoes at the door. Importing the world’s geopolitical nightmares into our country would end multiculturalism, and right quick. If the police and the courts allowed Ukrainian Canadians to vandalize the businesses of Russian Canadians who support Vladimir Putin, or if Sikhs were allowed to vandalize the businesses of Narendra Modi’s supporters, the result would be chaos, despite the entirely justifiable rage of those communities.

But common sense, as usual, doesn’t apply when it comes to the Jews.

Naomi Klein, Canada’s most famous living political writer, is a prime example of how far the left has declined into self-consuming purification, having become a prominent defender of hate-motivated mischief over the past three months. “The extraordinary raids, arrests and property seizures of the Indigo 11 represent an attack on political speech the likes of which I have not seen in Canada in my lifetime,” she wrote in the aftermath.

Ms. Klein’s defence of the Indigo 11 is grounded in the idea that Indigo is a fair target because Ms. Reisman has supported Israel and its military, co-founding an organization that provides scholarships and other awards for soldiers in the Israeli Defence Forces. By her logic, hundreds of thousands of Jews in this country could become legitimate targets, given that, through one vehicle or another, a vast number has given money to the state of Israel and, thus, the IDF, at some point over the course of their lives. She has also staunchly defended Ms. Jama, whom she has called “morally courageous” – a woman who, just to reiterate, claimed that the reports of the rapes committed by Hamas on Oct. 7 were “misinformation.”

Ms. Klein, of course, has just published a book about misinformation – and her book is still available behind the very window that was vandalized. Boycotts, divestment and sanctions are for others, one supposes.

The old phrase typically used to describe such loud and credulous cause-pushers was “useful idiots.” But describing tenured radicals such as Ms. Klein or academics such as those among the Indigo 11 as useful would be a misnomer: They are quite useless. Everywhere they survive, they are losing. Academic humanities departments, which regularly promote identity politics using government funding, are struggling: In Ontario, there was a 20-per-cent decline in undergraduate enrolments in the humanities between 2008 and 2017. The extremist champions of the establishment left are driving progressivism toward a lonely, impotent future….

Source: When extremist activists drive the left to oblivion, what will remain?

Filed under Antisemitism, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

Derek Penslar, Harvard Jewish studies professor controversy: This typifies what’s broken in antisemitism debates.

2024/01/29 Leave a comment

Good reflections:

It is with a heavy heart that I come to you asking you to care about something happening at Harvard.

I, too, have mocked the sheer quantity of reporting and writing and takes about what happens at a certain university outside of Boston. But this week’s Cambridge-based brouhaha neatly sums up the politicization of the conversation around antisemitism and the struggle against it.

Harvard recently announced two task forces: one on combating antisemitism and one on combating Islamophobia and anti-Arab bias. The university announced Derek Penslar, a faculty professor of Jewish history who directs the undergraduate program in that field, as co-chair of the task force on antisemitism. Shortly thereafter, some commentators denounced him for having signed an open letter that referred to Israel as an “apartheid regime” and for phrases from a book of his that was published this year. Billionaire Bill Ackman tweeted that Harvard was on a “path of darkness.” Lawrence Summers, a former president of Harvard and former U.S. treasury secretary, called on Penslar to resign. Some went so far as to call the professor an antisemite.

I do not know Derek Penslar, and whether or not he spends his time as co-chair of a task force on antisemitism at Harvard makes very little difference to me, as does what happens at Harvard generally. However, this particular sequence of events has implications beyond Harvard. The row matters not just for Jewish studies scholars, or those of us who write often about Jewish politics, but for anyone who seeks to understand antisemitism historically and in our present moment, so that they might combat it—which is to say, anyone who takes the reality of antisemitism seriously.

There have been a few lines of attack on Penslar, and there are thus a few issues at hand. First, there is the notion that he called Israel a “regime of apartheid.” In fact, Penslar, in the summer of last year, signed on to a letter by “academics, clergy, and other public figures from Israel/Palestine and abroad” who sought to “call attention to the direct link between Israel’s recent attack on the judiciary and its illegal occupation of millions of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.” That sentence included the line “There cannot be democracy for Jews in Israel as long as Palestinians live under a regime of apartheid, as Israeli legal experts have described it. Indeed, the ultimate purpose of the judicial overhaul is to tighten restrictions on Gaza, deprive Palestinians of equal rights both beyond the Green Line and within it, annex more land, and ethnically cleanse all territories under Israeli rule of their Palestinian population.”

One can agree or disagree with this assessment, or with the decision to sign an open letter, but as Harvard government professor Steven Levitsky put it to the Harvard Crimson, “You have to conflate criticism of Israel with antisemitism to suggest that Derek Penslar is not a good fit for this role.” He added, “When you deliberately conflate the two, you utterly silence criticism of Israel, and you utterly silence pro-Palestinian speech—and that we can’t tolerate, not at a university in a free society.”

Others have said that while they take no issue with his scholarship, he isn’t right for this particular role. “I have no doubt that Prof Penslar is a profound scholar of Zionism and a person of good will without a trace of personal anti-Semitism who cares deeply about Harvard,” tweeted Summers. “However, I believe that given his record, he is unsuited to leading a task force whose function is to combat what is seen by many as a serious anti-Semitism problem at Harvard.” Summers went on to say that Penslar has “publicly minimized Harvard’s anti-Semitism problem, rejected the definition used by the US government in recent years of anti-Semitism as too broad, invoked the need for the concept of settler colonialism in analyzing Israel.” Although that’s all well and good for an academic, “for the co-chair of an anti-Semitism task force that is being paralleled with an Islamophobia task force it seems highly problematic.”

Summers’ argument is a long way of saying that while all of this is fine for scholarship, it feels wrong. It feels as if Penslar isn’t taking antisemitism seriously. But shouldn’t the scholarship be used to guide the sentiment? And shouldn’t the scholarship inform the struggle? Leaving aside that it seems strange to suggest that a professor of Jewish studies would downplay antisemitism for the sake of it, shouldn’t this task force’s conclusion be guided by fact? Or is the point of the task force to confirm what Summers already thinks? If its goal is the latter, that’s a bigger problem than Penslar’s appointment. And that’s true of all of us, not only those of us on a campus: that we should try to separate out the facts from our feelings and fear.

Finally, and as egregiously, there is the fact that Penslar’s critics evidently combed through his scholarship for phrases they could present as antisemitic. “Lessons in how NOT to combat antisemitism, Harvard edition,” tweeted Jonathan Greenblatt, head of the Anti-Defamation League. “Start by naming a professor who libels the Jewish state and claims that ‘veins of hatred run through Jewish civilization’ to your antisemitism task force. Absolutely inexcusable. This is why Harvard is failing, full stop.” This is a reference to Penslar’s 2023 book Zionism: An Emotional State, which is roughly 300 pages long and which looks at the emotions that have shaped Zionism, as they have—per the book’s own blurb—all national movements. The New York Post, which pulled out the “veins of hatred” line, also noted that Penslar wrote, “Jewish culture was steeped in fantasies (and occasionally, acts) of vengeance against Christians.”

I am not sure whether the focus on this line was supposed to be damning, but if it was: Yes, Jewish culture has moments of revenge fantasy. For example, Purim, which we will celebrate in about two months, concludes with Jewish vengeance. Exploring themes like vengeance or hatred is not an endorsement of seeing Jews through that lens; it’s part of the work of studying Jewish history, as it would be for any group’s history.

Penslar’s lines were cherry-picked and taken out of context, as the American Academy for Jewish Research has pointed out, but there is a larger point, too, which is that any rigorous work on Jews—like any rigorous work on literally any people, anywhere in the world, at any point in history—will feature moments in which individuals or the collective acted in ways that some might consider less than flattering, if not downright abhorrent.

None of that makes antisemitism acceptable. If a person really cares about the study of and fight against antisemitism, they need to be able to hold in their minds both the nuanced realities of history and present-day politics and the rich and varied tapestry that is Jewish existence, as well as that antisemitism is unacceptable. To write off the former as somehow in conflict with the latter is grossly unfair to scholarship—and it pretends that we can fight antisemitism in a vacuum, divorced from the real world. But it’s the real world in which real antisemitism exists. It isn’t only anti-intellectual and cynical. It’s also counterproductive to the critics’ stated goal.

Source: Derek Penslar, Harvard Jewish studies professor controversy: This typifies what’s broken in antisemitism debates.

Filed under Antisemitism Tagged with , ,

Germany: Would-be migrant workers worried by growing racism

2024/01/29 Leave a comment

Of note:

When German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Labor Minister Hubertus Heil turned up at the Vietnamese-German University (VGU) in Ho Chi Minh City, they were caught by surprise: Screaming students greeted them like rock stars.

Some of those students will go on to work for German companies.

Further acclaim awaited the German political VIPs at the Goethe Institute in Hanoi, where about 6,000 young Vietnamese people per year learn the German language. Seven times that number register for language tests that qualify them for professional training or study in Germany.

At the end of 2023, Germany began implementing its new Skilled Immigration Act, using a point system to lower the obstacles facing skilled workers who want to move to the country.

Since then, high-ranking German politicians have stepped up efforts to woo skilled workers in other countries: Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock was recently in the Philippines, for instance, and Development Aid Minister Svenja Schulze is in Morocco. In Vietnam, Steinmeier and Heil signed a memorandum of understanding that improves the regulation of labor immigration to Germany.

Vietnam steps in to help

In communist Vietnam, there is significant interest in working in Germany — where the Vietnamese diaspora has grown to more than 200,000 people. Vietnam is a young country demographically speaking and is thus less threatened by the kind of “brain drain” that affects many other nations. Vietnam’s leadership was also very interested in finding a joint agreement on improving control of labor migration to Germany by its nationals.

The Goethe Institute is important in this regard. For example, it is there that Phuong Phan, 22, is receiving the language training she needs to later work in the hotel and gastronomy industry in Thuringia. The eastern German state is among the first to have signed bilateral contracts with Vietnam.

Phuong Phan said she hopes her training in Thuringia will give her a “practical apprenticeship” while aiding her personal development. Her parents support her in the endeavor, and she combs the internet daily for information on “lovely Germany.”

Recently, however, she came upon something that was not so lovely: reports detailing the xenophobia that is sometimes encountered in Germany, particularly in the east. She does not want to talk about it in her conversation with DW but says the topic has also been dealt with in her language courses.

“Yes, we are watching developments. And gradually, we are starting to have reservations as we take on responsibility for these young people, with regard to their parents as well,” says Nguyen Thi Thanh Tam, a placement officer for Thuringia.

She is currently training another group of young Vietnamese in Hanoi and confirms that the topic of “racism in Germany” has been clearly discussed in recent lessons.

“We want the students to be prepared for unpleasant situations in this regard in Germany,” she says.

400,000 skilled workers needed annually

According to Germany’s Federal Employment Agency (BA), the country has 1.73 million vacant jobs.

Unlike Germany’s campaign to find workers 60 years ago, today’s efforts are not focused on industrial laborers but on highly qualified professionals and people with service-sector experience.

Back then, just under 300,000 people came each year. Today, studies say Germany needs around 400,000 a year.

Recently, Labor Minister Heil traveled to Brazil, India and Kenya to promote Germany as a work destination, and now he’s in Vietnam. “We have improved the conditions with the Skilled Immigration Act; now it’s down to putting things into practice,” he told DW in Hanoi.

Poor coordination

Officially, the Interior Ministry oversees the immigration of skilled foreign workers. But in practice, the responsibilities in this area overlap. One example is the some 350,000 asylum-seekers in Germany, who, if they are rejected, are not integrated into the labor market and many of whom have to leave the country.

More than 17% of people who applied for German asylum in 2023 are now Turks — mostly young, well-educated, liberal-thinking people who wanted to escape from President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s regime. But only one in 10 Turkish asylum-seeks receives protection in Germany. And, at the moment, instead of permitting the rest an opportunity to look for work, Germany orders them to leave the country.

The Foreign Office, on the other hand, is known for its lengthy procedures to obtain a visa — something that also deters skilled workers. The Economy and Labor ministries and the Employment Agency also bear responsibilities, in addition to organizations such as the GIZ development agency and various foundations.

Many companies have their own recruitment and training programs because the bureaucracy prevalent in the public sector is too slow to meet their hiring needs.  Toan Nguyen, the managing director of the TY Academy, which acts as an agency for caregivers who want to go to Germany, complains that there are “too many people to go through and still a lot of obstacles to having qualifications recognized.”

Human trafficking another problem

This makes things difficult for interested skilled workers — and easy for dubious agencies and human traffickers. In Southeast Asia, women are the main prey of the latter, being smuggled into Germany and ending up in low-wage employment or even brothels.

“We must use legal immigration to suppress this practice,” Steinmeier said in Vietnam. The bilateral agreement that has just been signed is meant to provide trustworthy advice about fair working conditions and reputable employment agencies, as well as regular roundtables on work migration involving specialists from both countries.

Germany’s new citizenship law, however, makes the country more attractive to potential immigrants. “In comparison with Japan, where many Vietnamese also migrate but are allowed to work only temporarily, Germany now offers a longer-term perspective,” says Viet Huong Nguyen from the TY Academy.

Xenophobia a deterrent

In light of these positive developments for labor migration, current reports about racist groups in Germany are all the more disturbing.

Labor Minister Heil told DW that no one had spoken to him directly about the issue but that action needed to be taken before it was too late.

“We have to make it clear in Germany that we cannot maintain our prosperity without labor from abroad,” he said.

Vietnamese already living in Germany are also worried. One of them is Huong Trute, whom President Steinmeier invited to accompany him on his Vietnam trip. She has lived in Germany for 40 years and works in the gastronomy sector.

She says she has recently had to answer more and more questions from worried compatriots in Vietnam. After seeing how another group was being prepared for jobs in Thuringian hotels and restaurants at the Goethe Institute, she said: “Honestly? If I had the chance to take these young peopole somewhere else, I would do it.”

She says the developments in Thuringia are coming to a head, and that frightens her.

Source: Germany: Would-be migrant workers worried by growing racism

Filed under Immigration, Racism Tagged with ,

Right-Wing Influencers Are Going Full Racist in Anti-DEI Rants – The Daily Beast

2024/01/27 Leave a comment

Of note:

Boeing has had its fair share of negative news coverage lately, as the company’s decades of corner-cutting, outsourcing, and neglect led to some recent terrifyingmishaps.

You might wonder what this has to do with Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI). Well, it seems that efforts to create more just and equitable workplaces are the scariest thing imaginable to certain right-wing influencers. So terrifying, in fact, that they could lead to aviation disasters.

Elon Musk, the CEO of a car company whose vehicles have a tendency to catch fire, tweeted, “It will take an airplane crashing and killing hundreds of people for them to change this crazy policy of DIE.” The obvious innuendo is that Black people are responsible for Boeing’s failures. Musk has also referred to DEI as “just another word for racism.”

But Musk didn’t stop there. He amplified a tweet that suggested Black students have lower IQs, attacked HBCUs, and argued Blacks have “borderline intellectual impairment.” This is eugenics, plain and simple. It’s pseudo-science used to dehumanize Blacks, not dissimilar to when pro-slavery white people argued that Blacks were more suited for field work because they couldn’t learn and had smaller brains.

Not to be outdone, Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk—a vocal Donald Trump sycophant—used Boeing’s issues to argue against the employment of Black pilots. During a podcast, Kirk said, “If I see a Black pilot, I’m going to be like, ‘Boy, I hope he’s qualified.’” Other MAGA celebrities expressed similarly racist concerns.

Just 3.4 percent of U.S. airline pilots are Black. White men have flown the friendly skies almost exclusively since the Wright brothers’ first flight in 1903. Even with mitigation efforts to make air navigation more reflective of the society it serves, training programs, recruitment strategies, and airlines have fallen short.

United Airlines and Delta Airlines, specifically, have advanced diversity in hiring, but even there the needle hasn’t moved much in diversifying the pilot class—it’s still overwhelmingly majority white male.

So why are the likes of Elon Musk, Charlie Kirk, and others using the pilot workforce situation as the target of their DEI takedown?

The simple answer is… because they can. There is a shortage of airline pilots, a growing number of pilots are of retirement age, and the pipeline must be expanded to keep up with consumer demand. These realities scare certain white men who are hellbent on believing they are the master race, and that all others are inherently inferior.

And the attacks on DEI are coordinated and relentless.

As of this week, Florida’s 28 public colleges are prohibited from using government funds for diversity, equity and inclusion efforts. And because everything’s bigger in the Lone Star State, Texas boasts 30 new anti-DEI laws. Thirteen states’ attorneys general signed a public letter in July 2023 after the fall of affirmative action in college admissions. The letter had nothing to do with college admissions, but the Republican AGs used the Supreme Court decision as a platform to directly voice their collective opposition to DEI in the workforce.

These efforts don’t even scratch the surface of the anti-DEI architects’ ultimate goal—stratifying the American workforce and reducing access to the C-suite, STEM careers, small businesses, and opportunities previously afforded almost solely to white men. America is more diverse today than it has ever been—and the fix is in to ensure diversity isn’t reflected in high-paying jobs, the highest levels of government, or leadership in America’s top educational institutions.

To be Black in America is to live in a constant threat of attack on your civil rights and humanity, the questioning of your abilities, and a belief that you are unworthy solely because of the color of your skin. Regardless of how often Nikki Haley says, “America isn’t a racist country,” the red, white, and blue time and again finds itself painfully erecting barriers to Black achievement, health access, and any marker of equity.

Source: Right-Wing Influencers Are Going Full Racist in Anti-DEI Rants – The Daily Beast

Filed under Multiculturalism, Racism Tagged with , , , ,

Thousands of Australians Call National Holiday ‘Invasion Day,’ Protesting British Colonization

2024/01/27 1 Comment

Similar to the “woke” crowd here:

Thousands of Australians protested the anniversary of British colonization of their country with large crowds Friday urging for Australia Day to be moved and for a day of mourning on the holiday some call “Invasion Day.”

The holiday marks the arrival of 11 British ships carrying convicts at Port Jackson in present-day Sydney on Jan. 26, 1788. For many activists, the day marked the beginning of a sustained period of discrimination and expulsion of Indigenous people from their land without a treaty.

Thousands of people, many of whom waved Indigenous flags, rallied in front of the Victoria state parliament in Melbourne, calling for an official day of mourning to be declared across Australia. Roads and tram lines were shut down for more than four hours.

Large crowds in Sydney chanted for the Australia Day date to be moved. Thousands of protesters also rallied in Brisbane, and the second day of Australia’s cricket match against the West Indies was briefly disrupted by demonstrators.

Major sports have stopped calling the holiday Australia Day, and the Australian Football League Players Association, several clubs and hockey teams have called for the date to change.

On Thursday, two monuments symbolizing Australia’s colonial past were damaged in Melbourne. A statue of British naval officer James Cook, who in 1770 charted Sydney’s coast, was sawn off at the ankles, and a Queen Victoria monument was doused in red paint.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people represented 3.8% of Australia’s population of 26 million, according to a Bureau of Statistics census in 2021. Indigenous people are the nation’s most disadvantaged ethnic minority.

Tensions are high after Australian voters in October resoundingly rejected a referendum to create an advocacy committee to offer advice to parliament on policies that affect Indigenous people. The government had proposed the first constitutional change since 1977 as a step forward in Indigenous rights.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said Friday that the national day was an opportunity for Australians to “pause and reflect on everything that we have achieved as a nation.”

Source: Thousands of Australians Call National Holiday ‘Invasion Day,’ Protesting British Colonization

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Berlin Tosses Out Controversial Funding Clause That Was Protested by Artists – ARTnews

2024/01/25 Leave a comment

Of note.

Berlin has repealed an anti-discrimination funding clause amid mass protests from artists both in and beyond Germany.

The clause required all recipients of city funding to commit themselves against antisemitism as defined by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). That organization’s definition says it is a form of prejudice to deny Israel’s right to exist.

After Berlin culture senator Joe Chialo announced the clause earlier this month, many artists claimed that it would be used as a means to silence those who spoke out in favor of Palestine. Hundreds of artists signed an open letter put out by Strike Germany, which calls for a boycott of institutions in the country that rely on “McCarthyist policies that suppress freedom of expression, specifically expressions of solidarity with Palestine,” according to a description on its site.

On Monday, less than a month after enacting the clause, Chialo said he was suspending it because of what he described as “legal concerns.”

But he also said he would continue to commit himself against a “non-discriminatory” culture in Berlin, saying in a statement, “I have to take seriously the legal and critical voices that saw the introduced clause as a restriction on artistic freedom.”

His statement came as some artists started to pull their work from the Berlinale film festival and institutional exhibitions, making widely shared social media statements about their reasons for doing so.

Artists Suneil Sanzgiri and Ayo Tsalithaba pulled new works set to show this February at the Berlinale, which is among the foremost film festivals in their world. “While I do not claim that removing one’s work is the only moral or ethical decision,” Sanzgiri wrote on Instagram, “we have an opportunity to collectively move in support of the Palestinian struggle by not letting our work prop up a country that, like the United States, aids and abets Israel’s war crimes, ignores international law, and requires all cultural institution to wrongly equate critiques of Zionism to anti-semitism.” (In response, the festival said it remained committed to an “open dialogue, which invites and cherishes a wide range of voices and positions.”)

Five artists—Holly Childs and Gediminas Žygus, Mohammad Berro, Monica Basbous and Charbel Alkhoury—pulled their work from the Transmediale, a Berlin festival for digital art that kicks off on January 31. After the artists withdrew, the festival called for a ceasefire and warned that the funding clause “does risk influencing future editions, as Berlin directly accounts for approximately 7% of our budget.”

American Artist and Morehshin Allahyari pulled out of a group show opening at Berlin’s KW Institute for Contemporary Art in February, and filmmaker Maryam Tafakory withdrew a work from a current exhibition at Portikus, a contemporary art museum in Frankfurt beloved by the international art world.

In response to Tafakory’s decision to remove her work, Portikus closed for the weekend. “The cycle of violence and misinformation will not stop until all voices are allowed to be heard,” the museum wrote in a statement posted to social media.

Source: Berlin Tosses Out Controversial Funding Clause That Was Protested by Artists – ARTnews

Marsha Lederman highlights an example of what not to do in Vancouver’s PuSh Festival has a new nickname: The Push Over Festival , when it cancelled performances of the Canadian play The Runner due to pressure from other artists who said they would not participate if the play was performed. The response should have been, fine, don’t participate.

Filed under Antisemitism, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

Critics of D.E.I. Forget That It Works

2024/01/24 Leave a comment

Contrary to other studies highlighting the limited effectiveness, these HBS academics share their experience with preparing students for a more diverse workforce:

As Harvard-based educators and advisers with decades of collective experience, we have worked with organizations failing to meet this objective and taught M.B.A. students how to negotiate difference, preparing them for a work force more diverse than ever. In our experience, many organizations working on D.E.I. goals are getting stuck at the diversity stage — recruiting difference without managing it effectively — and generating frustration and cynicism about their efforts along the way. They are now at risk of stopping in the middle of a complex change journey, declaring failure prematurely.

Inclusion, as we define it, creates the conditions where everyone can thrive and where our differences as varied, multidimensional people are not only tolerated but also valued. A willingness to pursue the benefits of D.E.I. — the full participation and fair treatment of all team members — renders organizational wholes greater than the sum of their parts.

At a time when some organizations, feeling the politicized ripple effects of affirmative action’s repeal, are at risk of abandoning the objectives of D.E.I., our experiences suggest that to do so is bad for individuals, organizations and American society writ large. Persuasive scholarship has identified the ways in which we become more effective leaders when we collaborate skillfully with people who don’t already think like us — people with different perspectives, assumptions and experiences of moving through the world.

Erik Larson’s firm, Cloverpop, helps companies make and learn from decisions. When Mr. Larson and his research team compared the decision quality of individuals versus teams, they found thatall-male teams outperformed individuals nearly 60 percent of the time, but gender diverse teams outperformed individuals almost 75 percent of the time. Teams that were gender and geographically diverse, and had at least one age gap of 20 years or more, made better decisions than individuals 87 percent of the time. If you’ve ever called a grandparent for advice or tested an idea with a skeptical teenager, you get what this research was trying to quantify. We often learn the most from people who think most differently from us.

Getting people to share what they know that other people don’t know is essential to collective performance. Our Harvard Business School colleague Amy Edmondson and her research collaborator, Mike Roberto, designed a simulation where five-person teams must figure out how to climb Mount Everest. Teams reporting higher feelings of group belonging repeatedly outperform other teams because their members share more of their unique information about summiting Everest.

These findings are consistent with Ms. Edmondson’s research on the performance advantages of “psychological safety,” the cultural underpinning of inclusion. Individuals, she finds, are more likely to share their views in an environment that does not belittle, or worse, punish those who offer differing opinions, particularly to more powerful colleagues. In a recent study of 62 drug development teams, Ms. Edmondson and Henrik Bresman found that diverse teams, when assessed by senior leaders, outperform their more homogenous peers only in the presence of psychological safety. More diversity is not always better – from a performance standpoint, diversity without the inclusion can actually make things worse.

Inclusion work, done well, seeks to scale these kinds of results. Among other payoffs, organizations that get inclusion right at scale seem to be smarter, more innovative and more stable. One explanation is that they can see their competitive landscape — threats, risks, opportunities — more clearly and have greater access to the full knowledge base of their people.

But achieving gains like this can feel elusive when the will to participate in D.E.I. is waning. It can be tempting to put in place superficial fixes to achieve the optics of inclusion — a primary concern of D.E.I. critics — such as reserving roles for specific demographics. This is often illegal and rarely helpful, and it provides at least one area of broad agreement in this polarized debate: a distaste for hiring and promotion schemes based on an individual’s identity. A way to correct for these concerns is inclusive recruitment processes and rigorous, transparent selection criteria that everyone understands. It is not to scale back investments in inclusion, which would restrict our ability to build healthy, dynamic organizations.

Inclusion work is a way to create the conditions where people you don’t already know — those who are separated from you by more than one or two degrees — can succeed. For example, many U.S. tech companies have successfully created workplaces where young, straight, white men they know can thrive, but have a harder time recruiting, developing, promoting and retaining women, people of color, people from the L.G.B.T.Q.+ community, people over the age of 35 and the young, straight, white men they don’tknow. Organizations with these outcomes are typically relying too much on familiar networks — the people they know — and when they find someone good enough in those networks, they stop looking.

That is one reason we end up with all-male boards. Senior teams with no people of color. Professorial ranks with no conservatives. If the demographics of your team don’t bear much resemblance to the demographics of the broader population, then you’ve likely put artificial barriers on your talent pools and undermined your ability to reap the rewards of inclusion.

Everyone must be better off for inclusion initiatives to work. An example from Harvard Business School illustrates that point. It has always been an important part of our school’s mission to recruit military leaders and ensure that they can thrive, not in spite of their nontraditional training and experience, but precisely because of it. Over a decade ago, the school was succeeding at recruiting military veterans, but once in the classroom, they were less likely to excel academically. The military student group began providing specialized review sessions that focused on where its constituents were collectively getting stuck, making explicit the links between the M.B.A. curriculum and their military technical training.

Within a few years, gaps in performance closed. The performance of nonmilitary students did not decline because those students got extra attention. In fact, the rest of the student body benefited because military veterans became more active and confident in classroom discussions, offering unique insights into the high stakes of leadership decisions. The school’s experience with the value of customized review sessions also helped close performance gaps with other groups, including women and international students.

What does this work look like inside organizations? Sometimes it means more actively recruiting in unfamiliar places. Sometimes it means becoming more systematic about development opportunities. It can mean improving the ways you assess people for promotion, which can be riddled with bias and pitfalls, relying instead on more objective and self-evident advancement criteria. Indeed, what we hear most often from underrepresented leaders — X’s in organizations filled with Y’s — is the desire for a fair chance to compete, in workplaces where the rules of the game are clear and applied equally to all.

We know that historical change is like sleep. It happens gradually, sometimes fitfully, then all at once. We are in the fitful stage of our evolution toward truly inclusive organizations. But let us not get confused: Inclusion is an end goal that channels universal hopes for meritocracy, reflects America at its best and creates the foundation for an even more competitive future.

Caroline Elkins and Frances Frei are professors at Harvard Business School. Anne Morriss is the co-author, with Professor Frei, of “Move Fast and Fix Things: The Trusted Leader’s Guide to Solving Hard Problems.”

Source: Critics of D.E.I. Forget That It Works

Filed under gender, LGBTQ, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

Québec bloque la nomination au CA de l’INRS d’une prof étudiant le racisme systémique

2024/01/24 Leave a comment

This blocking of the nomination of Denise Helly, who I know from my time in government, is creating quite a stir in Quebec from what I understand. Always found her work and opinions reasonable even if I didn’t always agree:

La ministre de l’Enseignement supérieur, Pascale Déry, a semé l’émoi chez les professeurs, dans les partis d’opposition et dans les plus hautes sphères de l’Université du Québec (UQ) en bloquant la nomination d’une professeure qui s’intéresse, dans ses travaux, au multiculturalisme, à l’islamophobie, au racisme systémique et, depuis peu, au mouvement anti-woke. 

Le 20 décembre, la professeure titulaire Denise Helly, de l’Institut national de la recherche scientifique (INRS), a reçu un message du secrétaire général de son établissement qui l’avisait avec « regret » que sa candidature au conseil d’administration (CA) de l’INRS n’avait pas été « retenue » par le ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur. 

La raison ? Dans le courriel que Le Devoir a pu consulter, le secrétaire général, Michel Fortin, écrit à Mme Helly que la décision relève de la « discrétion ministérielle » et que, dans ce type de situation, « le ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur ne fournit aucune explication additionnelle ».

L’INRS fait partie du réseau de l’UQ. En entrevue, le président de l’UQ, Alexandre Cloutier, a dit s’inquiéter de cette intervention de la ministre, qui n’est pas « habituelle ». « Ça soulève deux enjeux. Un qui est lié à l’autonomie des universités et l’autre, celui de la liberté universitaire, mérite une attention d’analyse également », lance-t-il. Ces deux principes sont enchâssés dans la Loi sur la liberté académique dans le milieu universitaire, adoptée par le gouvernement Legault en juin 2022. 

M. Cloutier a dit avoir sollicité — et obtenu — un rendez-vous avec l’équipe de la ministre Déry. « La rencontre est prévue à la fin du mois de janvier prochain, et c’est certain qu’on va faire valoir la validité de nos processus internes pour la nomination des membres de notre CA », a-t-il averti. Sollicité pour cet article, le cabinet de la ministre a refusé de commenter le dossier. À Québec, les partis d’opposition, eux, y ont vu un geste relevant de la censure. 

Dans un courriel envoyé au Devoir, l’INRS a dit avoir avisé le ministère du fait que « ne pas nommer une professeure désignée par son assemblée était inhabituel et contrevenait [à son avis] à l’autonomie universitaire ». En vertu de la Loi sur la liberté académique, « les universités doivent pouvoir accomplir leur mission sans contrainte doctrinale, idéologique ou morale », ont aussi souligné dans un communiqué commun Jean-Charles Grégoire, président du Syndicat des professeurs de l’INRS, et Madeleine Pastinelli, présidente de la Fédération québécoise des professeures et professeurs d’université.

Bloquée pourquoi ?

Les deux syndicats exigent des explications de la ministre Déry au sujet du rejet de la candidature de Mme Helly, qui détient un doctorat de la Sorbonne. « À nos yeux, s’il est justifié, ce refus ne peut que reposer sur des motifs très sérieux, et ces motifs doivent être communiqués clairement et sans délai à toutes les instances impliquées. »

En entrevue, Mme Helly dit s’attendre à la même chose. « Si [la ministre] ne donne pas d’explication en exerçant son pouvoir discrétionnaire, ça devient de l’arbitraire », estime-t-elle. Faute de justification, elle formule des hypothèses pour expliquer le refus ministériel. 

De l’avis de la professeure, la décision pourrait constituer « de la discrimination selon l’âge, parce que j’ai 81 ans ».Ou alors relever de l’« ingérence », une « atteinte à l’autonomie universitaire et une tentative de politiser les débats ».Se disant encore très active dans la vie universitaire, Mme Helly tend à privilégier sa deuxième hypothèse, de concert avec une troisième, cette dernière voulant qu’elle ait été écartée en raison de ses orientations de recherche.

« Je travaille depuis 40 ans sur le multiculturalisme canadien, le racisme systémique, la discrimination, l’islamophobie, les musulmans. Et puis récemment — et ça, la ministre ne le sait pas encore, parce que je n’ai pas encore publié — sur les courants anti-woke, la dernière offensive politique et publique contre les droits des minorités, explique-t-elle. Donc, ce sont des sujets un peu fâcheux pour les gens de la CAQ. » Elle dit ne pas comprendre « l’intérêt » de lui interdire une présence au CA de l’INRS, un rôle qui, à son avis, constitue « un détail » dans la vie universitaire. « Alors, pourquoi prendre un risque pareil ? Je pense que c’est une erreur politique de la part de la ministre », laisse-t-elle tomber. 

La professeure Helly explique avoir été élue par le corps professoral de son établissement conformément à la procédure interne. Sa candidature a ensuite été soumise par l’INRS au ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur. Selon les règles, le ministère doit retenir une candidature avant de la proposer au Conseil des ministres, qui rend la décision finale. Dans le cas de Mme Helly, la candidature n’a pas été retenue, ce qui veut dire qu’elle n’a pas été soumise au conseil exécutif.

Dans un échange avec Le Devoir, l’INRS assure avoir respecté « chacune des étapes du processus de nomination ».

Source: Québec bloque la nomination au CA de l’INRS d’une prof étudiant le racisme systémique

Filed under Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

New Electoral Map and Diversity

2024/01/23 Leave a comment

My analysis of the impact of the new electoral map on racialized and religious minorities and Indigenous, and how it will be further impacted by the ongoing increase in immigrants.

2023 Riding Distribution ImpactDownload

Source: New Electoral Map and Diversity – The Hill Times

Filed under Aboriginal, Multiculturalism, Politics Tagged with

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