Chait: Does the Left Think Young Left-Wing Protesters Matter or Not?

This week, The Atlantic published an account of how the war between Israel and Hamas has convulsed a campus (in this case, that of the author, Stanford sophomore Theo Baker). The most explosive details in the story showed activists endorsing violence or anti-Semitism, which has fed directly into the cycle of anger and fear felt by both Jewish and Muslim students.

This has predictably set off the same progressive eye-rolling that occurs any time the mainstream media reports on crazy things happening on the left. “Incredibly brave for the son of the NYT White House correspondent to put out a piece narcing on his fellow students and teachers,” snarked Daniel Boguslaw, a reporter at the Intercept, a staunchly anti-Israel publication. (Baker is the son of two successful journalists, though he made his reputation breaking a scandal that toppled Stanford’s president.) Numerous complaints described Baker as a “snitchpicking on unimportant targets.

The argument that nobody should pay attention to what left-wing radicals are saying on campus is totally at odds with the message that progressives have been frantically sending since almost immediately after October 7. A slew of stories has covered the anger felt by the young progressive left at the Biden administration. Those stories have been filled with pleas from organizers that Biden heed the protesters’ demands. “Don’t blame us. [Biden] needs votes from Arab Americans, from people of color, from progressive Jews, and from young people. He only won Michigan by 150,000 votes in 2020, so politically we have a moment where we can raise our voices,” said Andy Levin, a leader of the push to get Democrats to vote “uncommitted” in the Michigan primary. Waleed Shaid warned that Biden is “not representing the 80 percent of Democrats who want a cease-fire, or the Muslims and Arabs and young people whose votes put him in office and are now out protesting his policies in the streets.”

There are two popular notions on the progressive left that seem intellectually irreconcilable. The first is that the media should stop scrutinizing radical left-wing ideas by progressive college students and political activists. The second is that the Democratic Party must heed the demands of progressive college students and political activists.

The first idea has a longer pedigree. When I wrote about the rise of illiberal left-wing thought in progressive spaces nine years ago, a common response from progressives who didn’t wish to defend the ideas I criticized was that it was not worth attention or concern because it was just youthful high jinksfrom “college teens.” This dismissive response has aged poorly. It was not even true at the time: Many of the incidents in my story concerns adult professionals, not college students. In any case, it was obvious that the driving force was not age but ideology.

But the exasperated pose of dismissing criticism of young radical activists has not gone away. It is irresistible as a way to smooth over tensions within the progressive coalition, or any coalition. When your allies say or do something you can’t defend, but you don’t want to cause a rupture, the path of least resistance is to insist their actions are unimportant and don’t require scrutiny. This has been the method mainstream Republicans have used to ignore just about every one of Donald Trump’s offenses.

Of course, the fact that the allies won’t denounce the behavior of their allies is the biggest giveaway that the behavior isn’t marginal. If it was limited to a handful of powerless kooks, they’d be free to call it out.

On the left, progressive-coalition managers spent years denying the campus left was worthy of attention before declaring its anger an emergency that Joe Biden had to attend to. The left went from too powerless to merit scrutiny to too powerful to be ignored overnight, without even a day in between when it was fair game for criticism.

Obviously, young people deserve more grace than middle-aged adults, and shouldn’t be permanently defined by thoughtless positions they took at the outset of their intellectual formation. But you can grant them some forbearance and also have confidence that their wildest impulses will likely mellow at least somewhat over time, while still taking seriously the ideas they are absorbing and spreading.

Taking the activist left seriously on Gaza does not mean defining the whole movement by its most extreme manifestations. Many of the progressive activists angry with Biden are motivated purely by humanitarian sympathy with the Palestinian people. (Indeed, we ought to distrust anybody who isn’ttroubled by the death and suffering that Israel and Hamas have inflicted on innocent Palestinians.)

But those extreme manifestations are an important and hardly marginal element of the movement. The eliminationist rhetoric and heckler’s-veto tactics described in Baker’s story are standard features in the movement.

This week, Salma Hamamy, president of the main pro-Palestinian student group at the University of Michigan, shared (and then deleted) a social-media message stating, “Until my last breath, I will utter death to every single individual who supports the Zionist state. Death and more. Death and worse.” (The University sent an email denouncing the message.)

While she may be an undergrad, Hamamy is hardly anonymous. She was one of four undergraduates to receive the University of Michigan’s Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Spirit Award honoring students “who best exemplify the leadership and extraordinary vision of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.” The Michigan Daily endorsed her campaign for student-council president. State, national, and international newspapers have quoted her warning Biden to change course and citing her as an example of the kind of progressive Democrats have to placate.

Last month, the New York Times jointly profiled her and a pro-Israel activist in a story presenting both as searching for common humanity. “As dusk neared, they walked alone to a nearby campus building and sat together on a bench. Maybe this would be a chance to recognize one another’s humanity,” the Times reported. “He needed to know why anti-Israel protesters had not forcefully condemned the deaths of Israeli civilians.”

I think that mystery has been cleared up.

No serious person is proposing that Biden go all the way to denouncing Israel as an illegitimate settler-colonist entity. There is room to debate degrees of movement within his stance. The point is that the amount of attention that’s been devoted to presenting left-wing pro-Palestinian activists as a powerful and even potentially decisive faction in national politics implies the need for a proportionate level of scrutiny of their ideas. To insist these activists only matter when you are touting their influence, and then to deny their power when they receive scrutiny, is a tactic posing as an ideal.

Source: Does the Left Think Young Left-Wing Protesters Matter or Not?

ICYMI: Ibbitson: Canada’s foreign policy and its domestic politics on Israel’s war against Hamas are shifting

Indeed. Riding demographics highlight the relative importance of religious minorities, particularly the contrast between Canadian Jews and Canadian Muslims:

….The Liberals have tried to keep both Jewish and Muslim constituencies onside. But as last week’s vote suggests, they increasingly accord a high priority to the rights of Palestinians and to the Muslim community in Canada.

As with other religious communities, Muslims are hardly monolithic. Someone who comes to Canada from Senegal may have different values and priorities than a Canadian who comes from Syria or Pakistan or Indonesia.

And the plight of Palestinians in Gaza may not be the only issue influencing Muslims, who struggle with inflationinterest rates and housing affordability as much as other voters.

Many new Canadians come from societies that are socially conservative. Some Muslim voters may be uncomfortable with the Liberal Party’s strong support for the rights of LGBTQ Canadians.

Finally, Muslim voters for whom supporting the rights of Palestinians is the ballot question may be drawn more to the NDP than the Liberals.

Regardless, the days of Liberal/Conservative bipartisan consensus in support of Israel are over. This is the new lay of the land.

Source: Canada’s foreign policy and its domestic politics on Israel’s war against Hamas are shifting

McWhorter: On Broadway, ‘Centering’ Antiracism Is Delightful

Refreshing take and approach, compared to the dry, humourless and ultimately limiting approach of many academics and activists:

My 12-year-old daughter practically had to drag me into the musical “Six,” currently raging on Broadway, in which Henry VIII’s six wives all have their say about what happened to them. I wanted to see “Kimberly Akimbo.” I’m afraid I have lost touch with modern pop, and from a distance the whole “Six” premise sounded kind of unpromising to me (a singing Anne of Cleves?).

But after 15 minutes I was already itching to give it a standing ovation. Each wife comes out, in her way, as a proud, self-directed figure. For one, I love that my daughters will get this slice of history from the point of view (even if stylized) of the women, and even more that the women are cast as people of color(s), fostering a view of them as humans rather than racial types. In this, the whole show is a kind of lesson in antiracism, regardless of whether a viewer is consciously aware of it. In that way, it is a quintessentially modern work of musical theater. My daughters can sit through “A Man for All Seasons” some other time.

Beyond the lessons “Six” teaches, the performers manage some of the deftest work on Broadway I’ve ever seen. All six sing, act and move during almost the whole show at top-rate levels — I don’t even know how they remember all they have to do during the hour and a half — and the score does its job and then some: Every song in “Six” pops even if the genre isn’t your everyday soundscape.

So, “Six” can change your lens in an antiracist (and antisexist) way — while also turning you on to art, wonder, curiosity and excitement.

And this got me thinking about how much less vibrant, or even constructive, the antiracist mission feels at universities. Remember when, in 2020, the new idea was for them to “center” antiracism as their focal mission? One may have thought this was more trend than game plan, but it remains very much entrenched nationwide. According to the Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty, a conservative law firm, first-year law students at the University of Wisconsin-Madison just this semester were required to attend a “re-orientation,” learning that explained that white people have a “fear of people of color and what would happen if they gained ‘control’” and will never be free of “racist conditioning.” A University of Notre Dame “inclusive teaching” resource from last year notes that “anti-racist teaching is important because it positions both instructors and students as agents of change towards a more just society,” emphasis theirs, with the implication that this mission has unquestionable primacy in a moral society. Statements that antiracism (and battling differentials in power more generally) are central to university departments’ missions are now almost common coin. I just participated in a discussion of antiracism as universities’ central focus at the University of Texas at Austin and am regularly asked to do so elsewhere.

And I think the persistence of this centering of antiracism at universities is kind of scary.

It may understandably seem, after these four years as well as the ones preceding, that for universities to maintain antiracism as the guiding star of their endeavors is as ordinary as steak and potatoes.

But in the spirit of John Stuart Mill advising us to revisit even assumptions that feel settled, imagine a nationwide call for all universities to “center” climate change as the singular focus of their mission. Or STEM subjects, historical awareness or civic awareness, each of these positioned as the key to serious engagement with the challenges of the future. We might imagine the university is to “center” artistic vision or skill in public expression, or even physical culture.

Note that all of these centerings would be about things most consider good, and even crucial, but the question would be why the university, as a general rule, should make any of those things the essence of what an education should consist of. Any university that did so would openly acknowledge that its choice was an unusual, and perhaps experimental, one.

One might propose that antiracism deserves pride of place as a kind of atonement for the sins of slavery and Jim Crow. But while getting beyond evils requires being aware of them, redressing past injustices — in fact, redressing just one past injustice — is not the basic mission of a university. The Scholastics of the Middle Ages “centered” education on Christianity, with the idea that education must explore or at least be ever consonant with the essences of natural law and eternal grace. Today we may view this focus as antique or unintentionally parochial. But it’s not just Christianity: We should question the idea that that any one issue, even one that feels urgent at this particular moment, must be regarded as the heart of education.

I found Bradley Cooper’s biopic of Leonard Bernstein, “Maestro,” incurious in a related way. To build an entire film around Bernstein’s being gay or bisexual — with “West Side Story,” his masterful teaching on television and even the radical politics that led to the famous Black Panthers fund-raiser in his home left out or barely perceptible — is an almost boorish reduction of a life, soul and talent. Cooper’s focus reflects neither how life felt to Bernstein (which I have heard about from friends of his) nor how he should be presented to those new to him.

Imagine if Cooper was directing “Oppenheimer” and J. Robert Oppenheimer happened to be gay, and the film had focused on how he and his wife dealt with that rather than, well, what actually made his life significant. This is what it looks like to me for universities to make antiracism their core mission. Antiracism is important, but for a whole world to revolve around it yields a distortion of what America is, and what actual humanity, be it Black or white, is or can be.

I am especially dismayed by the utter static joylessness of the endeavor. The primum mobile is glum accusation, with observations considered most important (to the extent that they lend themselves to this mission). A curiosity focused mainly on condemnation is not truly curiosity.

A long time ago at a university function, a Black scholar was telling me about his dissertation. It described how in the 19th century in one state, Black people with a certain disability were offered fewer resources than white ones with the same disability. It isn’t that such injustice should not be chronicled, but for one, it would be hard to say that what he had discovered was exactly surprising. And I couldn’t help noticing the guy’s gloom. He talked about this dissertation, the product of years’ work, in the tone one would harbor to talk about bedbugs having been discovered in his house.

But near me, another Black scholar was talking about her study of a (very white) operetta composer of roughly the same period, whose work indeed contains richnesses often overlooked. This scholar was elated, intrigued, driven — and although I was polite and made sure to hear the gloomy guy out, I couldn’t help feeling that the woman studying operetta was expanding her mind more, not to mention getting more out of life. (I should mention that her work also involved issues related to Black people.)

In the foisting of an antiracist agenda upon the life of the mind, I see increasingly constricted space for what knowledge truly is. Our universities are becoming temples of a kind of dutiful score-settling, where the motto is less something about truth in Latin than “j’accuse.” It’s a narrow, soul-crushing abbreviation of what education is supposed to be.

Source: On Broadway, ‘Centering’ Antiracism Is Delightful

Lederman: Israeli-Palestinian groups bring their hopeful fights for peace to Canada

On a more optimistic note:

….Unlike some in the pro-Palestinian space, Standing Together in no way downplays, denies or justifies the atrocities of Oct. 7. But it also says the occupation cannot continue and is strongly opposed to Benjamin Netanyahu. It is calling for an end to the war and the return of the hostages.

“There is a very big difference between being in favour of the people living in Israel and the Israeli government,” says Ms. Daood.

“We need to build a society that understands that the benefit of having real peace and real agreement is for both sides. Having peace does not just benefit the Palestinians. It also benefits the people in Israel. Because then you don’t have to be in a place where you’re scared of your neighbours, where we’re at constant wars.”

Two days after the Oct. 7 attacks, I wrote that your Jewish and Palestinian friends are not doing okay. I can tell you with great certainty that we are doing much, much worse now. In this ceaseless and dark panorama of death, despair and polarization, groups like Women Wage Peace and Standing Together offer a different path, bringing in a bit of light and something that feels impossible now: hope, for peace, in spite of it all.

Source: Israeli-Palestinian groups bring their hopeful fights for peace to Canada

Statistics on social inclusion for ethnocultural groups in Canada: New products and selected results on the evolution of education among racialized groups, 2006 to 2021

Of note, hard to keep up with all the useful studies:

The 2021 Census of Population results showed that most racialized groups generally have higher levels of education than the total population in Canada. This gap in educational attainment between the racialized population and the total population widened from 2006 to 2021. In 2021, racialized women and recent racialized immigrants—who landed in Canada in the 10 years leading up to the 2021 Census—were among the most educated in Canada.

Source: Statistics on social inclusion for ethnocultural groups in Canada: New products and selected results on the evolution of education among racialized groups, 2006 to 2021

Germany set to add citizenship test questions about Jews and Israel

Of note (similar in a sense to ensuring new Canadians know about Indigenous peoples and the various harmful actions of Canadian governments):

Those seeking German citizenship could soon have to answer test questions about antisemitism, Germany’s commitment to Israel and Jewish life in Germany.

The catalogue of more than 300 questions from which citizenship test questions can be selected is to be amended shortly, the interior ministry said in a statement, pending final approval. New questions, German magazine Der Spiegel reported, are to include: What is a Jewish house of prayer called? When was the State of Israel founded? What is the reason for Germany’s special responsibility for Israel? How is Holocaust denial punished in Germany? And, somewhat mysteriously: Who can become a member of the approximately 40 Jewish Maccabi sports clubs in Germany? (Anyone, according to the organization’s FAQ.)

The move comes months after the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt made a written commitment for the “right of the State of Israel to exist” a requirement for naturalization.

Germany has cracked down on pro-Palestinian voices and on antisemitism amid Israel’s war in Gaza in response to the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel. Germany and German institutions have come under criticism in recent months for enforcing strict speech policies affecting pro-Palestinian protests. Museum shows, book talks and other art events have been canceled.

“One thing is particularly important to me,” Interior Minister Nancy Faeser told Der Spiegel. “As a result of the German crime against humanity of the Holocaust comes our special responsibility for the protection of Jews and for the protection of the State of Israel. This responsibility is part of our identity today.”

“Anyone who doesn’t share our values can’t get a German passport. We have drawn a crystal clear red line here,” Faeser said. “Antisemitism, racism and other forms of contempt for humanity rule out naturalization.”

The 33-question citizenship test is one of several prerequisites to becoming a German citizen. To pass, applicants must correctly answer at least 17 multiple-choice questions within an hour.

A wave of more than 2,000 antisemitic incidents logged by authorities since Oct. 7 has prompted German leaders to call for better enforcement of the country’s antisemitism laws in recent months.

“Antisemitism has no place in Germany,” Chancellor Olaf Scholz said in an address to German parliament in late October. “We will do everything to oppose it. We will do this as citizens, and as bearers of political responsibility.”

This includes enforcing existing laws, Scholz said.

While antisemitism itself is not a crime in Germany, antisemitic motivation for a crime can be considered in sentencing. In April 2023, the government announced that it would increase annual payments to the Central Council of Jews in Germany to almost $24 million, in part “to further strengthen the safety and security of Jewish communities.”

Holocaust denial is illegal in Germany, and punishable by prison time.

Source: Germany set to add citizenship test questions about Jews and Israel

Khan: Women’s rights advocates should stand up for victims on both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict 

A welcome revision to her earlier post neglecting Israeli victims, one that has been all too common in much commentary and activism:

….Recognizing the suffering of “the other side” is not a sign of weakness, but rather, a recognition of our shared humanity. We all want human dignity, security and a better future for our children. Let’s work on healing the pain. This will entail difficult conversations that forge a path toward justice for all aggrieved parties.

Source: Women’s rights advocates should stand up for victims on both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Ethnic diversity is still a serious issue at the top level in accounting firms

Of note. In general, when I looked at this some years ago, accounting firms have had a stronger diversity record than other regulated professions. Methodology of Canadian situation only focuses on recruitment photos not hard numbers so hard to assess (hopefully, Singer will add this to his research agenda):

In recent years, there has been a growing concern about the lack of diversity in workplaces, particularly in terms of ethnic and gender diversity. To address this, many companies have taken action by adjusting their recruiting policies and setting targets for achieving minimum diversity levels.

The accounting profession has suffered from the under-representation of women and marginalized people for many years. It has long been considered a white, male-dominant profession.

Accounting firms, especially the Big Four — Deloitte, Ernst & Young, PricewaterhouseCoopers and Klynveld Peat Marwick Goerdeler — have taken various measures to improve the diversity of their workforce by recruiting and retaining employees of various backgrounds. 

Each of the Big Four audit firms, for example, have created the equivalent position of chief diversity officer — a position that develops and implements diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in the organization.

Despite these efforts, diversity at more senior ranks in accounting firms is still very much lagging, especially with regard to ethnic representation. 

Under-representation in accounting

2019 survey from the Association of International Certified Professional Accountants found that only nine per cent of accounting firm partners identify as non-white.

Another study from the Association of Accountants and Financial Professionals in Business found that only 8.9 per cent of accountants and auditors identified as Hispanic or Latino, 8.5 per cent identified as Black or African American and 12 per cent identified as Asian. In total, these group represent almost 30 per cent of The professional accountants, but their proportion in partner levels are much lower than that.

A similar report from the United Kingdom found only 11 out of almost 3,000 (or 0.4 per cent) of equity partners in the Big Four firms in the U.K. are Black, compared with their population representation of 3.3 per cent.

Although we still don’t have robust enough data about accounting firms in Canada yet, there is research that suggests women and minorities are under-represented at senior positionsin Canadian firms as well.

Recognizing the under-representation of ethnic minority accountants at the partner level, my colleagues and I aimed to gain insights into the work environment of ethnic minority accountants who made it to the top of the ladder in U.S. firms. 

New insights from research

My co-researchers and I used the term ethnic minority in our study to refer to those who are Asian, Black non-Latino, Hispanic Latino and white non-Latino as per the U.S. Census’ taxonomy. We collected data on audit partners in the U.S. from 2016 to 2020 and conducted a comprehensive analysis of various aspects of their work. 

We found that ethnic minority auditors were less likely to become partners at accounting firms. The ones that did were more likely to become partners at less notable accounting offices. They were more likely to become partners in firms other than the Big Four firms, in offices that did not have prestigious clients, in smaller offices and in offices that earned less fees.

This is despite the fact that, as our research found, they performed better than non-ethnic minority partners. Using various performance measures common in accounting research, we found ethnic minority partners performed better than their white counterparts. It is, therefore, unlikely that the under-representation of ethnic minorities at the partner level is due to their inability to perform well.

Our study also found that ethnic minority partners were more likely to be in charge of audit engagements if a client’s senior leadership also included ethnic minorities. 

It also showed that, once an error occurred, white audit partners were more likely to be absolved of audit failures than ethnic minority audit partners. The likelihood of an audit partner being replaced after a material error was discovered in a financial statement was higher for ethnic minority partners (39 per cent) versus white partners (24 per cent). 

Improving ethnic representation

One of the consequences of ineffective diversity, equity and inclusion practices in the accounting profession is talent drain. Up to 55 per cent of accountants from under-represented groups leave their employers, and up to 18 per cent leave the profession altogether. This raises concerns about the long-term sustainability of the profession’s talent pipeline. 

Our study points to some major gaps in terms of promotion and treatment of ethnic audit partners in the accounting profession. Diversity at higher levels in the corporate hierarchy appears to be lacking. 

Our study also suggests two major benefits of closing these gaps. First, because ethnic audit partners appear to outperform their white counterparts, more ethnic representation at senior positions will translate to higher-quality audits. Second, improving the ethnic diversity in senior accounting positions will help combat talent drainage.

There must be greater efforts to recruit, nurture and promote talented accountants from under-represented backgrounds, including fast-tracking promising audit managers to partnership. Individuals from under-represented groups should receive opportunities equal to those of their white peers when it comes to career advancement and the choice of work environment.

We believe more ethnically diverse accounting leadership will strengthen the profession by attracting and retaining talented ethnic accounting professionals and will position it to deal better with the challenges of the future.

Source: Ethnic diversity is still a serious issue at the top level in accounting firms

Federal cap on international students shouldn’t affect universities, colleges that have been ‘good actors,’ Miller says

Real test will be at the provincial level, particularly Ontario:

Colleges and universities that didn’t contribute to the over-enrollment of international students should not be impacted by the federal government’s clampdown, said Immigration Minister Marc Miller, also warning that Ottawa may step in if provinces allow that to happen.

Miller, speaking at the Democracy Forum at Toronto Metropolitan University on Friday, said in addition to limiting numbers Ottawa also wants “to make sure that we are separating the wheat from the chaff, rewarding those institutions that have the ability to welcome and attract the top talent for which the international visa student program was designed for in the first place.”

Ottawa has put a two-year cap on international study permits, with a plan to reduce the number by 35 per cent, to 364,000, in part to also address a housing crunch in many of the communities with large numbers of foreign students. The cap does not apply to master’s or doctoral students or those in elementary or secondary schools.

Permits will be allotted based on population, leaving it to the provinces to divvy them up. Ontario will be among the hardest hit, given it has taken in 51 per cent of Canada’s international students. 

While acknowledging that the changes being rolled out may make for a “turbulent year,” Miller said the clampdown may need to be further tailored “depending on what we see as the results or the impacts that the corresponding effects and actions that the province take in order to adjust for this.

“If they (the provinces) start to punish the good actors, that’s an unfortunate consequence that I may have to have a say over — but obviously we have to give the chance to the provinces” to fix the problems, Miller said. 

Starting in May, no post-graduation work permits will be issued to international students who studied in a program run by public-private college partnerships, which have been blamed for the explosion in Ontario’s numbers. 

Miller has been highly critical of the quality of such programs, some of them run out of strip malls. 

Both colleges and universities charge international students much higher tuition fees — sometimes up to five times — and have been using them to boost revenues because of systemic underfunding by the Ontario government, Miller said.

“I don’t necessarily fault them entirely for that, but I think that has to be done responsibly,” he said at Friday’s forum, co-hosted by the Star’s Martin Regg Cohn and TMU professor Anna Triandafyllidou.

“Had we not capped this, we would have seen exponential growth over the next one or two years with very, very, very negative carry-on effects in a number of areas.”

Ontario colleges and universities are now awaiting word from the Ford government, which has to release its plan for allocating permits and the newly required verification letters by the end of the month.

“We know some bad actors are taking advantage of (international) students with false promises of guaranteed employment, residency and Canadian citizenship,” Ontario Colleges and Universities Minister Jill Dunlop has said. “We’ve been engaging with the federal government on ways to crack down on these practices, like predatory recruitment.”

Source: Federal cap on international students shouldn’t affect universities, colleges that have been ‘good actors,’ Miller says

Blogging break for the next few weeks