How corporate America got DEI wrong

More on corporate DEI post-Trump:

The “ethical case for diversity” is stronger

Still, Bermiss and others point out that DEI policies can have significant business impacts, even if they’re not apparent in short-term financial results. Having a more diverse team can help create products that appeal to more consumers, or help employees feel more satisfied with their jobs.

Costco, for example, recently told investors that its DEI efforts “help bring originality and creativity to our merchandise offerings” and “enhance our capacity to attract and retain employees who will help our business succeed,” among other benefits.

The massive retailer, which also calls DEI part of its “code of ethics,” successfully brushed off an anti-DEI shareholder proposal last month. Meanwhile, JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, who runs the nation’s largest bank, has called DEI “good for business; it’s morally right; we’re quite good at it; we’re successful.”

It probably helps that both JPMorgan Chase and Costco are financial powerhouses, whose profits and share prices keep their investors happy. But both companies are also framing their DEI policies as a matter of morality or ethics, rather than just profits.

That’s exactly how more companies should be thinking about DEI, according to Bermiss — if (and only if) they see it as valuable. Bermiss acknowledges that not all companies will want to continue pursuing greater diversity, equity, and inclusion. But he argues that if business leaders decide that pursuing such workplace goals is morally right and aligned with a company’s values, then they’ll be better able to stand up to criticisms or attacks.

And, as he adds, that’s firmer ground than hoping that “if we get two more Latinos on the board, our stock price will go up.”

Some DEI work will continue — by any other name

Despite the ongoing pressures, Costco and JPMorgan aren’t the only employers still spending money on DEI. In fact, some companies are ramping up: Paradigm, a tech consultancy that advises employers on diversity and inclusion, says it saw a 12 percentage-point increase last year in how many of its customers had dedicated DEI budgets.

Paradigm CEO Joelle Emerson says that even companies that are ending DEI programs may rebrand the work rather than abandoning it altogether. Corporate America’s diversity results have been “a mixed bag,” she adds, “in part because companies often spent too much time and energy on initiatives that didn’t have a measurable impact.”

Now she’s hoping that employers are taking the time to create more thoughtful — and effective — programs to increase fairness.

“I see this less as a rollback of DEI and more as sort of an evolution to the next phase of this work,” Emerson says.

Many of the companies ending DEI programs are scrubbing the now-politically-toxic acronym from their websites and corporate statements. But their public statements insist that they still want to make everyone feel included.

That could be a tricky balance, especially as the Trump Administration continues ramping up attacks on DEI — including efforts to uncover rebranded diversity efforts inside of federal agencies.

And it remains to be seen whether corporate America can really be more effective while softening its language — and goals — around diversity, equity, and inclusion. But Emerson, at least, is bullish.

“I’m actually pretty optimistic about the future of this work,” she says. “I’m not optimistic about the acronym DEI — nor do I particularly care.

Source: How corporate America got DEI wrong

Le Devoir editorial: Gare aux contradictions 

More on Quebec’s CAQ identity and integration policies:

Nouvelle année, nouvelle offensive nationaliste caquiste. François Legault avait prévenu qu’il mettrait le cap sur le dossier de l’identité. Ce fut chose faite dès les premiers jours de la rentrée parlementaire à Québec, avec le dépôt de son projet de loi-cadre enchâssant le modèle choisi de l’interculturalisme comme meilleur rempart pour assurer la vitalité et la pérennité de la langue française et de la culture francophone.

Le projet de « loi sur l’intégration nationale » énonce les grands principes auxquels adhère la société québécoise — être démocratique, laïque, guidée par sa Charte des droits et libertés et l’égalité hommes-femmes, et évoluer dans une langue commune, le français. L’affirmation nationale de consensus établis au Québec, qui guideront au travers de l’appareil de l’État québécois l’intégration de nouveaux arrivants dans un esprit de mixité.

Sur papier, la proposition caquiste s’en tient aux terrains d’entente et aux doctrines orthodoxes du modèle d’intégration québécois à une société et à une culture communes. L’adhésion et la participation de tous, la contribution de chacun.

Une nouvelle proposition législative qui se veut consensuelle, afin d’apporter une nouvelle pierre à l’édification d’un cadre constitutionnel proprement québécois. De grands pans de la mise en œuvre de cette loi-cadre restent toutefois à définir.

Une politique nationale viendra régir son champ d’application dans l’appareil gouvernemental et parapublic 18 mois après son adoption. Un règlement balisera par ailleurs les nouvelles règles de financement d’activités et d’organismes soutenus par l’État, qui devront à l’avenir respecter ce nouveau cadre d’intégration, dans les deux années suivant sa promulgation.

Le ministre de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, Jean-François Roberge, a laissé entendre, à la suite du dépôt de son projet de loi jeudi, que son gouvernement pourrait ainsi forcer un pressant ménage dans l’attribution de places dans les garderies subventionnées, où le religieux s’est immiscé. Il a en outre laissé planer la possibilité que le financement public versé aux écoles à vocation religieuse puisse être revu à son tour. Un revirement pour le gouvernement, qui choisirait alors judicieusement la voie de la cohérence.

Bien qu’il prépare sa loi depuis 18 mois, le ministre Roberge s’est montré tout aussi vague quant aux nouvelles balises qui encadreront le financement étatique d’événements communautaires ou d’activités culturelles. Au-delà de la microgestion du moindre rassemblement, l’adoption d’une culture commune passe par la découverte d’artistes et d’œuvres du Québec. Et pas seulement forcée.

Pour un gouvernement qui souhaite rassembler tous les Québécois autour d’une culture commune,dont les acteurs crient leur détresse, la fin de la gratuité universelle dans les musées le premier dimanche du mois est difficile à expliquer.

Tout comme la fermeture de classes de francisation. Le ministre et son gouvernement ont beau nier les « coupures budgétaires » en prétextant plutôt « le respect budgétaire », le résultat est le même. Les immigrants, de qui il exige une maîtrise du français pour en assurer la vitalité devant la menace, sont privés des cours espérés.

Prétendre que la demande rejoindra l’offre en francisation puisque le gouvernement resserre l’accueil d’immigrants temporaires relève de l’illusion. L’arriéré de nouveaux arrivants désireux d’apprendre la langue commune du Québec (bien qu’il découle d’abord de l’accueil pléthorique fédéral) ne disparaîtra pas pour autant. Et ceux qui fuient la guerre, les dérèglements climatiques ou la dureté du président américain, Donald Trump, ne seront pas moins nombreux.

Les contradictions du gouvernement de François Legault ne s’expliqueront pas aussi facilement.

D’autant que son propre projet de loi-cadre prône une nécessaire approche de réciprocité des responsabilités partagées entre l’État québécois et les nouveaux arrivants.

Il est attendu que ces derniers apprennent le français et participent ainsi à la vitalité de la culture québécoise. Encore faut-il leur donner les moyens de respecter ce contrat social qui leur est présenté.

Le gouvernement s’engage, noir sur blanc, à prendre des mesures pour contribuer à leur intégration, « par exemple en créant et en maintenant les conditions favorisant l’apprentissage du français ». De même qu’à « facilite[r] l’accès aux œuvres et aux contenus culturels ». Les échos sur le terrain — qu’ils découlent d’une rigueur ou d’une responsabilité budgétaires — laissent croire que le gouvernement n’y met pas tout à fait les ressources prescrites.

François Legault mise sur la carte de l’identité pour faire oublier les défis auxquels il fait face. Au-delà des intentions, c’est sur les résultats concrets qu’il sera jugé.

Source: Gare aux contradictions

New year, new Caquist nationalist offensive. François Legault had warned that he would set course for the identity file. This was done in the first days of the parliamentary return to school in Quebec City, with the tabled of its draft framework law enshrining the chosen model of interculturalism as the best bulwark to ensure the vitality and sustainability of the French language and Francophone culture.

The draft “law on national integration” sets out the main principles to which Quebec society adheres – to be democratic, secular, guided by its Charter of Rights and Freedoms and gender equality, and to evolve in a common language, French. The national affirmation of consensus established in Quebec, which will guide through the apparatus of the Quebec State the integration of newcomers in a spirit of diversity.

On paper, the Caquist proposal sticks to the common grounds and orthodox doctrines of the Quebec model of integration into a common society and culture. The support and participation of all, the contribution of each.

A new legislative proposal that aims to be consensual, in order to bring a new stone to the construction of a properly Quebec constitutional framework. However, major parts of the implementation of this framework law remain to be defined.

A national policy will govern its scope in the government and parapublic apparatus 18 months after its adoption. A regulation will also set out the new rules for financing activities and organizations supported by the State, which will have to comply with this new integration framework in the future, within two years of its promulgation.

The Minister of Immigration, Francisation and Integration, Jean-François Roberge, suggested, following the tabling of his bill on Thursday, that his government could thus force a pressing budget in the allocation of places in subsidized daycare centers, where the religious have interfered. He also left it possible that public funding for religious schools could be reviewed in turn. A turnaround for the government, which would then wisely choose the path of coherence.

Although he has been preparing his law for 18 months, Minister Roberge has been equally vague about the new beacons that will govern the state financing of community events or cultural activities. Beyond the micromanagement of the slightest gathering, the adoption of a common culture requires the discovery of Quebec artists and works. And not just forced.

For a government that wants to bring together all Quebecers around a common culture, whose actors shout their distress, the end of universal gratuity in museums on the first Sunday of the month is difficult to explain.

Just like the closure of francization classes. The minister and his government may deny “budget cuts” on the pretext of “budgetary respect”, the result is the same. Immigrants, from whom he requires a mastery of French to ensure their vitality in the face of the threat, are deprived of the hoped-for courses.

To claim that demand will join the supply in francization since the government is tightening the reception of temporary immigrants is a matter of illusion. The backlog of newcomers wishing to learn the common language of Quebec (although it first stems from the federal full reception) will not disappear. And those fleeing war, climate change or the harshness of American President Donald Trump will not be less numerous.

The contradictions of François Legault’s government will not be so easily explained.

Especially since his own draft framework law advocates a necessary approach to reciprocity of shared responsibilities between the Quebec State and newcomers.

They are expected to learn French and thus participate in the vitality of Quebec culture. They must still be given the means to respect this social contract that is presented to them.

The government undertakes, in black and white, to take measures to contribute to their integration, “for example by creating and maintaining conditions conducive to learning French”. As well as “facilitates access to cultural works and content”. The echoes on the ground — whether they stem from budgetary rigour or responsibility — suggest that the government is not quite putting the prescribed resources into it.

François Legault relies on the identity card to make people forget the challenges he faces. Beyond the intentions, it is on the concrete results that he will be judged.

FIRST READING: Inside Quebec’s new plan to kill multiculturalism

NP on Bill 84. Lots of nuance given different understandings of multiculturalism which, in the Canadian context, has always been about integration, not separation, with accommodation aimed at integration, not separation. Implementation and behaviours of course are not perfect:

In what may yet prove to be a model for the rest of the country, Quebec is rolling out a comprehensive plan to kill Canadian multiculturalism in favour of “interculturalism.”

Bill 84, An Act respecting national integration, which was tabled Thursday, lays out an “integration model” under which immigrants to Quebec are expected to both learn French and adhere to a “common culture.”

“For the first time in our history, we’re going to define who we are and how we want to evolve as a nation,” said Jean-François Roberge, Quebec’s immigration minister, in a French-language web video promoting the bill that was posted on Monday.

“This model will let us build a society where the Francophone majority invites all Quebecers to adhere and contribute to the common culture of our nation,” he said.

In an English-language defence of the bill delivered at a press availability on Tuesday, Roberge said people coming to Quebec “must accept” its democratic values, such as the equality of men and women. “We don’t want ghettoes, we want one society.”

In an English-language defence of the bill delivered at a press availability on Tuesday, Roberge said people coming to Quebec “must accept” its democratic values, such as the equality of men and women. “We don’t want ghettoes, we want one society.”

The bill’s text states that Quebecers are “expected to … collaborate in the welcoming of immigrants and foster their integration into the Québec nation.”

Conversely, immigrants are expected to “participate fully, in French, in Québec society” and “participate in the vitality of Québec culture by enriching it.”

Quebec’s forays into cultural protection are often conspicuously out of step with the rest of Canada. That’s most obviously been the case when it comes to another piece of CAQ legislation, Bill 21. Passed in 2019, it forbids Quebec government employees — including nurses and teachers — from wearing religious garb at work such as hijabs, kippas, dastaars or Catholic pendants.

Bill 21 inspired widespread condemnation from across English Canada, including from the Conservatives.

But on the issue of integrating immigrants, nationwide polls show that Canadians are increasingly supportive of a system in which newcomers must adhere to certain “shared values.”

A Leger poll from November 2023 found 55 per cent of respondents agreeing with the notion that the Canadian government should be “encouraging newcomers to embrace broad mainstream values and traditions and leave behind elements of their cultural identity that may be incompatible with that.”

That same poll also found that a majority of non-white respondents did not automatically agree with the nostrum “diversity is our strength.”

Instead, 56 per cent agreed with the notion that “some elements of diversity can provide strength, but some elements of diversity can cause problems / conflict” — slightly higher than the share of Caucasian respondents (55 per cent) who said the same thing.

Source: FIRST READING: Inside Quebec’s new plan to kill multiculturalism

David | Le creuset québécois

Some Quebec reaction to the CAQ integration and interculturalisme proposals and the reference to a Quebec melting pot along with Premier Legault:

Tant pis pour le premier ministre Legault, qui a manqué « un moment solennel dans l’histoire du Québec », au dire du ministre de l’Immigration, de la Langue française et de l’Intégration, Jean-François Roberge.

Plutôt que d’assister à la présentation du projet de loi sur le nouveau « modèle d’intégration nationale », que M. Roberge estime être LE projet de la session parlementaire, M. Legault a préféré se rendre sur la Côte-Nord, où il a senti le besoin de parler de Donald Trump. Allez donc savoir pourquoi !

Depuis que la Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ) est au pouvoir, on a perdu le compte de ces moments solennels, voire historiques, où se joue le sort de la nation. Le premier ministre s’est peut-être dit qu’il avait le luxe de sauter un tour.

De mémoire, c’est néanmoins la première fois qu’un projet de loi évoque le « creuset » québécois, ce qui est la traduction française du légendaire melting-pot américain. Cela traduit une volonté d’intégration plus poussée que l’« interculturalisme » recommandé par le rapport Bouchard-Taylor.

Il est assurément souhaitable que l’ensemble de la société québécoise conjugue ses efforts pour favoriser une meilleure intégration des nouveaux arrivants et qu’une loi vienne les encadrer. Les Québécois n’en demeurent pas moins les premiers responsables de la pérennité d’une nation de langue et de culture françaises. Le désir d’intégration des immigrants sera fonction de notre propre détermination.

Il faudra attendre au moins 18 mois avant de voir la « politique nationale d’intégration » qui doit rendre le nouveau modèle opérationnel. À cette date, le Québec sera à la veille de la campagne électorale, de sorte que cette politique pourrait bien ne jamais être appliquée. Tout comme le projet de constitution québécoise auquel s’affaire Simon Jolin-Barrette, elle semble plutôt destinée à alimenter le discours de la CAQ.

***

L’idée d’un « contrat social » entre l’État et les immigrants n’est pas nouvelle. On l’avait évoqué lors des États généraux du Canada français à la fin des années 1960. Elle avait été reprise 25 ans plus tard par la ministre de l’Immigration dans le gouvernement Bourassa, Monique Gagnon-Tremblay, qui y voyait déjà le « garant d’une intégration réussie ».

En 1994, on avait ridiculisé le « contrat moral » proposé par l’Action démocratique du Québec, par lequel les immigrants devraient s’engager à « vivre et à travailler en français », mais il a néanmoins inspiré la « Déclaration d’adhésion aux valeurs communes » introduite par la libérale Yolande James en 2008 et le « test des valeurs » imposé par la CAQ en 2019.

La nouveauté du modèle proposé par M. Roberge consiste à étendre le contrat aux institutions et aux organismes qui relèvent du gouvernement (municipalités, universités, écoles, hôpitaux…), de même que les bénéficiaires de subventions, dont le financement pourrait être coupé s’ils ne contribuent pas à l’intégration de façon satisfaisante.

C’est là que les choses risquent de se compliquer. Pour mettre en valeur la diversité tout en faisant la promotion d’un tronc culturel commun, faudrait-il inclure des artistes québécois dans la programmation des Nuits d’Afrique ou mettre la poutine au menu des festivals gastronomiques qui célèbrent les cuisines étrangères ?

Comment la conformité aux objectifs d’intégration sera-t-elle évaluée ? Les fonctionnaires ont la fâcheuse habitude d’appliquer avec zèle les directives qu’on leur donne. Certains ont conservé un très mauvais souvenir de la défunte Commission de protection de la langue française. Faudra-t-il créer une « police des festivals », comme l’a demandé la co-porte-parole de Québec solidaire, Ruba Ghazal ?

***

Rouvrir les classes de francisation qui ont été fermées au cours des derniers mois serait certainement un bon début, mais M. Roberge fait partie de ceux qui pensent que les compressions budgétaires n’existent que dans l’esprit de gens qui ne comprennent rien à la comptabilité. À en croire le gouvernement, plus on investit en éducation ou en santé, plus il faut supprimer des postes.

Comme chacun sait, le Québec est le seul endroit en Amérique du Nord où le racisme systémique n’existe pas, même si les immigrants sont quotidiennement victimes de comportements racistes, que ce soit au travail, dans la rue, quand ils cherchent un logement, postulent un emploi ou ont affaire à la police.

Ils seraient peut-être plus enclins à s’intégrer si on admettait que tout cela ne peut pas être simplement le fait d’individus qui n’ont pas encore compris ou accepté les règles du vivre-ensemble dans une société ouverte et que des mesures vigoureuses étaient prises.

Il y a aussi l’épineuse question des écoles religieuses privées subventionnées, qu’elles soient juives, musulmanes ou autres, qui ne contribuent manifestement pas à l’intégration en endoctrinant systématiquement leurs élèves. M. Roberge reconnaît que cela devrait « faire partie de la réflexion », mais M. Legault a catégoriquement exclu de leur couper les vivres.

Finalement, il aurait peut-être dû être à Québec pour entendre les explications de son ministre.

Source: Chronique | Le creuset québécois

Too bad for Prime Minister Legault, who missed “a solemn moment in the history of Quebec,” according to the Minister of Immigration, the French Language and Integration, Jean-François Roberge.

Rather than attending the presentation of the bill on the new “national integration model”, that Mr. Roberge considers to be THE project of the parliamentary session, Mr. Legault preferred to go to the North Shore, where he felt the need to talk about Donald Trump. Go find out why!

Since the Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ) has been in power, we have lost count of these solemn, even historical, moments when the fate of the nation is at stake. The Prime Minister may have thought he had the luxury of jumping a round.

From memory, it is nevertheless the first time that a bill evokes the Quebec “crucible”, which is the French translation of the legendary American melting pot. This reflects a desire for integration more advanced than the “interculturalism” recommended by the Bouchard-Taylor report.

It is certainly desirable that the whole of Quebec society joins its efforts to promote a better integration of newcomers and that a law will regulate them. Quebecers nevertheless remain the first responsible for the sustainability of a nation of French language and culture. The desire for integration of immigrants will depend on our own determination.

It will take at least 18 months before we see the “national integration policy” that should make the new model operational. On that date, Quebec will be on the eve of the election campaign, so this policy may never be applied. Just like the draft Quebec constitution in which Simon Jolin-Barrette is busy, it seems rather intended to feed the CAQ’s discourse.

The idea of a “social contract” between the state and immigrants is not new. It was mentioned during the States General of French Canada in the late 1960s. It was taken over 25 years later by the Minister of Immigration in the Bourassa government, Monique Gagnon-Tremblay, who already saw it as the “guarantor of successful integration”.

In 1994, the “moral contract” proposed by the Action démocratique du Québec was ridiculed, by which immigrants should commit to “living and working in French”, but it nevertheless inspired the “Declaration of adherence to common values” introduced by the liberal Yolande James in 2008 and the “test of values” imposed by the CAQ in 2019.

The novelty of the model proposed by Mr. Roberge consists of extending the contract to institutions and organizations that fall under the responsibility of the government (municipalities, universities, schools, hospitals, etc.), as well as to beneficiaries of subsidies, whose funding could be cut if they do not contribute to integration satisfactorily.

This is where things may get complicated. To highlight diversity while promoting a common cultural core, should we include Quebec artists in the programming of the Nuits d’Afrique or put poutine on the menu of gastronomic festivals that celebrate foreign cuisines?

How will compliance with the integration objectives be assessed? Officials have the unfortunate habit of zealously applying the directives given to them. Some have kept a very bad memory of the defunct Commission de protection de la langue française. Will it be necessary to create a “festival police”, as requested by the co-spokeswoman of Québec solidaire, Ruba Ghazal?

Reopening the francization classes that have been closed in recent months would certainly be a good start, but Mr. Roberge is one of those who think that budget cuts only exist in the minds of people who don’t understand anything about accounting. According to the government, the more we invest in education or health, the more jobs need to be cut.

As everyone knows, Quebec is the only place in North America where systemic racism does not exist, even if immigrants are victims of racist behavior on a daily basis, whether at work, on the street, when they are looking for housing, applying for a job or dealing with the police.

They might be more inclined to integrate if it were admitted that all this cannot simply be the result of individuals who have not yet understood or accepted the rules of living together in an open society and that vigorous measures were taken.

There is also the thorny question of subsidized private religious schools, whether Jewish, Muslim or otherwise, which clearly do not contribute to integration by systematically indoctrinating their students. Mr. Roberge acknowledges that this should “be part of the reflection”, but Mr. Legault categorically ruled out cutting off their food.

Finally, he might have had to be in Quebec City to hear his minister’s explanations.

Quebec’s CAQ government tables ‘integration’ bill for new immigrants

Here we go…:

Immigration Minister Jean-François Roberge tabled Thursday a bill meant to distinguish the province’s approach to newcomers from what Roberge called Canada’s “vicious” multiculturalism.

Bill 84, laid out in a 12-page document called “An Act respecting national integration,” includes a list of expectations for the Quebec state, Quebecers and new immigrants to Quebec. It aims to establish the province’s integration model, which is inspired by the concept of interculturalism.

Roberge said Tuesday that the difference between interculturalism and multiculturalism is that the former creates “relations between people,” whereas the latter “doesn’t define a common culture.”

The bill calls on new immigrants to learn French upon arrival in Quebec and to respect a set of values, including those enumerated in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

“This law reiterates that Quebec is a nation in its own right with a strong culture,” Roberge told journalists Thursday. “As a nationalist government, we are therefore taking our responsibilities and making a strong gesture to protect our social cohesion, our way of living together, our identity.”

The document defines Quebec culture as “characterized in particular by the French language, the civil law tradition, specific institutions, distinct social values, a specific history, and the importance given to equality between women and men, to the laicity of the State and to the protection of Quebec’s only official and common language.”

The bill commits Quebec to “foster the learning of French as well as the learning of democratic values,” but does not specifically say the province has to provide French courses.

The bill also says the government would ensure organizations helping immigrants follow the bill and could remove funding to those that do not, although Roberge admitted to journalists Thursday there were not yet clear guidelines on how the province would enforce the bill.

In recent months, the province has cancelled hundreds of French courses due to funding issues. After Roberge announced on Tuesday that he would be tabling the bill this week, opposition parties were reluctant to show support given the province’s struggle to meet francization demands.

Veronica Islas, who runs Carrefour de ressources en intercultuel, an organization helping immigrants in Montreal, said the proposed legislation’s lack of clarity on how it would be implemented and why it was being created left her fearing it would have the adverse effect of alienating or “othering” people.

“Words have meaning and there’s a difference between integration and inclusion,” Islas said.

Roberge also defended himself on Tuesday from the idea that he was once again using nationalism to win back voting intentions.

“During our first mandate, we took the step of adopting Bill 21 when we were leading in the polls — and by a long, long shot — [and] we did the same thing with Bill 96,” he said. “We are taking strong, identity-based actions to ensure the Quebec model, regardless of the polls.”

The bill also says Quebec must facilitate “access to Quebec works, cultural content and heritage property, [enhance] them and fosters their discoverability.”

The government recently announced a series of financial cutbacks at several cultural institutions, including the end of free entry to a number of museums on Sundays. A group called the Common Front for the Arts of Quebec has held protests amid calls for increased funding of arts and culture activities in the province. It has emphasized the importance of Quebec’s national identity.

Source: Quebec’s CAQ government tables ‘integration’ bill for new immigrants

Le Devoir Éditorial | Intolérance, stupeur et consternation [racism among health care workers]

Timing could not be worse as CAQ government prepares its model of integration for Quebec. Reminder that reciprocal obligations apply to the host population as well:

C’est une histoire à faire hurler, sise aux frontières de nos espoirs d’intégration des immigrants et de la plate réalité du terrain, encore raviné par des poches d’intolérance et de discrimination. Les allégations de racisme au cégep et au CISSS de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue, subi par des hommes et des femmes venus d’Afrique pour devenir infirmiers ici, ont tout pour ébranler le gouvernement Legault, lui qui doit dévoiler jeudi un projet de loi-cadre destiné à redéfinir le modèle québécois d’intégration des immigrants. Quelle ironie !

Il y a de ces hasards de calendrier qui font réfléchir. Le Devoir révélait mardi, sous la plume de sa journaliste Lisa-Marie Gervais, que des étudiants venus d’Afrique à l’invitation du gouvernement du Québec pour prêter main-forte en soins infirmiers avaient subi ce qui a toutes les allures du racisme. Dans un rapport obtenu par notre reporter et relatant les humiliations sévères infligées aux étudiants, ce passage ne peut que faire frémir : « Il paraît qu’en Afrique, vous êtes tous des animaux. C’est pour ça qu’au Rwanda, les gens se sont entretués. » Cette phrase indigne aurait été prononcée par une enseignante qui devait accompagner et former ces personnes, tous déjà des infirmiers dans leur pays natal.

L’origine de cette affaire compte pour beaucoup dans l’horreur qu’elle inspire. C’est dans le cadre d’un de ces programmes idylliques lancés par le Québec pour suppléer à une pénurie de main-d’œuvre au sein du personnel infirmier que ces étudiants ont foulé le sol québécois. Partis de leur continent africain avec une solide formation infirmière, ils étudiaient et subsistaient grâce à un programme du ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI) décliné en quatre phases, et visant à terme la formation aux normes du Québec de 1500 infirmiers francophones. Le tout dans le cadre du Plan d’action ministériel pour la reconnaissance des personnes immigrantes.

L’ensemble de l’œuvre bénéficie du soutien des ministères de la Santé et des Services sociaux et de l’Enseignement supérieur. Ces détails non négligeables viennent ajouter une couche d’opprobre à l’affaire : ce fiasco est survenu sous la gouverne d’autant d’instances responsables vantant les mérites de ce parfait entrecroisement de l’offre et de la demande.

Le drame des étudiants humiliés s’est joué à plusieurs chapitres. D’abord, il y a eu les insultes racistes et les actes de dénigrement venus d’enseignantes et de responsables, tant du cégep de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue que du CISSS où les étudiants effectuaient des stages et du travail à temps partiel comme préposés aux bénéficiaires, le tout en totale conformité avec le programme gouvernemental. Ensuite, l’échec scolaire. Ce sont des taux d’échec anormalement élevés le printemps dernier qui ont sonné la première alarme, car ainsi recalés, les candidats ont vu le sol se dérober sous leurs pieds : perte instantanée de l’allocation versée par le MIFI, impossibilité de travailler, retrait de l’assurance médicale. Certains ont pu effectuer une reprise, d’autres, non. Une infirmière ayant soutenu les victimes en dénonçant le traitement subi a été congédiée du CIUSSS où elle travaillait.

Un consortium indépendant dépêché en Abitibi-Témiscamingue pour résorber la crise a témoigné dans un rapport accablant de la nature des opérations de dénigrement constantes subies par les étudiants. Mais, comble de l’injure, ledit rapport ne s’est pas rendu aux autorités concernées, comme si on avait voulu cacher l’inénarrable. Une demande d’accès à l’information et une démarche journalistique ont permis de découvrir de quel traitement « dégueulasse » — le mot du ministre responsable de la Lutte contre le racisme, Christopher Skeete, en réaction à notre reportage — les étudiants avaient été victimes.

Interrogé sur cet événement malheureux, le directeur à la formation continue du cégep, Julien Pierre Arsenault, a parlé d’une question de « perceptions ». Dans d’autres médias, mardi, il dénonçait avec plus de vigueur les allégations de racisme.

Tout cela survient alors que le ministre de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration, Jean-François Roberge, doit dévoiler jeudi un projet de loi-cadre dictant les termes d’un nouveau modèle d’intégration au Québec. Le ministre, qui dénonce haut et fort toute forme de xénophobie ou de racisme comme celle transpirant de notre reportage, affirme que son intention n’est pas seulement de dicter les exigences attendues des nouveaux arrivants, mais de déterminer aussi quels sont les devoirs et responsabilités de la société d’accueil, au nom d’un « principe de réciprocité ».

Les récits racontant des manifestations claires de racisme systémique dans les univers de l’éducation et de la santé ont malheureusement été suffisamment nombreux pour qu’on s’en inquiète. Bien que ce gouvernement résiste encore à nommer ce racisme installé dans certaines de nos organisations, il devrait comprendre qu’en repoussant les évidences, il contribue en quelque sorte à gangrener les préjugés. C’est le premier signe d’une volonté d’intégration de façade.

Source: Éditorial | Intolérance, stupeur et consternation

It is a story to scream, located on the borders of our hopes for the integration of immigrants and the flat reality of the field, still ravined by pockets of intolerance and discrimination. The allegations of racism at the CEGEP and the CISSS of Abitibi-Témiscamingue, suffered by men and women who came from Africa to become nurses here, have everything to shake the Legault government, which is due to unveil on Thursday a framework bill to redefine the Quebec model of immigrant integration. What an irony!

There are those calendar coincidences that make you think. Le Devoir revealed on Tuesday, under the pen of its journalist Lisa-Marie Gervais, that students who came from Africa at the invitation of the Quebec government to lend a hand in nursing care had suffered what has all the appearance of racism. In a report obtained by our reporter and reporting the severe humiliations inflicted on students, this passage can only make you shudder: “It seems that in Africa, you are all animals. That’s why in Rwanda, people have been king each other. This unworthy sentence would have been pronounced by a teacher who had to accompany and train these people, all already nurses in their native country.

The origin of this case counts for a lot in the horror it inspires. It was as part of one of these idyllic programs launched by Quebec to make up for a shortage of nursing staff that these students set foot on Quebec soil. Starting from their African continent with a solid nursing training, they studied and subsisted thanks to a program of the Ministry of Immigration, Francisation and Integration (MIFI) declined in four phases, and eventually aimed at training 1500 French-speaking nurses to Quebec standards. All under the Ministerial Action Plan for the Recognition of Immigrants.

The entire work is supported by the Ministries of Health and Social Services and Higher Education. These significant details add a layer of reproach to the case: this fiasco occurred under the guidance of so many responsible bodies touting the merits of this perfect intertersection of supply and demand.

The drama of the humiliated students was played out in several chapters. First, there were racist insults and acts of denigration from teachers and managers, both from the Abitibi-Témiscamingue CEGEP and from the CISSS where students carried out internships and part-time work as beneficiaries’ attendants, all in full compliance with the government program. Then, school failure. It was abnormally high failure rates last spring that sounded the first alarm, because thus failed, the candidates saw the ground escape from under their feet: instant loss of the allowance paid by the MIFI, inability to work, withdrawal of medical insurance. Some were able to make a recovery, others were not. A nurse who supported the victims by denouncing the treatment suffered was dismissed from the CIUSSS where she worked.

An independent consortium dispatched to Abitibi-Témiscamingue to resolve the crisis testified in a damning report on the nature of the constant denigration operations suffered by students. But, to the height of the insult, the said report did not go to the authorities concerned, as if they had wanted to hide the unspeakable. A request for access to information and a journalistic approach made it possible to discover what “disgusting” treatment – the word of the minister responsible for the fight against racism, Christopher Skeete, in reaction to our report – the students had been victims.

Asked about this unfortunate event, the director of continuing education of the CEGEP, Julien Pierre Arsenault, spoke of a question of “perceptions”. In other media, on Tuesday, he more vigorously denounced allegations of racism.

All this comes as the Minister of Immigration, Francisation and Integration, Jean-François Roberge, is due to unveil on Thursday a draft framework law dictating the terms of a new integration model in Quebec. The minister, who loudly denounces any form of xenophobia or racism such as that transpiring from our report, says that his intention is not only to dictate the demands expected of newcomers, but also to determine what the duties and responsibilities of the host society are, in the name of a “principle of reciprocity”.

Unfortunately, there have been enough stories of clear manifestations of systemic racism in the worlds of education and health to be concerned. Although this government still resists naming this racism installed in some of our organizations, it should understand that by pushing back the evidence, it contributes in some way to gangrenous prejudice. This is the first sign of a desire to integrate the facade.

Multiculturalism is a bad fit for Quebec, immigration minister says

Here we go again. On the positive side, they will need to develop a definition that can be reviewed and assessed:

The minister responsible for immigration has justified the presentation of new legislation on the integration of immigrants by saying he wants to promote a common Quebec culture and less “ghettoization” of new arrivals.

Jean-François Roberge, the minister of immigration, francization and integration, said the legislation he will table Thursday will act as a counterweight to the Canadian concept of multiculturalism, which he said remains a bad fit for Quebec because it fails to clearly define a common culture with principles Quebecers believe in. Newcomers need to clearly understand Quebec is different from the rest of Canada when they arrive, Roberge said.

He said the proof of the need for a new bill, with a focus on the concept of interculturalism, lies in part in new data produced by Quebec’s French language commissioner showing the children of immigrants identify less with Quebec than their parents did.

“There is something broken,” Roberge told reporters at a news conference. “I don’t think we have, at this moment, a clearly defined social contract. We never outlined it. “We can’t criticize people who are not aware of something that has never been clearly defined.

“With our plan, with our bill, we will be pretty clear: We are a nation, we have a culture, we have democratic values, men and women are equal. People coming here must accept that.”

Roberge, however, was vague on how he plans to apply what is for now a statement of principles. The mechanics of how it will be applied will be included in the legislation, he said. He said the bill will revolve around the principle of reciprocity and a “moral obligation to adhere to Quebec culture in the larger sense.”

“We are a welcoming society; we remain open to the world. We want diversity on the Quebec territory, but we want a mix. We don’t want people living apart from one another. We think the ghettoization does not serve social cohesion.”

Roberge dismissed questions about whether the Coalition Avenir Québec government is again stirring up the identity issue as a way to shore up its sliding popularity. He said the CAQ government adopted other pieces of identity legislation, such as Bill 21 on state secularism and Bill 96 overhauling the Charter of the French Language, early in its mandate before the party fell from grace with voters.

“Our values don’t change based on the latest polls,” Roberge said. Roberge made the comments as the National Assembly resumed work Tuesday following the Christmas break.

Much of the focus of the session will be on the economy and the potential impact of U.S. tariffs. Premier François Legault made it clear at a caucus last week that other issues will be on the agenda, including those revolving around identity.

Roberge set the stage for the bill in a video Monday in which he said the new legislation will be a logical followup to Bills 21 and 96. “For the first time in our history, we will define who we are and how we want to continue to evolve as a nation,” Roberge said in the video. “With this bill, we propose a social contract uniting all Quebecers.”

But he was hit with questions about the government’s current inability to offer enough French courses to meet the demand from those arriving here. On the defensive, Roberge said Quebec is teaching the language to more people than ever — 80,000 in 2024 alone — and will improve the situation further in 2025. Waiting lists are long because too many immigrants have arrived in Quebec and he plans to reduce the total in the future, he said.

“Those who are here will be able to learn French and we will put the brakes on new arrivals, including temporary (immigrants), on our territory.”

Quebec’s opposition parties remained skeptical Tuesday about the government’s motives. Interim Liberal leader Marc Tanguay said his party is always open to discussing such issues as interculturalism, but warned the new bill has to respect fundamental rights. He said the government also has to put up the money to back its principles, which he said it has not done in the past.

“I think the first person who spoke of interculturalism was (former Liberal premier) Robert Bourassa in the ‘70s,” Tanguay said. “We are interculturalists and ready to work on this, but again the devil is in the details. We must not divide (Quebecers).”

Québec solidaire co-spokesperson Ruba Ghazal said there is an “incoherence” in Roberge’s message because he says immigrants need to integrate, yet the government keeps cutting French courses.

Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon said that while he doesn’t believe everything in the new bill will be useless, the CAQ’s track record on immigration remains questionable because of its lack of results. “Let’s just say the CAQ has been good at window-dressing for the past seven years, so we’ll keep an eye on that,” St-Pierre Plamondon told reporters.

Source: Multiculturalism is a bad fit for Quebec, immigration minister says

Five years on, Chinese Canadians recall ridicule and racism over pandemic precautions

Another reminder. One of my memories was flying back from LA late January 2020 and we and Chinese were the only ones wearing a mask:

…Once the pandemic was officially underway, data would eventually emerge suggesting caution in Chinese communities had yielded results, notably in the Metro Vancouver community of Richmond, B.C.

The city’s population is 54 per cent ethnically Chinese, according to the 2021 census, making it the most Chinese city in North America.

More than two years into the pandemic, British Columbia’s COVID-19 case distribution report in July 2022 showed the city had an infection rate by far the lowest in the Lower Mainland, and less than half of that in nearby Surrey. In a colour-coded infection heat map from that time, Richmond stands out as a pale island, surrounded by more heavily infected neighbouring municipalities.

Zhang says he has no doubt why Richmond’s COVID-19 numbers were so low before the virus mutated and new variants resulted in much higher rate of spread worldwide.

“I believe the COVID-19 cases in the Chinese community were the lowest since we paid so much attention to the pandemic and we set up systems to protect ourselves from COVID-19,” he said.

Poutanen said the process of making health recommendations against a new, evolving virus was similar to shooting at a moving target.

Health officials in Canada initially recommended against mask use by healthy, asymptomatic individuals. That ran counter to what health officials were saying in China and Hong Kong.

“Initially the thought was (for) symptomatic masking, but general masking was not needed,” Poutanen said of the Canadian response.

“That was partly because the thought was symptomatic spread is predominantly how this was being transmitted, but that changed. I certainly think that no question, masking — the mask mandates and knowledge of what masking can do now — is one of the ongoing infection control measures that we continue to use that is effective.”

Wu and other Chinese community members pointed to memories of the SARS outbreak from 2002 to 2004 in Hong Kong and mainland China, where hundreds of people died, as the dominant factor in their response to COVID-19. SARS also killed more than 40 people in Canada.

Wu still winces at the thought of how she was treated in the earliest days of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It was just like it happened from yesterday,” Wu said, recalling being “the centre of attention” when she went masked and gloved into a grocery store, other shoppers “rolling their eyes.”…

Source: Five years on, Chinese Canadians recall ridicule and racism over pandemic precautions

Lipstadt: Antisemitism Is a Bipartisan Problem

Another reminder and warning:

At the conclusion of my confirmation hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 2022, I was approached by a member of the committee who asked which posed a greater threat, antisemitism emanating from the political left or the political right? The question did not surprise me. I had heard it often, long before President Joe Biden had nominated me to serve as the State Department’s special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism, the position I held for the past three years.

I replied that it made little difference to me whence the antisemitism came, I was against it. I described myself as an “equal opportunity” hater of antisemitism. The senator who asked seemed satisfied with my answer.

As the new administration begins and I leave this position, I have come to see, more clearly, that this oft-debated left/right question — that is, which side is worse — often serves as a political smoke screen.

The problem is that many on both the left and the right fail to call out antisemitism when it appears on their side of the political spectrum: Too many on the left are silent when it rears its head on university campuses. Too many on the right fail to condemn the overt antisemitism expressed by white nationalists. When I encounter this, it is clear to me that the intent is not to fight antisemitism but to use antisemitism as a cudgel against political opponents.

This is far too narrow a prism through which to acknowledge, assess and call out this hateful phenomenon. In the past few years, having witnessed the continued harm of antisemitism worldwide, I have become convinced that these double standards, which reduce the fight against antisemitism to partisan bickering, obscure the far greater threat that is Jew hatred.

I now see the threat in a multitiered fashion. Antisemitism is, first and foremost, a peril to Jews, their institutions and their communities. Whether the attack is on a synagogue in Australiasoccer fans in Amsterdam or women in Kibbutz Re’im and at the Nova music festival near the Israel-Gaza border, Jews are the target. And this alone would make it a legitimate matter for governments to address seriously. But antisemitism poses a threat beyond the threat to Jews.

It also threatens democracy and the rule of law. The cornerstone of antisemitism is a conspiracy myth which holds that “the Jews” control the most powerful levers of society, in government, media, finance and more. This lethal belief posits that Jews seek to empower and enrich themselves at the expense of all others. One might be inclined to dismiss this outlandish myth as merely a wild fantasy. But it has served as the rationale for genocide. Millions have been murdered because of it.

Those who adhere to this conspiracy theory — who see power ceded, not to a legitimate government, but to a Jewish cabal — have lost faith in the rule of law and are looking for someone or some group of people to blame. They’re willing to believe that their votes do not help them, their leaders do not represent them and their institutions do not protect them. Their distorted worldview renders accountable, rules-based government an illusion.

We have repeatedly seen malign groups and governments using it as a means of deepening public division within societies and among countries. Russia has propagated antisemitic conspiracy myths to help justify its war against democratic Ukraine. Iran supports the terrorist groups Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis by helping them cultivate antisemitic ideologies to justify depraved violence throughout the region. Their primary goal may not be only to spread Jew hatred, but to use Jew hatred to sow societal divisions and make all of us doubt the political health and strength of the democratic world.

Anything that erodes the rule of law and undermines our national security must be confronted collectively. But when antisemitism is viewed through a left/right lens, we risk making it the subject of a partisan debate. In doing so, we obscure the global threat it poses.

My tenure at the State Department was dedicated to ensuring that world leaders commit to taking the politics out of this issue. In 2024, the United States led 38 countries and four international bodies in outlining the Global Guidelines for Countering Antisemitism. These guidelines represent a landmark global framework intended to tackle Jew hatred and outline 12 best practices for governments and civil society to identify and act against this scourge. The guidelines make clear: “avoid politicization.” By endorsing these guidelines, members of the international community vow to combat antisemitism not as a political issue, but as a moral and policy imperative.

And in 2023, the United States released our first National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism. The National Strategy calls on members of Congress from both parties to work together and condemn antisemitism in all its forms. As I reflect on my tenure, I am proud of the important partnerships that I have forged on both sides of the aisle. Together, we must recognize that antisemitism assaults the very principles that define our open, free and democratic society. Tackling the current surge of global antisemitism must remain a bedrock of bipartisanship.

When antisemitism leads to violence, as it all too often does, the question we must ask ourselves is: How will we — Jew and non-Jew, left and right, people of all persuasions and beliefs — unite and respond?

Source: Antisemitism Is a Bipartisan Problem

Trudeau to fill Senate vacancies before retiring: source

Diversity stats of appointments by PM (last minute senate appointments can be a poisoned chalice for governments):

…Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is planning a final wave of appointments to fill the 10 vacancies in the Senate before he retires in March, Radio-Canada has learned.

The move would allow him to leave a mark on Parliament for years to come, as these unelected legislators will be able to sit until the age of 75.

A source familiar with the matter says that the selection process for the future senators is already underway and should be completed before his departure. After proroguing Parliament earlier this month, Trudeau announced that he will leave power after the Liberal Party chooses a new leader on March 9.

In a written response, the Prime Minister’s Office confirmed that the advisory board for Senate appointments is at work to propose candidates for all vacancies.

“Prorogation did not affect the ability of the Governor General to make appointments to the Senate based on the advice of the prime minister,” said PMO spokesman Simon Lafortune. “The prime minister takes his responsibility to appoint senators seriously and will do so as long as he remains in office.”

The prime minister likes to praise the independence of the senators he has appointed since 2016, but he has nonetheless picked several high-profile Liberals to sit in the Senate in recent years.

The Conservative Party of Pierre Poilievre, which is leading in national polls, has long been critical of Trudeau’s choices of senators. The Conservatives now fear that Trudeau-appointed senators will try to block their agenda if the party wins the next election, which is expected in the spring.

There are currently 12 senators affiliated with the Conservative Party in the 105-seat chamber.

“For someone who advocated an independent Senate, [Trudeau] will have ended up filing the Senate with a large majority of Liberals or people who support his policies,” said Conservative Senator Claude Carignan….

Source: Trudeau to fill Senate vacancies before retiring: source