Australian advertising body targets ‘white people’ to highlight ad codes

Good ad:

Australia’s advertising industry watchdog, Ad Standards, has launched a “provocative” campaign to draw attention to sexism, racism and other issues in advertising.

The campaign, which is running across TV, newspapers, radio and outdoor aims to generate awareness of the advertising codes while showcasing how the majority of marketing messages portray sexist gender stereotypes and fail to reflect the multicultural population.

The ‘Kinder Conditions’ ads feature lines such as “This ad is for white people only”, “If you’re a woman don’t bother reading this ad” and “This ad is brainwashing your children”.

Fiona Jolly, CEO of Ad Standards, said the campaign aims to remind Australians that discriminatory and offensive advertising is prohibited while advocating for positive social messaging in advertising.

“The advertising Codes are in place to achieve a greater good for everyone, protecting the nation with standards that reflect society’s values across wide-ranging social issues”.

“Australians may not be aware that certain codes exist which is why we have set about bringing them to the forefront – it’s not because we get a lot of complaints about them. If the public has concerns about these issues, they can raise them and Ad Standards will act on behalf of their concerns.

“The fact is, while the advertising Codes set high standards, we can encourage brands to exceed these to create positive change in the world. The public should be aware of the standards in place and be encouraged to value socially progressive advertising,” said Jolly.

As part of the campaign, Ad Standards is encouraging the public to nominate ads which promote social good by breaking gender stereotypes, increasing diversity and social inclusion, promoting healthy food, safe driving, responsible marketing to children and transparency in advertising.

The campaign was created by Loud Communications.

Source: Australian advertising body targets ‘white people’ to highlight ad codes

Immigrant PPC candidate Winnipeg-South supports party plan to cut immigration, People’s Party of Canada candidate in Sask. slammed over call for more ‘hate speech’

Particularly interesting given he has worked in settlement services (but he favours multiculturalism):

A Muslim immigrant from Afghanistan whose job is helping resettle newcomers says he’s running for the People’s Party of Canada because he likes its stance on curbing immigration.

“It’s a very clear platform,” said Mirwais Nasiri, candidate in Winnipeg South for the fringe federal party.

The 39-year-old came to Canada more than a decade ago, to join his wife, who arrived as a privately sponsored refugee in 2004. He works as a settlement facilitator at the Immigrant Centre in downtown Winnipeg.

Nasiri said he’s in favour of PPC Leader Maxime Bernier’s pledge to cut Canada’s annual immigration targets by more than half, from roughly 350,000 people in 2018.

“For me, it makes sense,” said Nasiri. “If you bring immigrants to this country, we have to make sure we find them housing and they settle down. If we have less immigrants — 100,000 or 150,000 — at least we can take care of them.

“Employment is a big issue,” said the man whose first job was at Welcome Place as a life skills trainer, helping newcomers learn the basics of living in Canada. He said he knows physicians and engineers who cannot find jobs in their fields. “They’re struggling… Many people coming here to Winnipeg can’t find jobs, so they go to Toronto because they think they can find more opportunity.”

However, in December, Statistics Canada reported the employment rate for core working-age immigrants rose to 78.9 per cent in 2017, the highest since 2006, when comparable data became available. Employment rates among immigrants tend to increase the longer they have been in the country, StatsCan said.

Meanwhile, the corresponding employment rate for the Canadian-born population was 84 per cent.

Nasiri said he’s still waiting for several family members in Afghanistan to join him Canada, after sponsoring them in 2011. He’s not keeping his fingers crossed they’ll arrive any time soon, thanks to immigration policy he called unfair.

When asked about immigration being required to boost Canada’s aging population and declining birth rates, Nasiri was dismissive.

“We have enough people,” said the PPC candidate. “We have many young people who are getting married and just establishing a life.”

Statistics released in March show more than six millions Canadians are 65 and older; by 2030, seniors will number more than 9.5 million and make up 23 per cent of the population.

“We’ll still take care of our own people,” Nasiri said. “We’ll have more population in the future.”

Even though Bernier has said he wants to repeal the Multiculturalism Act, and promised to “reject immigrants that do not share Canadian values,” Nasiri said he doesn’t think the party is opposed to multiculturalism.

“The beauty of Canada is the multiculturalism,” he said. “As a multicultural country, you can practice your religion, you can practice your language, your culture… No one is stopping you. Canada is a great country.”

No one has ever questioned his values or his loyalty to Canada, Nasiri said.

“When I came in 2009, the first thing I got when I landed in Toronto at the port of entry, was the immigration officer told me, ‘Welcome home.’ This was a great shock. I was so happy. Since I got here, I never feel that I’m just a stranger, an immigrant, a refugee. I feel always like a proud Canadian.”

He said he’s proud of his party, especially its opposition to the federal carbon tax. Nasiri said he thinks a PPC government could be convinced to raise the minimum wage — even though Bernier is an adherent of libertarianism, believing supply and demand should set wages and prices.

Meanwhile, the board the Elmwood-Transcona PPC riding association publicly quit earlier this month because, it said, too many supporters are “racists, bigots, anti-Semites, and conspiracy theorists.” In Winnipeg Centre, the riding association doxxed a critic who convinced a gallery owner not to rent space to the PPC for an event.

“I haven’t seen anything of this issue in our People’s Party of Canada,” Nasiri said, adding his wife and some co-workers at the Immigrant Centre have offered encouraging words.

“‘We’re proud you stand for something,'” is what he’s been told, Nasiri said. “I stand for this party to help my people in South Winnipeg — immigrants and non-immigrants.”

Source: Immigrant PPC candidate supports party plan to cut immigration

On the other hand:

A Saskatchewan People’s Party of Canada (PPC) candidate is defending comments in support of the use of “hate speech” he made recently on social media.

Some groups say they fear the comments could incite violence.

“Our country could use more hate speech, more offensive comments, more ‘micro-aggressions’, more violation of safe spaces with words and more critical thinking,” Cody Payant wrote on his Facebook page and Twitter account on July 16.

“Words are not violence and when we don’t have them to debate and articulate our thoughts when communicating, then all we have left is guns,” he added.

A confirmed candidate

Payant was nominated in May to run under the PPC banner in Saskatchewan’s Carlton Trail-Eagle Creek riding. He is listed on the party’s website as an official candidate.

Payant said he wrote the post partly in defence of Lindsay Shepherd, a former Ontario teaching assistant who was briefly barred from Twitter following an acrimonious online exchange with Jessica Yaniv, a transgender activist.

But Payant’s broader comments about hate speech and violence were noticed by Yellow Vests Canada Exposed. The Twitter group has monitored comments made by representatives of former federal cabinet minister Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada since the party’s launch in 2018.

An administrator for the Yellow Vests Canada Exposed said the group saw Payant’s post as encouraging violence.

The Canadian Anti-Hate Network agreed.

“It is a threat of sorts,” said Evan Balgord, the network’s executive director.

The comments hardly came as a surprise, Balgord added.

“It is a fairly common argument, actually, pushed by often right-wing extremists,” Balgord said. “Their conception is if you don’t let me say my hateful things then, oh, I won’t do it, but maybe some people I know or those other more crazy people, if you silence them, then they’re going to get violent.”

‘Hate speech is best said out loud’

In an interview with CBC News on Tuesday, Payant said he stood by his post and expanded on his intended message.

“Words are a tool,” he said. “Words are what we use to resolve conflicts in our society, so that suppression of free speech or suppression of expression is kind of an authoritarian tool.

“So if I had the choice between free speech and the alternative [violence], the alternative is always much worse.”

It’s better to have people voice their hate and face criticism for it than to have their feelings lead to violence, Payant said.

“Hate speech is best said out loud in the public square so it can be criticized and then broadly rejected by reasonable people in society,” Payant said. “It’s part of how we become well-adjusted people and how we communicate effectively as a society and how we resolve conflicts, and when we don’t have those words then all we have left is guns.

“Words are used to resolve conflicts without resorting to physical violence.”

Bernier will be in Saskatoon Wednesday to confirm the slate of northern Saskatchewan PPC candidates for this fall’s federal election.

Source: People’s Party of Canada candidate in Sask. slammed over call for more ‘hate speech’

Hong Kong tensions reach B.C’s Simon Fraser University as notes, posters supporting protests partly torn down

Suspect we will see more of these tensions:

Tensions from protests in Hong Kong appear to be spilling over onto campuses around the world, including a university in British Columbia, where a student-organized campaign supporting Hong Kong demonstrators was disrupted.

Last week at Simon Fraser University’s Burnaby campus, Hong Kong international students and peers who have ties to the territory put up a “Lennon Wall” – a message board full of posters and colourful sticky notes that mainly express solidarity with Hong Kong’s demonstrators. According to some students, these notes, bearing messages such as “Stay with Hong Kong” and “Fight for Hong Kong,” were partly torn down three nights in a row.

There also was unrest at a university in Australia last week, where disagreements on the Hong Kong political turmoil turned violent. As seen in footage circulated on social media, punches were exchanged at the University of Queensland between pro-Beijing students and those who back the Hong Kong protesters, who began marching to oppose China’s proposal to extradite criminal suspects to the mainland.

Some SFU students from Hong Kong said they were disappointed to see those notes being ripped off.

“When the wall got destroyed, [I was] not surprised, but I am just disappointed, really disappointed,” said Michael Chan, president of SFU Hong Kong Society, who is familiar with the incident even though his group didn’t start the wall.

Mr. Chan said damaging the wall infringes on freedom of speech, and he calls on the university to protect such rights on campus.

Taylor Cheng, who left a note on the wall, said she hopes the vandals would express their opposition in a more respectful way. “I thought everyone could communicate in a civilized, well-mannered way,” she said, adding the incident has been reported to the university.

SFU spokesperson Adam Brayford said on Sunday the Campus Public Safety is looking into the vandalism reports.

Rummana Khan Hemani, SFU’s vice-provost and associate vice-president of students and international pro-tem, said the university expects students to express their views in a lawful and respectful manner. “We do not know if these specific posters were approved to be posted. However, the removal of approved posters or unapproved posters in a disrespectful manner is not acceptable,” she said in a statement.

So far, it is not clear who damaged the wall. Both Mr. Chan and Ms. Cheng have seen screenshots from a large SFU student group chat on WeChat that some students are critical of such campaigns and condemned Hong Kong separatism.

The incident has left Mr. Chan and Ms. Cheng with concerns that if tensions escalate on their campus, there may be violence similar to what happened in Queensland. “I don’t want SFU to become the second University of Queensland incident,” Ms. Cheng said.

Mr. Chan said he is worried that some messages on the wall may irritate some students from mainland China who may hold different views on the issue. “They may be angry. … I am worried this kind of [violent] situation may happen,” he said.

William Chen, a third-year student at SFU who is from mainland China, said the Lennon Wall campaign generates “a barrier” between him and some of his Hong Kong friends.

“My first reaction was sad rather than angry,” he said. “The conflicts in Hong Kong happened because some Hong Kong people are unsatisfied with some policies set by China. [But I wonder] who spread the anger to here.”

He said the campaign does not represent the views of all students from Hong Kong and may increase the tension between students from the territory and mainland. He further added that some mainland Chinese students may think these messages encourage Hong Kong independence.

Jia Tiancheng, a student from Douglas College in the Vancouver area, said if the posted notes are purely showing support for the protesters, then they’re acceptable. But if some contain radical political opinion, then it’s just “expressing rage.”

Mr. Jia, who is from Harbin, a city in northern China, said since the extradition bill has been suspended, Hong Kong protesters should have achieved their goal. But the continuing protests that demand the resignation of the city’s leader, Carrie Lam, and the complete withdrawal of the bill doesn’t benefit the city.

Students from Hong Kong and mainland China all expressed their longing for more understanding and communication.

“Hong Kong students are fighting against the extradition law, and is not trying to fight for Hong Kong to become an autonomous country, nor are we attacking Chinese people, “Ms. Cheng said.

“Hong Kong students welcome dialogue and discussion. We are not going against the fact that there will be different political stakes on the issue.”

Mr. Chen said many students from mainland China usually do not care about political issues, however, in this case, he agrees that some mainland Chinese students believe Hong Kong people are using protests to promote Hong Kong independence.

“They find it surprising: why Hong Kong wants independence,” he said.

“There has to be a good communication between students from Hong Kong and China, otherwise, the conflicts are inevitable.”

Source:     Hong Kong tensions reach B.C’s Simon Fraser University as notes, posters supporting protests partly torn down Xiao Xu July 29, 2019     

Canada’s only Africentric school was launched amid calls to better support Black youth. Ten years on, has it fulfilled its promise?

Unclear:

The fall term is weeks away, but Kyeron Banton is already thinking about delving into school books to get a jump-start on Grade 9.

“If you don’t do any work, your brain kind of shuts down and then when school starts you don’t remember anything,” says the recent graduate of the Africentric Alternative School, which celebrated its 10th anniversary at a gala last month.

Kyeron, 13, was among the first cohort at the school to complete junior kindergarten through Grade 8, and credits her time there with instilling a strong work ethic.

“Your skin has nothing to do with what’s in your head and has nothing to do with why you can’t be great,” she says. “All of us can be excellent.”

That’s the message behind Canada’s only Africentric school, located on Sheppard Ave. W. near Keele St., nestled amidst rental buildings in a racially diverse working class neighbourhood in the city’s northwest.

“It’s always been a safe spot,” says Kyeron. “People can be their authentic selves, because they’re not being scared that they’re going to be stereotyped as loud or ghetto or stupid … I know who I am. I’ve built up my character over these years. I know history.”

The elementary school, which opened in 2009 to better support and engage Black students, is vital, say parents and educators. Children see themselves reflected in the curriculum and its leadership. It promotes positive Black identity and there’s a strong sense of community.

“Belonging matters, especially for racialized students … (that) is huge to ensuring that they are successful,” says Toronto District School Board Superintendent Audley Salmon, who represents the school and calls it a success. “That is one thing we have certainly learned from the Africentric (school).”

But that success has been hard won and it could be said to be tempered by ongoing challenges. There’s no school bus service, test scores are shaky and enrolment is declining. Supporters of the school say it must be better resourced to continue building on its vision.

The TDSB, the country’s largest and most diverse school board, has 582 schools, serving 246,000 students — 11 per cent of whom are Black.

Statistics show Black students have historically performed below average. They’re more likely to be labelled with special education needs, suspended and expelled, and streamed into programs that don’t lead to university or college.

In fact, efforts had been made to address the issue for decades, including a short-lived Afro-Caribbean alternative high school that operated in the mid-1980s, and a 1995 Royal Commission Report on Learning that recommended Black-focused schools. The idea sparked controversy; some called it segregation, others said it was needed to tackle the 40 per cent dropout rate amongst Toronto’s Black youth. By the mid-2000s, that idea remained divisive, even amongst members of the Black community, however the board voted in 2008 to move ahead with a small innovative school.

The Africentric school opened for students in junior kindergarten to Grade 5 in September 2009, and that fall, 128 kids from across the GTA enrolled.

They share a building, and some spaces, with Sheppard Public School. The library seems divided by an imaginary line: On one side is a poster of Maple Leafs centre Auston Matthews, while on the other is a poster of South Africa’s late president Nelson Mandela. One side is filled with typical children’s books, while the other is clearly focused on the Black experience.

Hallways are adorned with images of the Underground Railroad, of Halifax’s Africville and trailblazers such as Canada’s first Black citizenship judge Stanley Grizzle and first Black Governor General Michaëlle Jean.

School days start like most others, with children singing ‘O Canada.’ But twice a week, there’s also an assembly, where they sing the Black National Anthem — James Weldon Johnson’s “Lift Every Voice and Sing” — and recite The School Pledge, promising to be “focused, self-disciplined and ready to learn.”

Teachers, most of whom are Black, incorporate Black history, experiences and contributions into the curriculum. Their role was examined in a recent report co-authored by York University professor Carl James, who holds the Jean Augustine chair in Education, Community and Diaspora.

“Where student potential has been unrecognized, these teachers nurture it,” according to the May article, published in the journal Curriculum Inquiry. “Where Blackness has been negated, these teachers supplant anti-Blackness with pro-Blackness.”

Staff look to best practices in the United States, where Black-focused schools are a success and there’s been extensive research done. The school also shares what it’s doing. Educators from the Durham District School Board and Halifax’s Africentric-focused Delmore ‘Buddy’ Daye Learning Institute have visited.

Many students, most of whom are Black, start in kindergarten, enrolled by parents supportive of the school’s vision. And some join in later grades — the school now goes to Grade 8 — looking for a better fit, sometimes after experiencing racism, bullying and behavioural issues at other schools.

Principal Luther Brown, who retired in June after more than two years at the school, says staff work hard to prepare students for life and improve attitudes about school — and parent feedback has been positive.

Paul Osbourne has been involved with the Africentric school since Day One — his two younger children attend and two older ones are graduates. Growing up in Toronto, he never had a Black teacher, and never learned the accomplishments of historical and contemporary Black figures, noting, “We didn’t see examples that would inspire us.”

Osbourne, a social worker, wanted something different for his kids. He wanted them in a space where their values and customs were shared and they would feel comfortable having dreads, wearing an African shirt and eating Caribbean foods, such as curry goat.

He says good relationships between staff and parents, who have historically felt disenfranchised, make the school “more than just brick and mortar.”

“If a young person wants the help they will get the help,” he says, adding there’s a “family approach” at the school he hasn’t experienced elsewhere. “With teachers, it’s not just about the academics … It’s more of a mentor relationship.”

The sentiment is shared by recent graduate Jesse Mark, 13, who attended from junior kindergarten to Grade 8. Raised by a single mother, he says strong male role models in his teachers were crucial

“It turned me into the person I am,” says the teen. “You can’t find a better community than (this school).”

There’s no Africentric high school for grads such as Jesse. While there was talk of creating one, the TDSB settled on Africentric programs at Winston Churchill Collegiate Institute in the east end and Downsview Secondary School in the west. Jesse, who’s keen on athletics, will go to James Cardinal McGuigan Catholic High School in September. He wants to attend university, after which he dreams of playing professional basketball or becoming a mechanical engineer.

“We have a job of making this school be on the map,” he says.

But the school doesn’t appeal to all, even Black families in the neighbourhood. Sharri Chin, sends her boys — one is going into Grade 3 and another junior kindergarten — to Sheppard Public School. She also plans to send her toddler there.

“I just want my kids to be with everyone,” says Chin. “There’s no reason for our kids to be segregated. We live in Canada, in Toronto, it’s diverse, it’s multicultural.”

She’s heard good things about the Africentric school. That there are teachers who may be better at addressing the needs of Black students and community issues, and that its standardized test scores, done by the province’s Education Quality and Accountability Office (EQAO) have, for the most part, been higher than Sheppard’s. But, it boils down to “personal preference.”

In its first years, the school built on strong test results, which measure reading, writing and math skills in Grades 3 and 6. In 2012-13, most results were far above the board average: Amongst third graders, 86 per cent met provincial standards in reading and math, and 93 per cent in writing. And amongst sixth graders, 79 per cent were reading, 93 per cent writing and 57 per cent doing math at those standards. Each of those grades had 14 students.

Similarly, enrolment during those early years grew, reaching a high of 188 students in 2012-13, according to TDSB figures calculated mid-year. But in 2013-14, test results tumbled far below average — for example, Grade 3 math scores dropped to 33 per cent. And enrolment fell and continued to decline — last year there were 106 students and the same number is projected for September.

When asked about the downward trends, some community members seem reluctant to be critical of the school, which opened to great fanfare, attracting committed parents with bright kids. But there have been setbacks: Some parents pulled their kids out. Some were disappointed that more programming and resources had never materialized. Others were tired of long commutes because there is no school bus service. And some were frustrated over parental disputes about what an Africentric curriculum should look like. Plus, there has been a high turnover rate amongst the school’s principals, which meant they had to start from scratch on building up relationships with students and parents.

Although enrolment is at its lowest with 106 students, Brown notes the numbers are on par with alternative schools. Still, he’d like to see enrolment grow, “with the appropriate kinds of resources,” including teaching assistants for literacy, numeracy and social skills.

In a small school, a few academically weak, or strong, students can skew statistics. Brown says EQAO scores aren’t where they’d like them to be, but are improving. The most recent figures available show 2016-17 scores still below board average but appear to be on the rise. Grade 3 results, for example, jumped between 10 and 20 per cent from the previous year. But Grade 6 scores aren’t as clear because results from the previous year aren’t public due to low class size.

“There was a turbulent time, but we’ve come through the storm,” says Osbourne, who’s also chair of the parent council. “Now, there’s an upswing, in terms of academics, parents and community members are more engaged, the student-teacher relationship is a lot better and leadership has been strong in the last couple of years.”

Professor James, who led a three-year research study between York University, the TDSB and the nascent school that culminated in a 2015 report, says when assessing the school, it’s important to look beyond EQAO scores.

“We must use other measures, especially when the idea for establishing the school is based on addressing the educational needs of students, taking into account their cultural and social backgrounds,” James told the Star. “There is certainly an irony assessing the students using such a tool when we are trying to be culturally responsive to their learning.”

Brown agrees: “We also have to look at how are students feeling and behaving, and what’s the climate in the school … These are all measures that are hard to quantify, but are important.”

Parent Jessica Vorstermans has been awed by what daughter Saskia is learning. She comes home from school talking about everything from civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. to issues such as shadism. Saskia is 4.

“She’s like ‘Black is beautiful. All shades of Black are beautiful,’” says Vorstermans. “That’s amazing that she’s having access to that in junior kindergarten.”

Teachers in other schools may talk about these issues, but at the Africentric school “it’s a guarantee,” she says. It was important to send her mixed-race daughter to a school where she can access a piece of her identity she wouldn’t get at a regular school, and intends to send her toddler there too.

“We feel so lucky that our daughters are able to learn, grow and thrive in a school community that honours them as beautiful Black children who are going to make big changes in our world,” says Vorstermans, an assistant professor at York University.

Plus, they’re “living in a world with a lot of anti-Black racism” and will be “equipped to meet that.”

That’s a key goal of the school, explains Brown.

“It is a space where students are better able to understand themselves within the context of racism and, therefore, be better able to move around in that environment in a safe way,” he says. “In spite of the pressure that will come — economic or social — they can still be resilient, to the point where they can become whatever it is they want.”

Former student Kemora Manning, at 15, has already faced some of those pressures head-on.

“I can be anything I set my mind to,” says Kemora, who dreams of being a politician. She credits the Africentric school with broadening her definition of being Black, given the negative stereotypes of Black culture that abound in media and on TV. Learning about the Black community’s challenges and accomplishments fuelled her with “a positive pressure to do my best … to carry the torch and continue to represent my community in a positive light.”

Kemora left the school after Grade 6 to attend a gifted program in Grades 7 and 8, and now goes to Etobicoke School of the Arts, where she’ll be starting Grade 11. She says going to schools where she was among the minority as a Black student was “kind of jarring” because of the racism and ignorance she encountered. In the gifted program, one student likened her complexion to cow manure and another told her to get over slavery. And in high school, she’s met students, including Black kids, who have never heard of apartheid, and are surprised she doesn’t “act Black.”

While those situations can leave her feeling like, “It’s me against the world,” Kemora always talks it out with her peers about what it means to be Black. And she’s got the facts to back up her arguments.

Her mother Debby Ennis, who spent part of her childhood in Jamaica, never learned about Black history and culture the way her daughter has. Ennis, who’s an early childhood educator, has five children, but only her youngest — Kemora and Trevon — attended the Africentric school. She says they have a much stronger “knowledge of self” and deeper connection to the Black community compared with their siblings who went to regular schools.

When it comes to the key issue the school set out to tackle — the high dropout rate of Black teens — Principal Brown notes, “One school won’t solve the problem — it’s a systemic problem that has to be addressed in a broader context.”

According to the TDSB, there have been improvements. The board no longer tracks dropout rates, because many students eventually return to school. Rather, it tracks high school graduation rates of students over a five-year period. When you look at grad rates in recent decades, the fastest improving group were those who identified as Black, especially females.

The five-year graduation rate for Black students in 1992 was 44 per cent, meaning the remainder dropped out, switched school boards or took longer to get their diploma. By comparison, the average overall graduation rate was 56 per cent. By 2016, the graduation rate for Black students was 78 per cent, compared with an 84 per cent overall average. This 34-percentage-point increase represents the largest graduation rate increase for any racial group. And by gender, 88 per cent of Black females graduated, compared with 71 per cent of Black males.

But, when you look at a range of other TDSB data — things such as school readiness in kindergarten, attendance rates, grades, suspensions and credit accumulation in Grade 9 — Black students are either the lowest-performing or in the bottom three with Latin American and Middle Eastern students.

“There are a lot of kids out there who aren’t seeing themselves in the day-to-day instruction taking place and that’s a huge challenge,” Superintendent Salmon told the Star, adding he believes the TDSB has learned from the Africentric school on how to better meet the needs of racialized students. For instance, providing professional development for educators who serve predominantly non-white communities. He suggests the TDSB’s work at creating a more inclusive learning environment across the board could explain why parents are keeping their kids in neighbourhood schools, rather than enrolling them in the Africentric school.

But for some, the Africentric school continues to have a strong appeal — despite the fact there’s no busing, which makes the commute a challenge. Osbourne, who lives in Scarborough, spends about an hour in morning traffic driving his children, Andwele and Abeni, to the Africentric school. They then spend up to 90 minutes taking the TTC home. It’s tiring, but the kids are committed, he says.

Osbourne has long advocated for another Africentric grade school in the city’s east end. He, and other parents, have submitted a proposal to the TDSB, met with a trustee and spoken with administrators at Winston Churchill Collegiate Institute about establishing a feeder school for its Africentric program. But they’ve been unsuccessful.

University of Toronto professor George Dei, an early proponent of the Africentric school, says “equity costs money.” He says more resources are needed at the school — including transportation, curriculum materials, computers and more staffing. Even its own separate building — so it doesn’t have to share spaces like the library, computer lab and gym — is important, because “otherwise people see it as being secondary or second class.”

“You cannot treat an Africentric school like any other alternative school because it’s intended to address a problem, and therefore it calls for more resources directly to the school. It calls for different responses,” says Dei, a professor at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, whose research includes anti-racism education. “Groups that have historically been disadvantaged demand targeted responses.”

Salmon says the board would like to provide more resources to all of its schools, but has limited funds.

Reflecting on the last decade, Dei says there have been successes and challenges, “We must learn from both.”

“We are a long way from realizing the dreams of an Africentric school,” said Dei. “We need to attract multiple solutions to the question of Black education. The Africentric school is not a panacea, but at least it is something to think about. It cannot be taken out of the equation.”

His comments are echoed, in part, by Professor James. He says the TDSB needs to determine the kinds of supports necessary beyond basic staffing requirements. The school has attracted students of all academic backgrounds, including those with special needs, but hasn’t had the appropriate supports, he says.

“I’m not sure that we can say that (the school) has made the impact that we all looked forward to,” says James, noting it didn’t have “the kind of infrastructures to really accomplish as much as it would have wanted.”

The first decade was “a good start that we need to build on,” adds James.

Kyeron, the recent grad, sees a bright future for herself. She says her teachers boosted her confidence and taught her to persevere, qualities that will guide her when she goes to Earl Haig Secondary School for the Claude Watson Arts Program, and eventually university, where she plans to study law.

“They’re going to really judge how we turn out in life based on where we got our education for the first 10 years,” she says. “We’re going to make them very proud.”

Source: Canada’s only Africentric school was launched amid calls to better support Black youth. Ten years on, has it fulfilled its promise?

In a push for diversity, medical schools overhaul how they select Canada’s future doctors

This is what it takes to move the needle to address socioeconomic diversity:

Have you ever used a food bank? Were you raised by a single parent? What was your family income in the second decade of your life? And how should the answers to those questions influence who gets into medical school?

Medical schools used to say their job was to find the best and the brightest. But the selection method, based on grade-point averages, the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) and a face-to-face interview, has resulted in classes that fall short of some universities’ goals for racial and socio-economic diversity.

Now some schools are asking if the process is truly fair, and if not, how it ought to change. Across Canada, medical schools are taking steps to shape incoming classes by offering advantages to applicants from certain demographic groups.

In a given year, only 10 per cent to 20 per cent of applicants are admitted. Many schools could probably choose a similarly capable cohort from among the applicants they reject. But finding the right demographic mix is increasingly an important concern.

Medical schools in Canada exercise overwhelming influence over admission to the profession. About 75 per cent of physicians in this country are Canadian graduates, so the process by which admissions decisions are made is crucial not only to the applicants but to society as a whole. They shape the future of health care.

At the University of Manitoba, the admissions committee studied years of data and found a pretty clear pattern: Wealthy white students from big cities were more likely to be interviewed and more likely to get in, partly because of built-in advantages. As undergrads they don’t have to work part-time to pay for school, they’re able to pay for MCAT prep courses and, in interviews, they can cite an impressive range of travel and volunteer experiences.

The result is that a public university’s system seems to ensure opportunity for the already fortunate.

Bruce Martin, the U of M’s dean of admissions, set out to tinker with the crucial first stage of the admissions process so that more applicants from different backgrounds got through. He knew he could do so by systematically boosting scores based on certain attributes or experiences. But which attributes to target?

Sample questions appearing on University of Manitoba medical school applications: family history
  1. Were you raised by a single parent due to divorce, death of a parent, or a teen parent?
  2. Were you ever a child or youth in care?
  3. Are you a parent taking care of one or more children on your own?
  4. Did your parents or guardians graduate from college or university?
  5. Were you or your family admitted to Canada with refugee status?

Source: Dr. Bruce Martin, University of Manitoba Admissions

He convened a panel of people from outside the university with experience in race relations and alleviating poverty and asked them to consider how the medical school could diversify its student body.

They decided to add a section to the application that would elicit the information they sought. They came up with more than 30 questions, many of them deeply personal and revealing, including factors such as visible minority status, sexual orientation, involvement with the child-welfare system and living with family members who suffer from addiction.

The committee then ranked each question based on the perceived level of disadvantage suffered by the applicant. Should having a family member with a disability be a greater consideration than whether your parents graduated from university, or having a child-welfare file?

U of M sample questions: economic information
  1. Did you or your family ever have to use a food bank?
  2. During the second decade of your life, was the annual gross income in the household in which you lived between $40,000-$75,000?
  3. During the second decade of your life, did you have to work to contribute to family income?
  4. Will your parent(s) be paying for the tuition fees if you get accepted to our medical school?
  5. Do you currently receive student aid?

Source: Dr. Bruce Martin, University of Manitoba Admissions

The numerical values assigned to each answer are combined to create an arithmetic modifier meant to reflect the degree to which the applicant’s background would put them at a disadvantage in the application, Dr. Martin said. (It turns out that a history of substance abuse moved the needle more than being a visible minority, while needing student aid rated well below using a food bank.)

The goal was relatively modest: a 5-per-cent increase in the number of medical students with diversity attributes.

“We didn’t want to have a quota system. But we want to increase the number of diverse individuals on an incremental basis,” Dr. Martin said.

U of M sample questions: other sociocultural determinants
  1. Do you consider yourself to be a member of a Visible Minority?
  2. Do you identify as First Nations, Metis, Inuit or other North American Indigenous ancestry?
  3. Is your primary language other than English or French?
  4. Do you have a participation or activity limitation that has an impact on your day-to-day life?
  5. Were you raised or are you living in a household in which there was/is a person living with substance abuse?

Source: Dr. Bruce Martin, University of Manitoba Admissions

Other schools have set a similar goal but have taken a different approach. The University of Saskatchewan, for example, now reserves six of its 100 seats for applicants whose families earn less than $80,000 a year. At the University of Toronto, a special stream has been created for black applicants. At Dalhousie University, in Halifax, the medical school says it recognizes that affirmative action is required to increase admissions of African-Nova Scotians and Indigenous people. And at the University of Calgary, applicants from underrepresented groups are asked to “highlight their background and experiences.”

Many schools have the same goals as the University of Manitoba, Dr. Martin said, but are not as transparent about how they aim to achieve a diverse incoming class.

At Newfoundland’s Memorial University, for example, acting dean of admissions Paul Dancey said the school takes a “holistic approach,” which is common at Canadian universities. He said it involves looking in great detail at all aspects of the candidate, not just their academic record, and paying particular attention to barriers that may have affected their grades or extracurricular activities. (Dr. Martin said Manitoba chose not to take the holistic approach because it relies on the judgment of individual evaluators and can be susceptible to bias.)

The drive to consider racial and socio-economic equality in admissions is also leading major changes in the U.S. college system. The College Board now includes what’s being called an adversity score in SAT test results based on demographic factors such as crime and poverty levels in a student’s neighbourhood and school district. The board said it could no longer ignore the extent to which differences in wealth and race were reflected in test scores, which are very influential in the admissions process. The method for calculating the score has not been released, but it’s based on public information, not answers submitted by students.

For students, the application process remains slightly mysterious, to prevent someone from gaming the system.

Fatemeh Bakhtiari, a second-year medical student at the U of M, was born in Afghanistan and came to Canada as a child. Growing up in Winnipeg, her family was not wealthy. Her mother worked as a grocery clerk and her father was a truck driver. Ms. Bakhtiari excelled in school and at university set her sights on medicine. But she didn’t have many of the advantages that other applicants could rely on, such as a family member who is a doctor. She also had to work part-time in restaurants and retail while studying.

“I had no idea where to start,” she said. “If it wasn’t for Google, I don’t where I would’ve been.”

She remembers answering questions on her application about her family income and whether she identifies as a visible minority or LGBTQ, but she didn’t understand why those questions were being asked. She said she has no idea whether her answers had any role in her success. She said her GPA was strong, she wrote her MCAT three times to improve her score and felt very confident about her interview performance.

“I don’t know the scoring system or how it works,” Ms. Bakhtiari said. “I don’t know if it was my MCAT, my GPA or my interview that got me through. They don’t tell you.”

At the white coat ceremony where new medical students are welcomed and take the Hippocratic Oath, the U of M’s dean of the faculty of medicine, Brian Postl, said the school was proud of the diversity of Ms. Bakhtiari’s class. More than half are women, 10 per cent are Indigenous, 20 per cent are from rural areas and 50 per cent are from families with incomes of less than $75,000. Ms. Bakhtiari said she believes the diversity of her class is valuable for two reasons: Diverse groups have been shown to be more innovative, and physicians should reflect the population they serve.

Manitoba’s diversity initiatives started more than 30 years ago with attempts to get more Indigenous people into medicine. About a decade ago, the medical school also began to see rural candidates as particularly desirable. Canada was facing a staffing crisis in rural and remote hospitals and medical offices, and researchers began trying to identify what made a medical student more likely to stay and practise in a rural area. A key factor was having grown up in a small town or farming community. That’s when Manitoba began using an arithmetic modifier to place students with a rural background at an advantage.

The university was following a path laid by the Northern Ontario School of Medicine (NOSM), which opened in 2005 with a mandate to turn out doctors for the region – and made no bones about giving priority to students with a rural or remote upbringing.

Roger Strasser, until recently the dean and chief executive officer of the NOSM, said his program gets about 2,000 applications a year. It whittles those down to 320, who are invited for interviews based on a three-pronged score comprising a grade-point average, a personal statement and what’s called a context score, derived from answers about a person’s background and upbringing. The algorithm for deriving the context score is confidential, Dr. Strasser said, but he was transparent about its key implication.

“Applicants who’ve grown up in Northern Ontario or other remote, rural, Indigenous or francophone settings, they get the highest score. The people who are not Indigenous or francophone or come from big cities like Toronto get the lowest score,” Dr. Strasser said.

Ninety-two per cent of NOSM students have grown up in Northern Ontario, and the other 8 per cent are from rural and remote parts of the rest of Canada. About 2 per cent of applicants are Indigenous, but in the past few years the selection system has been tweaked to increase the number of successful Indigenous applicants, including giving them training to succeed in the interview process. The class went from about 7-per-cent Indigenous over the school’s first decade to about 12 per cent for the past three years, Dr. Strasser said.

He said one of his biggest challenges as dean is the criticism from families in Toronto, who believe their children are excluded from his school.

“My response is, if you look at the numbers, this is just the reverse of the way it is for people from Northern Ontario applying to med school in Toronto or the other big cities. So in a sense, you could say it’s true, there is, let’s call it a bias, but what we’re doing is just countering the bias that’s built into the admissions process of other medical schools,” Dr. Strasser said.

It has become conventional wisdom, supported by research, to say medicine is done better when doctors come from diverse backgrounds, Dr. Martin said. A cohort of physicians with a broad range of life experiences are better able to understand the needs of the population.

The applicants selected under Manitoba’s diversity initiative all meet the school’s admissions criteria, but they might not otherwise have reached the top of the admissions heap. The flip side, however, is that some people who’ve worked hard and achieved a great deal won’t get in, Dr. Martin said. That’s difficult for some to reconcile.

Even his own colleagues, worried about their children’s prospects, have cornered him on this matter. The conversations were uncomfortable, he said.

“We in medicine have generally been white, socio-economically advantaged and male. And that’s not who we serve,” he said.

“It’s my mission to pick people who are suited to the profession and can meet the needs of the population.”

Source: In a push for diversity, medical schools overhaul how they select Canada’s future doctors

Uncovering the roots of discrimination toward immigrants

Interesting study and approach:

All over the world, immigration has become a source of social and political conflict. But what are the roots of antipathy toward immigrants, and how might conflict between immigrant and native populations be dampened?

His newest research on identity politics, an experimental approach that explores the causes of discrimination against Muslim immigrants in Germany, was just published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

“Opposition toward immigration can be due to economic reasons because of competition for jobs or due to the perceived cultural threat that immigrants pose to their host country by challenging dominant norms and changing the national identity,” he says.

He finds arguments centered on cultural threat more convincing than economic explanations of opposition to immigration, especially in Europe.

“Most previous research is limited to presenting survey-based attitudinal measures of antipathy toward immigrants or refugees and correlating them with socio-economic characteristics of the survey respondents or their political beliefs,” Sambanis says. “We wanted to go beyond that and measure actual behavior in the field. We wanted to figure out what particular aspects of refugees or immigrants generate more hostility. Is it racial differences? Ethnic differences? Is it linguistic or religious differences? Is there merit to the idea that discrimination toward immigrants is due to the perception that they do not follow the rules and threaten dominant ?”

There’s very little experimental research, Sambanis says, on the causes of anti- bias and even less research on how to reduce it.

Working with University of Pittsburgh assistant professor Donghyun Danny Choi, a former PIC Lab postdoc, and Mathias Poertner, a PIC Lab fellow and postdoc at the University of California, Berkeley, Sambanis designed the experimental study. They targeted Germany because of the high influx of immigrants and refugees and the political salience of immigration issues in recent elections there and because Germans are strongly inclined toward conforming with social norms, especially around keeping order.

Their hypothesis: If it is true that opposition to immigration is driven by the perception that immigrants threaten valued social norms and pose a cultural threat, then in a country that values norm adherence they would see a reduction in discrimination toward immigrants if immigrants show that they respect local social norms and care about their new society.

They staged an intervention against a native male German who littered in a public space, since not littering is a social norm there. A female researcher would approach the person littering, asking him to pick up his trash and dispose of it properly. Bystanders, unaware that they were being studied, observed the interaction. Shortly thereafter, the woman would take a call and while speaking on the phone would drop a bag of groceries, causing oranges to spill out on the floor. The observing researchers recorded whether the bystanders who had witnessed this entire interaction helped the woman pick up her oranges.

In some versions, the woman dropping the oranges would have sanctioned the norm violator, signaling her integration with the German culture. In others, she did not intervene so as to seem indifferent to the littering.

Researchers also used the woman’s identity as a variable: In some versions, she was a native German, in others a Muslim immigrant wearing a hijab. Her degree of religiosity, her ethnic background, and her linguistic assimilation to German society were all manipulated as part of the experiment.

This allowed the researchers to measure whether immigrants who are more socially distant than the average German receive less assistance and whether following social norms offsets any bias toward them.

They ran this experiment more than 1,600 times in train stations in 30 cities in both western and eastern Germany using multiple teams of research assistants, with more than 7,000 bystanders unwittingly participating. Then, the researchers measured whether women who wore a hijab received less assistance than native Germans, whether ethno-racial differences between immigrants matters less than religious differences in generating bias, whether immigrants who wore a cross received more help than those who did not wear any outward symbols of religiosity, and whether good citizenship—enforcing anti-littering norms—generated more help from bystanders, eliminating any bias against immigrants.

“We found that bias toward Muslims is too pronounced and is not overcome by good citizenship; immigrant women who wore a hijab always received less assistance relative to German women, even when they followed the rules,” Sambanis says.

“But we also found that good citizenship has some benefit, as the degree of discrimination toward Muslims goes down if they signal that they care about the host society. And ethnic or racial differences alone do not cause discrimination in our setup. Nor is religious assimilation—wearing a cross rather than a hijab—necessary to be treated with civility.”

On average, women wearing a hijab who did not enforce the norm got help in about 60% of cases, whereas “German” women who did scold the litterer got help in 84% of the cases. The rates of assistance offered to a Muslim who enforced social norms by scolding the litterer were equivalent to those for a German who did not enforce the norm.

“The reason to run such an experiment focusing on everyday interactions is that it gives you a sense of the accumulated impact of discrimination in shaping perceptions of identity and belonging,” Sambanis says. “Getting help to pick up something you drop on the floor seems like a small thing. But these small things—and small slights—add up to form lasting impressions of how others perceive you and, in turn, can inform the immigrants’ own attitudes and behavior toward the host society.”

Now, Sambanis, Choi, and Poertner are extending their research to new questions trying to understand the mechanisms underlying the effects they picked up with their experiments in Germany.

They found gender was a key factor, as it was German women who discriminated against Muslim women. Sambanis says he didn’t expect this result since existing research implies that men are more likely to discriminate, and certainly media portrayals of anti-immigrant backlash tend to center on men.

“We puzzled over the fact that German women withheld assistance from Muslim women who needed help. Based on survey data we collected after our experiment, it seemed that this effect was particularly due to secular women, women who do not register a religious preference,” he says. “This led us to hypothesize that part of the reason we observed this behavior is that German women who might otherwise be open to immigration have developed hostile attitudes toward Muslims because they perceive their cultural practices as threatening to hard-won advances in women’s rights. It’s basically a feminist opposition to political Islam.”

The team has now designed a new experiment that explicitly tests this hypothesis. Two new experiments test whether signaling one’s political ideology regarding key issues related to women’s rights can offset discrimination toward Muslim women.

This collaborative effort between Sambanis, Choi, and Poertner will become a book on how conflict between immigrants and native populations can be managed and whether norms can form the basis for the reduction in discrimination. The German experiments will be expanded next year and applied to a different social context in Greece, which also faces an intense political crisis due to unsustainably high levels of immigration and which differs from Germany with respect to the degree of public adherence to laws and rules.

Individuals there are less likely to follow rules and contribute less to the public good. So Sambanis and his co-authors think they may observe even lower effects of the ability of social norms to offset discrimination due to ethno-religious differences. That research will provide a useful comparison to better understand the existing experimental results.

“A key idea in socio-biological theories of inter-group conflict is that there is an almost innate antipathy or suspicion toward members of “out groups” [immigrant], however those groups are defined. But clearly societies can manage sources of tension and avoid conflict escalation since there is very little observed conflict relative to how many different types of inter-group differences exist out there,” Sambanis says. “A lot of the literature on immigration has suggested that assimilation is the key to reducing conflict between natives and immigrants: Immigrants must shed their names, change their religion, or hide their customs so they can be more accepted.

“Is this really necessary? Or is it enough for immigrants to just signal credibly that they care about being good citizens as much as everybody else?”

Understanding these types of questions is at the heart of the PIC Lab’s mission. A unifying theme of Sambanis’ work has been reducing inter-group conflict, particularly inter-ethnic conflict.

His interests were shaped by the wars in Bosnia and Rwanda, which were going on when he was in graduate school and pushed him away from international economics and toward studying peacekeeping. At the PIC Lab, researchers tackle questions both at the larger country level and at the smaller individual and group level, integrating ideas from political science, social psychology, and behavioral economics to understand human behavior and explore the outcomes of different policy interventions to reduce conflict. The lab conducts data-based, mostly quantitative research that can inform policy design but also theory-building in political science, Sambanis says.

“Ethnic differences, religious differences, —they all matter for politics, but they do not need to produce conflict,” he says. “When people are faced with the hard realities of ethnic wars, separatist conflicts, genocides, or hate crimes, they usually assume that these are inevitable outcomes of innate human prejudices or fears and that people just can’t get along because of deep differences in their preferences or their customs.

“A lot of the work that I do shows that ethnic conflict is not inevitable. The key is to understand the conditions that make salient and then find ways to defuse or manage conflict.”

Source: Uncovering the roots of discrimination toward immigrants

FATAH: Bernier’s problems with multiculturalism cannot be dismissed

As usual, Fatah conflates populist discourse on multiculturalism with what the original policy, the subsequent act and the related policy instruments (e.g., employment equity) actually mean both in policy and practice.

The policy is all about integration through:

  • Assisting cultural groups to retain and foster their identity;
  • Assisting cultural groups to overcome barriers to their full participation in Canadian society;
  • Promoting creative exchanges among all Canadian cultural groups; and,
  • Assisting immigrants in acquiring at least one of the official languages.

And while identity politics is overly played, this is not new. After all, part of the historical playing out of French and British relations often involved identity politics and many critics of multiculturalism are playing on “white” identity.

Moreover, while there are pockets, analysis of Census level data by people such as Hiebert and Hulchanski confirm that fear of enclaves is exaggerated:

On Wednesday, Maxime Bernier, leader of the People’s Party of Canada, announced his party’s platform on immigration, calling for a 50% cut in the annual number of immigrants admitted.

Justifying this massive cut, Bernier cited figures from a 2011 study by the Fraser Institute that said the net “cost” to Canada per immigrant was $6,051, estimating an annual burden of about $24 billion. He told the cheering audience, that “is a lot of money.”

He then opined that “one reason for this is that immigrants generally have lower wages than non-immigrants” and thus pay less tax.

In arriving at his figure of $24 billion, Bernier did not take into account the fact that immigration is a way of importing consumers without paying a penny to the society that manufactured us. We are the only goods that arrive duty free with no price tag.

When I arrived as an immigrant, Canada paid zero for my degree in biochemistry and 20 years of experience as a journalist and advertising copywriter. Neither did my wife’s postgraduate degree in English Literature cost a penny to the Canadian taxpayer, yet we were both contributing to the economy of Canada as taxpaying consumers and renters from day one.

Having said that, it would be foolish to outright dismiss Bernier’s very sincere fears about the integration of immigrants like me into Canadian society. It is true that most of us who come to Canada from developing countries in Asia and Africa arrive with religious-cultural baggage that includes archaic values bordering on racism, tribalism, casteism and superstitions that have little to do with the values that shaped Canada in the last 400 years of Western civilization.

Bernier said, “in the past, immigrants who came here gradually integrated into our society. They kept some aspects of the culture of their country of origin, of course. And that influenced and changed our society. They became Canadian, but with a distinct flavour.”

“This is a type of multiculturalism that enriches our society. And it is perfectly fine,” he added.

However, Bernier expressed a problem with immigrants “living permanently in an enclave apart from the larger Canadian society,” a problem he said that gets exasperated by “being officially encouraged by the government to continue to do so rather than to integrate into Canadian society and adopt Canadian culture and values.”

A nation must be based on a sense of belonging, of participating in a common national project, sharing the same values, being different from the rest of the world.

As an example, Bernier cited the way ‘ethnic politics’ has become the norm among Canada’s political parties. “They don’t talk to Canadians. They address themselves to ethnic voting blocs. To Ukrainian Canadians, Italian Canadians, Chinese Canadians, Muslim Canadians, Sikh Canadians.”

Bernier is right to point out this slow disintegration of Canadian society into vote banks. As he said, “even our foreign policy now depends on appealing to these ethnic political clienteles, instead of being based on the interests of Canada as a whole.”

The Multiculturalism Act must be revoked for the simple reason that not all cultures are equal. The culture that treats my autistic daughter with the utmost respect, love and care is not equal to the culture that treats autistic children as a punishment by God for sins committed by others.

The culture that calls for slaying gays, permits polygamy, and imprisons women in black burkas is medieval and misogynist and is certainly not equal to the culture of gender equity and LGBTQ rights.

Bernier is right when he told his party faithful: “Among the threats to our values and way of life is political Islam, or Islamism, the fastest-growing and most dangerous radical ideology in the world today.”

Canadians dismiss Bernier’s fears at their own peril.

Source: FATAH: Bernier’s problems with multiculturalism cannot be dismissed

Former PPC candidate ‘no longer confident’ in Bernier after being replaced

Of note (the riding profile can be found London North Centre).

A former candidate of the People’s Party of Canada (PPC) says he’s lost confidence in the party’s leadership after being replaced by a Muslim candidate, who he claims Maxime Bernier told him would be better suited to address the “topic of radical Islam.”

Braeden Beller says he learned he was being replaced as the PPC candidate for the riding of London North Centre by political science professor Salim Mansur less than two weeks before the party held one of its largest events to date in downtown London.

Beller spoke with PPC Leader Maxime Bernier and PPC executive director Johanne Mennie about the party’s decision to substitute Mansur in as the candidate in the riding.

He says Bernier told him that “it was very valuable to have a Muslim giving the message that would speak more adequately to other Muslims on the topic of radical Islam.”

Bernier also said that Mansur would be a higher profile candidate with a larger local following in London than Beller, who said he had no political experience prior to being involved with the PPC.

Mennie said Bernier “absolutely (did) not” tell Beller that Mansur’s perspective on Islam as a Muslim would be valuable, instead pointing to Mansur’s local notoriety as the reason for the party’s choice.

“(Mansur) is well known through his work as a columnist, his work as a professor, in terms of his professional career, and that was the extent of (Bernier’s) discussion with Braeden,” Mennie said.

Mennie and Beller both said there was one conversation that he and Bernier had that she was not a part of.

When Bernier announced that the PPC had begun its cross-country candidate search, he said the party wouldn’t do “anything special” to attract a diverse range of candidates.

“I hope that our candidates will represent our country, but … we won’t do anything to attract people with different backgrounds. I think these people are coming right now,” Bernier told reporters in March.

On Wednesday, Bernier praised Mansur as a “star candidate” shortly after introducing him as “one of the main critics of Islamism in Canada,” in a speech about the PPC’s immigration platform.

Mennie says that all potential PPC candidates were told during the selection process that the party could replace them with someone else, under “exceptional circumstances.”

Mansur’s appointment has been the only case the party has invoked that policy, according to Mennie.

Mansur had first tried to run for the Conservatives. While Beller had been presented by the PPC as its candidate, both on Facebook and on the party’s website, Mansur had been vying for the candidacy of the Conservative party in London North Centre. In a statement on his website, Mansur says he was told on June 10 that he had been “disallowed” to run for the Conservatives for unspecified reasons. Five days later, he appealed the party’s decision but was rejected because he had waited too long. The Conservatives haven’t announced their candidate for the riding yet.

Beller said only running for the PPC after failing to run for the Conservatives means Mansur’s choice was “out of self-interest.”

Beller had been the lone applicant for the PPC candidacy in London North Centre and had been acclaimed before Mansur replaced him. When Beller was replaced in the riding he was offered the candidacy in the bordering riding of London Fanshawe, and according to Mennie, was told by Bernier that the leader would help his campaign by personally canvassing for him. Beller said he declined the offer because he was no longer confident in Bernier.

“What made me lose faith in Bernier is because he decided to ignore his principles when it benefited him,” Beller said.

“It’s disappointing but unsurprising,” Beller said about his short-lived experience as a federal candidate.

“I won’t be voting for the PPC, let’s put it that way,” Beller added.

Source: Former PPC candidate ‘no longer confident’ in Bernier after being replaced

Political incivility is a losing strategy

Although I wish it were not so, I am not convinced, based on discourse to date:

With a federal election approaching, Canadians seeking elected office might be wondering about messaging strategies and whether the rules of engagement have changed. After all, Donald Trump, who has insulted 598 people, places and thingson Twitter alone (as of May 24), is president of the United States. Crowds at his political rallies go wild when he calls his opponents names or insults their character, “feeding red meat to his base.” Michelle Obama responded to Trump’s incivility with the slogan “When they go low, we go high” — but her preferred candidate lost. Canadian candidates for office may now be wondering if there is a lesson to be learned from south of the border. If insulting people worked for Trump, might it work for Canadian politicians?

As an experimental social psychologist, I have spent the past few years systematically testing this idea. The results from my experiments surprised me: insulting people remains a losing strategy in 2019. Even a politician’s most diehard and adoring followers do not react positively to uncivil political attacks. My advice to those aspiring to public office is to remain civil and win votes the old-fashioned way: on their merits.

It might seem obvious that onlookers would disapprove of someone personally attacking a political opponent. However, when people are grouped together into teams, the normal rules of engagement don’t always apply. For instance, body checking is usually not an acceptable thing to do, but it is sure to draw cheers at a hockey game (when the visiting team is on the receiving end, that is.) Like hockey, politics can be deeply personal for some people; it can set up a sense of “us” and “them.” At times, political opponents can seem threatening. Their policies can look callous and harmful. This sort of intergroup conflict can alter the rules of engagement by giving group leaders (politicians) a social licence to attack the other side as a means of thwarting the perceived threat. Whether this licence applies to insulting political opponents in the Information Age remained to be seen until we conducted our experiments.

Yes, Donald Trump insults people. And yes, he is President of the United States. But those two facts do not necessarily mean that Trump’s insults in some way helped him win the election. His insults and electoral victory appear to be correlated, but correlation does not imply causation. To get to the bottom of this question, my collaborator at the University of Illinois, Chicago, Linda Skitka, and I conducted a series of experiments. In each one, we randomly assigned about 1,000 Americans (from an internet panel) of varying political stripes to read either a real and insulting tweet by President Trump or a more civil version of the same. They then indicated how they felt about the President. Americans across the political spectrum approved of Trump more after reading a civil tweet than after reading an uncivil tweet, meaning that incivility uniformly backfired.

Even people who self-identified as “diehard Trump supporters” either reacted negatively to Trump’s incivility or were unmoved by it. It didn’t matter if Trump’s opponent insulted him first and his incivility was a means of restoring his honour; Americans still preferred civility. An analysis of the pattern of Trump’s uncivil tweets over time confirmed that they have a subsequent depressing effect on his public opinion polls, meaning that the results from our experiments and evidence from the real world converged. Simply put, Donald Trump probably won the US presidency not because of his incivility, but in spite of it. With the US economy humming along, just imagine what his approval ratings would be if he were to be civil more often. If insulting opponents backfires for Trump, it surely would backfire for Canadian politicians.

Why do insults backfire? Psychologists have worked out that people’s impressions, favourable or otherwise, tend to be rooted in two general categories: warmth and dominance. It is generally better to be seen as warm than as cold. And it is generally better to be seen as dominant than as submissive. We suspected that insulting an opponent would make a politician seem more dominant (a positive impression) but perhaps less warm (a negative impression). For diehard supporters of the politician, we wondered if the dominance boost might be larger than the warmth deficit, leading to a net boost in approval. However, we found no evidence that insults make a politician seem more dominant in the first place. Rather, insults only made a politician come across as cold. This perception of coldness explained why insults were universally frowned upon.

Along with its strategic shortcomings, political incivility can have larger, more ominous consequences. In their book How Democracies Die, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt make the case that a formal system of checks and balances is necessary but not sufficient to prevent the collapse of a democracy into one-party totalitarianism. It is also necessary for members of different political parties to remain civil with and tolerant of one another (while still disagreeing about policy matters). Incivility can create a sense that subjugating the rights of a political party is both justified and necessary, and thus leads to democratic collapse. When it comes to civility, the interests of politicians and of our democracy are aligned.

Based on what I’ve learned so far from the science of persuasion, Canadians aspiring to public office would be wise to mind their manners and focus their attention on remedying the most important issues facing our nation, such as climate change, the economy (including affordable housing, the cost of living, the wealth gap between the rich and poor) and health care (including the opioid crisis). Insulting political opponents hasn’t helped Trump and it probably won’t help Canadian politicians either.

Source: Political incivility is a losing strategy

Muslims Over-Represented In US State Prisons, Report Finds

Unfortunately, we do not have comparable data for Canada although I suspect we are better at accommodation (however, it does not appear that the Liberal government restored the Conservative cuts in 2012 to non-Christian chaplaincy services, or at least couldn’t find any evidence they had):

Muslims make up about 9% of state prisoners, though they are only about 1% of the U.S. population, a new report from the civil rights organization Muslim Advocates finds. The report, released Thursday, is the most comprehensive count of Muslims in state prisons so far.

The report also sheds light on the obstacles some incarcerated Muslims face in prison while practicing their faith.

“Getting a picture of the religious preference of state prisoners is, we think, really important and unique,” said Yusuf Saei, the author of the report.

Muslim Advocates requested religious preference data from every state, and based its report on the records it received from 34 states and Washington D.C. Previous data on the religious preference of federal prisoners show that Muslims make up about 12% of that population, but that’s just a small slice of a much bigger picture.

“There are roughly 200,000 federal prisoners and more than 1.3 million state prisoners,” Saei said. “We can say with a high degree of confidence this is one of the most comprehensive looks at religious preference data.” The report only focused on the Muslim population in state prisons.

Knowing how many Muslims are in state prisons, Saei said, helps prison officials understand the importance of respecting religious practice for a significant and growing portion of people in prison. The report also compiled 163 lawsuits between October 2017 and January 2019 in which Muslims alleged their right to practice was being violated.

“Incarcerated Muslims are asking for very basic things: religiously compliant food, books, prayer mats. But they’re not receiving them in many states,” Saei said. “This idea of religious liberty is baked into the U.S. Constitution and federal law specifically protects the religious liberty of prisoners. But our report shows that many state prisons are arbitrarily and illegally preventing incarcerated Muslims from practicing their faith.”

The report compared state policies and found they were inconsistent. Some are very accommodating; others are not accommodating at all. For example, the report finds that only 17 states specifically allow religious head coverings. It also finds that more and more states are fully accommodating Muslim dietary requirements–halal-certified meals. But there are states that still make access to alternative meals difficult or impossible.

“Many state policies do provide for full accommodation of Muslim diet requests. Others, however, provide diminished diet substitutes or no substitutes at all,” the report said. “And in some cases, the paucity of diet accommodations may coerce individuals into violating their dietary beliefs.”

The report provides examples of the inconsistent and in some cases burdensome state policies for Muslim prisoners. In Nevada, for example, to get a meat-substitute diet a prisoner has to pass a diet accommodation interview. In North Dakota, there is a “60-day sincerity test” for anyone who changes religions and has a new religious dietary requirement as part of the practice.

The report recommends some straightforward policies for prisons to facilitate Muslim religious practices such as permitting individual and group prayers for Muslims and training officers on how to make that happen. It also recommends giving prisoners with works assignments days off on their religious holidays, creating clear policies on burial practices that allow for Muslims to be buried within their faith traditions and allowing religious head coverings for men and women.

Prisoners’ religious practice is legally protected by the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act, passed by Congress in 2000. That law states the government can’t impede a prisoner’s free exercise of religion without a compelling reason.

“Things that I want to do or congregate activities that I might want to engage in with other prisoners, if they’re done in the name of religion have a higher degree of protection than those same activities such as gathering together or studying together if they’re not done in the name of religion,” said Martin Horn. He teaches at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice and is the former secretary of the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections.

He said for the most part, state prisons respect federal law that protects religious practice for prisoners. And when prisoners sue over violations of religious practice, it’s difficult for the state to win.

“The state has a very high burden to overcome to avoid allowing them to practice their faith at all and that means not allowing the prayer books, not allowing them to gather for prayer, not allowing access to services of an Imam,” Horn said. “Once something is considered a religious practice, it has to be allowed unless there is a substantial burden on the state and there is no other way to mitigate that burden.”

But advocates point to cases like the recent execution of a Muslim prisonerin Alabama earlier this year. His request for an Imam to be present when he was put to death was denied by the Supreme Court in a 5-4 decision. The majority opinion said the prisoner had waited too long to make the request. In the dissenting opinion, Justice Elena Kagan wrote that the decision was “profoundly wrong.”

And Muslim prison chaplains say the current political climate affects the treatment of Muslim prisoners. That’s problematic for people with so little control over their lives.

Tariq Aquil, the Muslim chaplain credited with developing the halal meal program in California’s state prisons, said he saw that play out before he retired in 2017. Like when a Muslim prisoner’s prayer time coincided with the inmate count.

“The guard sees that he’s literally praying and he sees that he’s actually in his cell so he could literally count him right there, ‘I can see you, you’re praying so I know you haven’t escaped,” Aquil said. “But they would stop, they would yell at him and they would curse him.”

Because he was praying rather than responding to the roll call.

Some decisions made by the prisons that are obstacles to Muslims practicing their faith come out of ignorance, concerns about costs, like meal plans, or real security concerns like an emergency in the middle of Friday prayer, Aquil said.

But corrections officers live in the real world, he said, and the anti-immigrant, racist and anti-Muslim rhetoric spouted by the current administration has an impact.

“Those of us who’ve worked in an environment where we’re trained are told that we should leave our political and any other attitudes that we have at the front gate when we come to work and that we should treat everyone equal,” Aquil said. “Very few human beings that I know of have this on and off switch where they simply can disengage from hearing last night ‘lock her up’ or ‘send her back’ and then come into the prison and see the people who are attired in the same way or have the same face or something like that. So sometimes it’s subtle and sometimes it’s much more overt.”

Also, Aquil said it’s important to note that over-representation of Muslims in prison isn’t indicative of a lot of Muslims being arrested and convicted.

“About 90 percent of incarcerated Muslims in the United States become Muslims during their incarceration,” he said. “Most of the people that are in prison tend to be repeat offenders and so at some point in time they seem to become aware that they have run the gambit and maybe it’s time for a change.”

Source: Muslims Over-Represented In State Prisons, Report Finds