Lederman: The ceasefire is holding, but in Israel the fight for sustainable peace isn’t over

Good long read:

…Even for a Canadian who couldn’t understand more than the odd Hebrew word, it was electric.When I messaged the woman in Toronto who had let me know about the choir to tell her how profound I found the performance, Bonnie Goldberg shared some notes she wrote after her own experience.

“If the Rana Choir of Muslim, Jewish and Christian women, can find their common voice,” she wrote, “why can’t my former friends who shunned me find their way back to be my friend?”

This shunning in the diaspora has gone from shocking to almost familiar: friendships torn apart, mezuzahs ripped from doorways. For Israel, the shunning is existential, with people around the world using their platforms to question its legitimacy. Does Israel even deserve to exist? 

It was, I have to say, a relief over those 10 days to not be confronted with antisemitism and a prevailing anti-Israel sentiment. There are political arguments and debates here – very heated – but at least you can skip past the should-Israel-even-exist question.

It was also a relief to meet with so many Israelis who are fighting for justice for Palestinians, while also acknowledging the trauma of Oct. 7.

It was never lost on me – visiting art museums, strolling on the beach that I had more rights as a visitor than many of the people who live here, Palestinians, have under Israeli control. I was not able to visit Gaza, obviously. Nor was I able to get to the West Bank. But I didn’t need to go there to know, with certainly, that in those places, there is a lot less of that thing I had been searching for.

Source: The ceasefire is holding, but in Israel the fight for sustainable peace isn’t over

‘Allah will burn them’: What pro-Palestinian students and allies say when they think no one is watching

Deplorable posts and comments. But discussion of university response interesting and the administrators try to navigate an extremely divisive issue and student behaviour:

…Before bringing their trove of information to the Post, the Jewish students tried to go through university channels to address the concerning rhetoric shared in the group chats.

On Aug. 9, 2024, one of their lawyers, Jonathan Rosenthal, filed on their behalf a 17-page complaint to the university, distilling the nature of the comments on the group chat.

Yet there was never a formal investigation because the Jewish students were unwilling to identify themselves as complainants.

Western’s associate vice president of human resources, Jane O’Brien, confirmed receipt of the complaint. In a response several days days later she requested Rosenthal “identify the students involved” and outline any incident alleged to be “a breach of the Code of Student Conduct,” according to an email thread shared with the Post.

O’Brien also informed Rosenthal that concerns about the Palestinian student club’s campus status should be directed to the student union, the University Students’ Council.

“I will NOT be disclosing the names of the complainants,” Rosenthal replied Sept. 3, citing “safety concerns.” The lawyer said providing their names “is simply irrelevant” and requested the university investigate the matter promptly. Rosenthal emailed O’Brien the following week, but didn’t hear back until Sept. 13.

“Though your email indicates that the complaint provides student names and phone numbers, no such information appears to be included. Furthermore, the supporting documentation is comprised solely of what appears to be copied text, the origins of which are not demonstrated,” Foster continued.

Foster underscored that the university prioritizes the safety of complainants and “until such time as you provide the requested information, Western will not be able to proceed with your complaint.”

Rosenthal tried to meet Foster in the middle.

He shared a dossier with a trove of time-stamped data — WhatsApp messages, pictures, videos, phone numbers, screenshots and names — from the group chat but reaffirmed his clients would not publicly identify themselves.

“The chats speak for themselves,” Rosenthal answered Foster on Sept. 17.

Despite trading emails with the university for more than a month, Western wouldn’t budge.

The university defended its handling of the situation in a written statement to the Post. Western spokesman Stephen Ledgley said the complaint, “lacked sufficient information to proceed with an  investigation, such as identifying any student connected to the alleged conduct.”

He added that the “complaint and supporting documentation submitted were reviewed in detail to determine if an investigation could be pursued based on the information provided alone,” however, “there was insufficient information to proceed.”

Rosenthal’s dealings with the University Students’ Council, the student union, followed a similar pattern. His unwillingness to name the complainants remained the key sticking point. In his email exchanges with both groups, each pointed him to the other, rather than deal with the substance of the complaint.

He eventually shared the same dossier of information with Shari Bumpus, the union manager overseeing the student community, outlining several specific alleged violations of union policy dealing with fostering “an inclusive and welcoming environment” and anti-discrimination, but did not hear back.

It’s a response the union defends.

“The USC and Western University are two distinct entities with distinct jurisdictions,” spokeswoman Rebecca Rebeiro wrote the Post in a statement. “The USC was made aware of the anonymous complaint and conducted an investigation to determine if it fell within its jurisdiction. When it was determined this complaint was outside its scope, the USC referred the complaint over to Western University’s Student Code of Conduct Office.”

It’s an approach one Jewish advocacy group says is unconscionable.

“The content of the chats was shown to us. Based on what we’ve seen, we believe that the content is dangerous,” Richard Marceau, general counsel for the Centre for Israel and Jewish Advocacy (CIJA), wrote to the Post.

“The individuals involved shared violent threats, antisemitic slurs, and grotesque conspiracy theories, all while joking about how to evade university accountability using disappearing messages,” he added, imploring Western to investigate the matter.

Source: ‘Allah will burn them’: What pro-Palestinian students and allies say when they think no one is watching

Nicolas: Chers collègues

Of note. One question that I always have is the degree to which Palestinian journalists can report on domestic issues and politics, not just the obvious and needed coverage of Israeli actions:

…Troisièmement, j’aimerais qu’on se parle de la place qu’on fait dans toute cette destruction et cette horreur aux voix qui sont elles-mêmes palestiniennes — et même arabes, de manière plus générale.

Vu les positions que je prends moi-même dans mes chroniques, j’ai reçu les confidences de plusieurs collègues qui travaillent ou ont travaillé comme recherchistes dans différents médias francophones et anglophones. On m’a parlé à plusieurs reprises d’une hésitation à mettre en ondes des invités pourtant compétents et qualifiés, mais arabes, sur des questions liées au « Moyen-Orient ». Du surtravail effectué en préentrevue, pour bien vérifier que tout sera bon, lorsqu’on se rend même à l’étape de la discussion.

La question a aussi été dénoncée ces dernières années par des journalistes qui sont eux-mêmes arabes ou palestiniens, surtout dans le Canada anglophone, certains après avoir démissionné de salles de nouvelles et s’être dits fatigués d’être constamment soupçonnés de « manquer d’objectivité », d’être moins professionnels à cause de leurs origines.

Pour les journalistes qui sont eux-mêmes à Gaza — pendant qu’il en reste —, j’aimerais finalement nous amener à réfléchir au fait que la simple notoriété internationale peut rendre politiquement plus épineux de bombarder des individus. Le fait d’interviewer des gens qui vivent un conflit garde non seulement le public informé sur ce qui se passe sur le terrain, mais, dans le contexte, peut aussi être une manière directe de contribuer à sauver des vies.

Source: Chers collègues

Yakabuski: Montreal Pride finally stands up to the pro-Palestinian bullies 

Of note:

…The statement did not name any banned groups, but Ga’ava and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA) revealed that they had been suddenly disinvited from the event. In a Facebook post, Ga’ava said the explanation given by Fierté Montréal for its exclusion was related to Ga’ava’s description of certain groups that had previously demanded the organization’s banishment from the parade. Ga’ava’s and CIJA officials had said the groups were “pro-terror” and “pro-Hamas” in a Jewish newspaper article. Ga’ava president Carlos Godoy denied those terms constituted hate speech.

On Tuesday, Fierté Montréal reversed itself and lifted the ban on Ga’ava and the CIJA. It apologized to the Jewish community, and particularly Jewish members of Quebec’s LGBTQ community, who felt it had sought to exclude them. What exactly transpired remains unclear, but it is a safe bet that government and corporate sponsors – which account for about 80 per cent of Fierté Montréal’s budget – had something to do with the move. The chairman of Fierté Montréal’s board of directors also resigned on Monday. 

Fierté Montréal’s reversal angered the pro-Palestinian groups that had called for Ga’ava’s exclusion. But it was the correct move. There are legitimate grievances to be aired about the Israeli army’s increasingly disgraceful conduct in Gaza. Yet, attacking Ga’ava appears to have more to do with the role such groups play in underscoring Israel’s protection of LGBTQ rights, in contrast to the oppression LGBTQ persons face in most Arab jurisdictions. That is not a contrast pro-Palestinian activists want to emphasize, perhaps because it exposes their own cognitive dissonance, if not hypocrisy.

These pro-Palestinian LGBTQ activists accuse Israel of “pinkwashing,” or playing up gay rights in Israel to distract attention from its treatment of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. But what they are really seeking to do is to silence anyone who suggests otherwise.

Source: Montreal Pride finally stands up to the pro-Palestinian bullies

Nicolas | Reconnaître la Palestine

Missing, unfortunately, a first point regarding the violence and brutality of Hamas on October 7 and following treatment of hostages. Not to excuse Israeli excesses but important not to ignore those of Hamas. Always find it perplexing that some on the left verge on tolerating Hamas despite its religious and political fundamentalism:

« Ce n’est pas nous qui libérons la Palestine. C’est la Palestine qui nous libère. » Je traduis ici librement une formule qui circule abondamment sur les médias sociaux depuis octobre 2023. L’idée peut être comprise et déclinée sous mille et une formes. Voici quelques exemples de ce que j’en comprends, personnellement, en février 2025.

1. Sur la violence. Celles et ceux qui ont vu pratiquement en direct sur les médias sociaux les images des hommes, femmes et enfants palestiniens morts, démembrés, déchiquetés par des bombes principalement américaines ont compris le niveau de violence dont non seulement Israël, mais les États-Unis d’Amérique — et leurs alliés — sont capables. Ces images rendent inadmissible la dichotomie hollywoodienne selon laquelle l’ordre mondial serait nettement divisé entre les barbares sanguinaires d’un côté et les humanistes occidentaux de l’autre. En particulier pour la jeune génération, ces images ont non seulement suscité l’horreur, mais aussi provoqué une grande réflexion politique.

2. Sur la solidarité. Il y a eu et il continue d’y avoir un grand écart entre les images brutes d’une violence inouïe que les Palestiniens eux-mêmes rendent accessibles sur les médias sociaux et les sujets et angles priorisés par les grands médias européens et nord-américains. Devant cet écart, plusieurs se sont demandé : quels sont les autres massacres de populations civiles auxquels les médias traditionnels ne font pas attention ?

C’est ainsi que TikTok et, dans une moindre mesure, Instagram sont devenus des lieux d’éducation populaire sur les crises au Soudan et au Congo, où l’insécurité, la faim et la violence touchent des millions de personnes. L’accès facile aux images d’un peuple qui se meurt dans l’indifférence des grandes puissances a nourri une volonté d’apprendre sur l’autre peuple, et l’autre peuple encore. C’est là un mouvement de prise de conscience planétaire dont bien des médias devinent à peine l’existence.

3. Sur la liberté de presse. La semaine dernière, un rapport spécial du Committee to Protect Journalists a annoncé que l’année 2024 avait été la plus meurtrière pour les journalistes depuis la fondation de l’organisme en 1981. Ce sont 124 journalistes qui ont été tués dans le monde l’an dernier, dont 85 par Israël (82 à Gaza et 3 au Liban). Mais pour comprendre le rôle du conflit dans les attaques à la liberté de presse, il faudrait aussi parler des salles de nouvelles bombardées à Gaza ou fermées de force en Cisjordanie. Et ce, insistons, alors que Nétanyahou bénéficie d’un appui inconditionnel des Américains.

Alors que Donald Trump s’en prend à la liberté de presse à la Maison-Blanche, garder en tête la Palestine nous fait voir que les États-Unis, même sous les démocrates,permettaient déjà une attaque sans précédent contre le travail des journalistes sans qu’il y ait de dénonciation des principales associations de journalistes américaines — ni canadiennes d’ailleurs. Encore aujourd’hui, alors qu’il y a supposément un cessez-le-feu à Gaza, on a normalisé l’idée que les journalistes occidentaux n’ont pas accès au territoire. Peu de résistants ont encore la force de réclamer la réouverture d’un passage.

Avec tout ce qui se passe depuis le 20 janvier, on voit à quel point se battre pour la liberté de presse en Palestine, c’était se battre pour la liberté de presse tout court. Endiguer le virus de l’autoritarisme en périphérie de l’empire américain aurait certainement contribué à ce qu’il ne puisse en atteindre le cœur.

4. Sur le droit international.En janvier 2024, la Cour internationale de justice a trouvé qu’il était « plausible » qu’Israël ait commis des actes de génocide à Gaza. Elle a demandé qu’un ensemble de mesures soit pris pour diminuer ce « risque » pendant qu’elle continue d’étudier la question. Puisque les bombes qui tombent sur Gaza sont surtout américaines, la situation en Palestine a soulevé la question plus large : de quoi les États-Unis se croient-ils permis ?

Depuis janvier 2024, la situation humanitaire et politique de Gaza s’est détériorée. Donald Trump met la pression sur les pays arabes voisins pour évacuer la population palestinienne sans droit de retour — ce qui correspond à la définition du nettoyage ethnique.

Surprise, surprise : le gouvernement Trump se permet aussi de négocier le sort de l’Ukraine avec la Russie en marginalisant l’Ukraine même — voire toute l’Europe — de la table de négociation. Et ce, tout en menaçant la souveraineté nationale du Danemark, du Canada et de Panama. Alors, de quoi les États-Unis se croient-ils permis ? Pas mal tout. Et comment ont-ils renforcé cette conviction ?

En fin de compte, défendre le droit à l’autodétermination du peuple palestinien, c’était défendre le droit à l’autodétermination de tous les peuples. Ça l’est toujours. Il est encore temps pour le Canada et la poignée de pays du G20 qui n’ont pas reconnu l’existence de l’État palestinien d’enfin changer leur vote aux Nations unies. Vu les menaces qui pèsent sur Gaza comme sur le droit international en général, cette reconnaissance tomberait à pic pour la protection des Palestiniens… et de nous tous. Une chose est sûre : on serait certains de se dissocier de Trump et de son impérialisme.

Vous remarquerez que, dans ce texte, j’ai peu parlé concrètement des Palestiniens mêmes. C’est-à-dire comme humains qui vivent leur humanité comme nous tous, tant bien que mal, dans le meilleur et le pire, dans l’imperfection, bien sûr — et pour qui les droits de la personne devraient exister de manière inaliénable et inconditionnelle, comme pour nous tous. La Palestine, c’est bien sûr des gens, mais aussi — et c’est ce que j’ai tenté de démontrer ici —, vu le contexte politique, elle est devenue depuis longtemps une idée.

Et le problème avec les idées, c’est qu’elles ne meurent pas. Elles circulent. Et transforment notre manière de voir le monde. Malgré Biden. Malgré Trump. Donc, vous vous imaginez : certainement aussi malgré l’ingérence politique de Pascale Déry dans la liberté d’enseignement.

Source: Chronique | Reconnaître la Palestine

En un an, le Canada a accueilli 550 réfugiés palestiniens

To note:

Un programme fédéral de regroupement familial prévoit depuis le 9 janvier 2024 d’offrir 5000 visas de résident temporaire (VRT) aux réfugiés de la bande de Gaza ayant de la famille au pays. Un an après son lancement, seules 550 personnes ont pu en bénéficier.

Selon les chiffres transmis au Devoir par le ministère de l’Immigration, des Réfugiés et de la Citoyenneté du Canada (IRCC), 4663 demandes de VRT avaient pourtant été acceptées pour traitement au 14 décembre dernier.

« Ces demandes de visa de résident temporaire sont en cours d’examen afin de déterminer leur recevabilité et leur admissibilité préliminaire », avance IRCC dans un échange écrit avec Le Devoir.

De ce nombre, seules 979 personnes ayant quitté la bande de Gaza par leurs propres moyens ont pu déposer leur demande, en Égypte pour la plupart, et ont été autorisées à venir au Canada. Et parmi elles, seules 550 sont effectivement arrivées au pays, soit moins de 12 % des demandes de VRT acceptées….

Source: En un an, le Canada a accueilli 550 réfugiés palestiniens

Israel plans changes to Palestinian education to remake how children are taught

Hard to see how this will work. And of course, similar care needs to be taken with the Israeli curriculum. Good concluding quote:

…Yuli Tamir, a scholar and former cabinet minister who is president of Beit Berl College, said changes to schools can only succeed if they comes with much broader social and political change.

Ms. Tamir, who was Israel’s education minister from 2006 to 2009, provoked an outcry when as part of an effort to teach Israeli students about Palestinian history she reintroduced to textbooks a mention of the nakba – when Israeli forces drove hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes 1948 – and a map containing the green line, the pre-1967 borders of Israel.

It was a “mild change,” Ms. Tamir said, designed to foster understanding. It didn’t last long. “They took it out immediately when I left.”

By the same token, she said, teachers in Gaza should not be held uniquely responsible for fighting antisemitism when “the whole system hates Jews – the parents, the authorities, the health care,” she said.

It takes a change in governing priorities, she said, for education to successfully shift course.

“Curriculum is a representation of the state,” she said. “More than a flag. Or an anthem. This is what you tell your children you are all about.”

Source: Israel plans changes to Palestinian education to remake how children are taught

Jonathan Kay: Just ignore Sarah Jama’s keffiyeh. Next she’ll be wearing a turban, Kaveh Shahrooz: The Queen’s Park keffiyeh kerfuffle proves the wisdom of keeping political symbols out of the legislature

Two contrasting views on the right, starting with Kay:

…If legislators at work are to be governed by a rule that forbids political symbols, then that category should be defined narrowly — which means permitting any symbol, such as a keffiyeh, whose use doesn’t necessarily convey a political meaning. In a liberal society, it is much more important to guard against false positives than false negatives when defining classes of banned expression. And Jama’s antics shouldn’t be seized upon as an excuse to err in an illiberal direction.

One reason I’m wary of any kind of keffiyeh ban is that we’re just coming out of a period of progressive social panic in Canada, during which even the mildest articulation of conservative viewpoints, or display of traditional Canadian symbols, was denounced as a “dog whistle” for white supremacy or some such. (To take one particularly ludicrous example: Recall that in 2022, an “anti-racist” group got a six-figure grant from Justin Trudeau’s government so it could author a report denouncing the Red Ensign flag — Canada’s national symbol until about 60 years ago — as a coded endorsement of white supremacism.) We’re all sick of this type of phobic mindset being displayed on the left, and I’m wary of conservatives copying the worst habits of their enemies now that the cultural tide is starting to turn.

One of those bad habits is catastrophizing. When I first mentioned on social media that I thought Jama should get her way on the keffiyeh issue, I got a chorus of pushback to the effect that she was channelling antisemitism — because what else except Jew-hatred would motivate anyone to take up the keffiyeh in the shadow of 10/7? To allow her to continue dressing in this way, the claim goes, is to make Jews across Ontario feel unsafe.

But I doubt that Jama is any kind of true bigot (even if the stridency of her anti-Israeli statements raises the possibility). What seems more likely is that she’s one of those serial activists whose focus will flit from cause to cause over the years, based on what’s in the news and what brings out the cameras. Once Gaza cools down and other conflicts take centre stage, who knows? We may see Sarah Jama in a turban, or a Ukrainian vyshyvanka, or perhaps even some kind of fez.

Whatever adornments Jama chooses, the best course is to simply ignore them, and leave it to Hamilton Centre voters to assess her wardrobe choices in the next election.

Source: Jonathan Kay: Just ignore Sarah Jama’s keffiyeh. Next she’ll be wearing a turban

Contrary view by Kaveh Shahrooz:

…The legislature holds a unique place in our polity and should aspire to more. While it should serve as the forum for political disagreement and debate, it should not itself be seen as partisan. And it should elevate our public discourse, instead of becoming yet another force that reduces nuanced topics to signs, pins, stickers, and placards. 

Opposing the keffiyeh for its alleged bad meaning naturally draws out the battle over that meaning, and invites another battle over the freedom of expression. It also invites future fights about the meaning of every other symbol that MPPs will hereinafter try to bring into the legislature. Is the Ukraine pin a good or bad symbol? The Black Lives Matter badge? What about the MAGA hat? Open this door just a little and we will be mired in a thousand battles about a thousand causes, logos, and signs.

The solution, then, is not to engage in a futile line-drawing exercise which will leave many stakeholders unhappy much of the time. Instead, it is to maintain the existing nearly blanket ban on political symbols. (I say “nearly blanket” because symbols like the Remembrance Day poppy are now permitted at Queen’s Park. But even that required a special exemption.) The ban avoids the problem altogether, allowing our core deliberative body to remain a place for reason above passion. 

We will likely never agree on the precise meaning of the keffiyeh (though we should at least strive to be honest in its interpretation; something the “it’s just a cultural symbol” crowd is not doing.) 

But we should agree that some corners of our society should be reserved for deliberation and debate instead of cheap appeals to emotion and tribalism. What better place for that than Queen’s Park?

Source: Kaveh Shahrooz: The Queen’s Park keffiyeh kerfuffle proves the wisdom of keeping political symbols out of the legislature

OPINION: University of Ottawa equity, diversity, inclusivity discussion ‘an abject failure’

Does appear to be an unbalanced selection of panelists:

Let’s say you are the vice president of Equity, Diversity and Inclusive (Excellence?), VP EDI, at a Canadian university and you organize an event to have a “courageous conversation” about anti-Palestinian racism, Islamophobia, and anti-Semitism that ends up being a uniform rant against Israel and Zionism with no equity, no diversity, or inclusion for Jews.

This is exactly what happened on March 27 during the two-hour Zoom panel convened by the Vice-Provost of Equity, Diversity and Inclusive Excellence at the University of Ottawa, professor Awad Ibrahim.

With the declared goal of addressing in a balanced and unbiased manner the problem of increasing discrimination against Muslims, Palestinians, and Jews in Canada, especially in light of the conflict between Israel and Hamas after the massacre perpetrated by Palestinian Islamists on Oct. 7, the convened panel theoretically sought a balance: two people would discuss issues linked to anti-Palestinian racism and Islamophobia, and two would talk about anti-Semitism.

In reality, the four speakers spoke with a unified biased voice minimizing the precipitous rise in anti-Semitism in Canada and around the world, because, according to them, many of the events that are reported as anti-Jewish are simply “legitimate” (sic) expressions against Zionism, Israeli colonialism, and the defense of the struggle of the Palestinians against the “Zionist occupation” and do not really target the Jewish community.

The activist Dalia El Farra (senior advisor, Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion – Centre for Human Rights, York University) and professor Jasmin Zine (Wilfrid Laurier University) represented the pro-Palestinian and anti-Islamophobia views. Two members of the Jewish Faculty Network (an anti-Israel organization), professor Sheryl Nestel and professor Alejandro Paz (University of Toronto), both anti-Zionists Jews, were invited to talk about anti-Semitism.

The main function of both Jewish panelists was to assert that the increase in antisemitic incidents is inflated by the “Jewish lobby,” because they dare to count as anti-Jewish events those that are actually demonstrations against the “Western colonial enterprise” (sic) known as Zionism and against Israeli “genocide” (sic).

Although Vice-Provost Ibrahim was asked during the event’s Q&A why he had decided to invite only two anti-Zionist Jewish speakers to talk about anti-Semitism, the VP EDI made only brief mention of the question towards his closing remarks and did not answer the question…

In French, one might have described the event by exclaiming, “Quel gâchis!” (What a flop!) to qualify this EDI event (by the way, if we are talking about inclusion, it should be noted that only English-speaking panelists were invited, thus failing the bilingual mandate of the University of Ottawa). It was certainly not a courageous conversation, nor was it diverse, not equitable, and lacked the inclusiveness of multiple viewpoints. It offered only a single, ahistorical, hateful chorus of anti-Israel propaganda.

Perhaps professor Ibrahim, the vice president of Equity, Diversity and Inclusive Excellence, thought he was promoting balanced perspectives because he had hosted an event as part of the same series on March 21 about Anti-Semitism in Healthcare, University and our Larger Society. Instead, the panel on Demystifying Islamophobia, anti-Palestinian racism and anti-Semitism of March 27 was a missed opportunity for the University of Ottawa’s EDI office to fulfill its mandate, failing to meet the most basic standards of Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion

The false moral equivalence between these two events, the former being grounded in scholarly research and fact, the latter being grounded in one-sided bias attempting to delegitimize Judaism and Israel, undermines inclusive excellence in the academy and further contributes to Jew hatred on Canadian campuses.

This is an abject failure of leadership of the VP EDI at the University of Ottawa and a direct assault on the protection of all minorities on Canadian campuses. It is a betrayal of trust with the Jewish community, and it undermines the core mission of the University to reveal and disseminate truth.

— Isaac Nahon-Serfaty is an Associate Professor at the University of Ottawa and Deron Brown is an MD in Toronto

Source: OPINION: University of Ottawa equity, diversity, inclusivity discussion ‘an abject failure’

Contrast: Anti-Muslim bias reports skyrocket after Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, Stephens: The Appalling Tactics of the ‘Free Palestine’ Movement

Starting with anti-Muslim bias complaints:

The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) released its annual Civil Rights Report today. The organization says that last year it received the highest number anti-Muslim bias complaints ever.

CAIR says it took in 8,061 bias reports in 2023 and that nearly half of them came in the final three months of the year, following the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel.

“I was stunned by the sheer volume of complaints we got,” says Corey Saylor, CAIR’S Director of Research and Advocacy.

“In 2022, our numbers showed the first ever drop since we started tracking incidents,” he says. “And then to see all of that erased, it’s real insight in to how easy it is for someone to just flip the Islamophobia switch back to on.”

The report, titled “Fatal: The Resurgence of Anti-Muslim Hate,” says 15% of complaints the group received involved employment bias. 8.5% of bias reports involved schools — including colleges and universities. And 7.5% of complaints involved allegations of hate crimes, including the case of 6-year-old Palestinian American Wadea Al-Fayoume who was allegedly stabbed to death by his family’s landlord near Chicago.

“I just don’t know how much hate it takes to drive an adult to target a child,” says Saylor. “And I think it’s also fair to say that hate did not originate last October.”

Prosecutors in that case have charged suspect Joseph Czuba with first-degree murder and attempted first-degree murder for allegedly stabbing the child’s mother during the attack as well. Authorities have also charged Czuba with two counts of hate crimes.

Additionally, the CAIR report highlights a controversy highlights a controversy in Maryland’s Montgomery County Public Schools. The district allows parents to opt out of a Family Life and Human Sexuality unit, but it does not allow parents to opt out of books assigned for English classes that portray LGBTQ+ characters. A number of Muslim parents protested, saying the books were not in line with their religion’s teachings.

“The sincerely held religious beliefs of parents were completely ignored, disregarded, and even in a couple of instances criticized,” says Saylor.

The report also relays the story of how a regional airline accidentally posted to the internet part of the U.S. Government’s so-called No Fly List. CAIR’s analysis of a downloaded version of the list found that nearly all the names on it – 98.3% — were what the organization calls “identifiably Muslim.”

CAIR’s report also included mention of some bright spots. In 2023, New York City and Minneapolis permitted the call to prayer to be broadcast over loudspeakers. New Jersey and Georgia began recognizing Muslim Heritage Month. And school districts in at least 6 states added at least one Muslim holiday to academic calendars so students will have the day off from class.

Source: Anti-Muslim bias reports skyrocket after Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel

Brett Stephens in the NYT how many pro-Palestinian protesters have crossed the line into anti-semitism and being anti-Jewish (American examples but comparable ones in Canada):

Last week, Susanne DeWitt, an 89-year-old Holocaust survivor who later became a molecular biologist, spoke before the Berkeley, Calif., City Council to request a Holocaust Remembrance Day proclamation. After taking note of a “horrendous surge in antisemitism,” she was then heckled and shouted down by protesters at the meeting when she mentioned the massacre and rapes in Israel of Oct. 7.

At the same meeting, a woman testified that her 7-year-old Jewish son heard “a group of kids at his school say, ‘Jews are stupid.’” She, too, was heckled: “Zionists are stupider,” a protester said. At the same meeting, others yelled, “cowards, go chase the money, you money suckers” and “you are traitors to this country, you are spies for Israel.”

Protest movements have an honorable place in American history. But not all of them. Not the neo-Nazis who marched in Chicago in 1978. Not the white supremacists who chanted “Jews will not replace us” at their Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017.

And not too much of what passes for a pro-Palestinian movement but is really pro-Hamas, with its calls to get rid of the Jewish state in its entirety (“from the river to the sea …”), its open celebration of the murder of its people (“resistance is justified …”) and its efforts to mock, minimize or deny the suffering of Israelis, which so quickly descend into the antisemitism on naked display in Berkeley.

How did this happen?

It wasn’t a response to the human suffering in Gaza in recent months. A coalition of Harvard student groups issued a statementon Oct. 7 holding “the Israeli regime entirely responsible for all unfolding violence.” Pro-Hamas demonstrations broke out worldwide on Oct. 8. A Black Lives Matter chapter posted a graphic on Instagram of the Hamas paragliders who murdered hundreds of young Israelis at the Nova music festival. A Cornell professor said he found the massacre “exhilarating,” and demonstrators rallied in his support.

This is only a partial list. But it reveals the bullying mentality at the heart of the pro-Hamas movement. It isn’t enough for them to speak out; they must shut other voices down. It isn’t enough for them to make a strong or clear argument; they also aim to instill a palpable sense of fear in their opponents. American civil libertarians of the past once understood that inherent in the right to protest was the obligation to respect the right of people with differing views to protest as well. That understanding seems to be wholly absent from the people who think that, say, heckling Raskin into silence is also a form of democracy.

In this sense, critics of Israel who claim that American Jews must choose between Zionism and liberalism have it backward. The illiberals aren’t the people defending the right of an imperfect but embattled democracy to defend its territory and save its hostages. They are the people who, like the former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, want Israel wiped off the map and aren’t ashamed to say so. Not surprisingly, they also seem to share Ahmadinejad’s attitudes toward dealing with dissent.

It’s true that in nearly every political cause, including the most justified, there are ugly elements — the Meir Kahanes or the Louis Farrakhans of the world. But the mark of a morally serious movement lies in its determination to weed out its worst members and stamp out its worst ideas. What we’ve too often seen from the “Free Palestine” crowd is precisely the opposite.

Source: The Appalling Tactics of the ‘Free Palestine’ Movement