Newcomers vs. born-and-raised Albertans: Turns out, they’re not all that different

Would be interesting to also have data contrasting political affiliation to see if same pattern holds (it may well). Measure of political integration:

….Conservatives have long fretted that international and interprovincial migrants will bring with them a tidal wave of views — and votes — at odds with traditional, right-leaning Alberta values. Some progressives, meanwhile, have been wishing and hoping for the day that happens.

So far, it hasn’t.

And it likely won’t, says pollster Janet Brown, even with the latest wave of people moving to the province.

“It’s a widely held belief that newer Albertans are different, but the data has never borne that out,” said Brown, who recently conducted a wide-ranging survey for CBC News that examined the beliefs and perspectives of people in this province.

The results were in line with polls she had done in years past; overall, Brown has found very little difference in opinion between Albertans who have lived all or most of their lives in the province and those who have moved here from elsewhere.

When it comes to many beliefs, in fact, the two groups are virtually indistinguishable.

Value statements

This most recent poll asked Albertans whether they agreed or disagreed with a series of value statements on a range of topics and issues.

You can see for yourself in the chart below just how similar the responses were.

Albertans who have always or mostly lived in the province are seen in the left-hand column, while Albertans who moved here from elsewhere are in the right-hand column.

https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/wuJvs/1/


These results may come as a surprise to many Albertans, but not Brown.

As a pollster, she says the lack of difference between these two groups has been apparent for some time, even if others didn’t believe it.

“In the past I’d have liberal friends and they’d say, ‘Well, if we just wait for enough people to move from Ontario, then Alberta will become liberal,'” Brown said.

That has yet to materialize, she said, because “the people who move from Ontario aren’t a random, representative sample of people who live there.”

“Sometimes we find that new Albertans are more stereotypical than people who were born here,” Brown said.

Search: Newcomers vs. born-and-raised Albertans: Turns out, they’re not all that different

Clerk letter to Public Service

Good letter with three priorities, focus, simplify, accountability. Clear test for both political and official levels:

Dear Colleagues,

Today marks the third time in my career that I have joined the federal public service. The first was a long time ago when I was fresh out of school. More recently, I rejoined about five years ago as the Deputy Minister of Finance. And here I am today, in a new role.

So, you might well ask, why? Why am I here? Of course, the most direct answer is that the Prime Minister asked me to take this on. I am grateful to him for the opportunity to do this job at this point in Canada’s history.

Why does this period present such a compelling opportunity for all of us?

First, the federal public service is one of Canada’s great institutions. I have believed this for decades. It has a long-distinguished history of advising successive governments through challenging periods. And, over time, it has shown its ability to evolve and become more diverse to reflect the country itself. For all those reasons, the public service plays an integral part in our system of government – in our democracy. If we have learned anything from the turbulent world we live in, it should be to never take for granted our democratic system of government, and the institutions that support it and make it work.

Second, I believe that we are at a particular moment in our history. The world is changing fast. And in some fundamental ways. While the changes we are living aren’t easy, they give us, as a country, the opportunity right now to make decisions that will put Canada’s economy on a more resilient path; that will make us a more prosperous and fairer country; and that can strengthen our national unity in the face of an increasingly divided world. That is a tall order. It will only be accomplished with a lot of hard work inside government and across the country. It is an opportunity that we cannot miss.

Third, I am convinced that the public service has an indispensable role to play in ensuring we seize this opportunity. As public servants, if we are to deliver on that goal, we need to keep three words in mind.

· Focus: the Government’s priorities are very clear, as set out in the missions that the Prime Minister has launched. Our job is to be disciplined and concentrate on those. By staying tightly focused on priorities, we can help them become realities faster.

· Simplify: Our internal processes have become quite complicated. When that happens, there is always the risk that following the process is so time-consuming that everything slows down – at a time when we need to speed up because the world is moving as fast as it is. Windows of opportunity open and close. The world waits for no one. When processes get too onerous, they can also obscure what really matters most and why we are all here: to have an impact for the benefit of Canadians. Trying to simplify processes is going to be a priority. I know it is easier said than done. But it has to be addressed.

· Accountability: From the advice we give ministers to the decisions we take in running departments and programs to the services we provide to Canadians – from national defence to issuing a passport – we need to have a sense of personal accountability for what we do. Accountability is about commitment. It is about initiative – it is about taking that extra step that no one may have asked you to take, but that is often needed to make something a success. Successful organizations always have two characteristics. Formal accountabilities have to be clear – it’s the job of senior management to ensure that they are. And people need to feel and act in a personally accountable way. Helping to build those accountabilities and a culture of personal accountability will be key priorities for me.

In my experience, leadership is a lot about listening. Listening to the open and honest debates we need. In these uncertain times, when the standard operating procedures just don’t work anymore, rigorous debate is the best path to the best decisions. In this, our diversity is a continuing source of strength. With diversity comes the differing perspectives that make those debates even more worthwhile.

A final point: be proud. Proud of the work you do. Proud of serving Canada and Canadians.

I look forward to working with all of you.

Michael Sabia

Source: Clerk letter to Public Service

Cabinet ministers asked to find ‘ambitious’ spending cuts as Carney government prepares first budget

To watch, significant targets:

Federal cabinet ministers are being asked to find “ambitious” internal savings this summer ahead of the 2025 budget as Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government decides how it will pay for the billions of dollars in new spending that it recently announced.

Specifically, ministers must find ways to reduce program spending by 7.5 per cent in the fiscal year that begins April 1, 2026, followed by 10 per cent in savings the next year and 15 per cent in the 2028-29 fiscal year.

Program spending refers to the costs related to services provided directly by Ottawa. It excludes large categories such as federal transfers to the provinces and territories for health and social services, debt payments, and direct transfers to individuals such as seniors benefits. 

Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne sent two letters to all cabinet ministers Monday informing them of plans for a “Comprehensive Expenditure Review” as well as a new pre-budget process related to minister requests for new funding.

“You will be expected to bring forward ambitious savings proposals to spend less on the day-to-day running of government, and invest more in building a strong, united Canadian economy,” Mr. Champagne wrote in one of the letters.

Source: Cabinet ministers asked to find ‘ambitious’ spending cuts as Carney government prepares first budget

Lisée | Les gardiens du dogme

Applies more broadly than to trans:

…Le malaise déborde du cadre des ordres professionnels impliqués pour s’étendre au milieu universitaire. « Soyons francs, le climat qui prévaut dans les milieux universitaires nous inquiète », écrivent les sages. « Loin d’offrir l’espace par excellence au questionnement et à l’organisation d’une délibération ouverte, rationnelle et apaisée, l’université semble plus que jamais exposée aux effets pernicieux de la polarisation. »

Le rapport cite Rachida Azdouz, psychologue et chercheuse affiliée au Laboratoire de recherche en relations interculturelles : « Quand des chercheurs sont considérés comme des “alliés” par leur terrain de prédilection, il leur devient difficile de formuler une pensée indépendante sur les enjeux qu’ils sont censés documenter. » Or, il en va ainsi d’universitaires qui s’affichent à la fois sur les plateaux de télé comme des « experts » de la question trans et, sur leurs sites Web, comme des « alliés » de la cause. Ce n’est plus de la science, mais de la militance.

Une chercheuse a par exemple raconté aux sages qu’elle avait été soumise à des pressions pour supprimer des résultats dans une recherche de façon à occulter les besoins particuliers des femmes de sexe biologique. « J’ai vécu un clash de valeurs, parce que je viens […] d’un univers scientifique, » leur a-t-elle dit.

Le rapport note que « l’intimidation ou la censure ne sont pas le fait d’une majorité, mais d’une minorité ». Force est de constater qu’elle est d’une grande efficacité. « Nous avons entendu des témoignages d’universitaires qui n’ont accepté de nous parler que sous le sceau de la confidentialité, craignant de recevoir des menaces ou de nuire à leur carrière. Nous avions affaire à des personnes posées, reconnues dans leur domaine d’expertise, qui souhaiteraient pouvoir soulever certaines questions ou explorer certains champs de recherche au regard de l’identité de genre. »

Les sages citent cette chercheuse : « La militance ne soutient pas le dialogue, mais l’adhésion à une identité de genre, et s’il n’y a pas adhésion complète, il y a injonction d’endosser l’idéologie. » Un membre d’un groupe de femmes ajoute : « On est arrivé à un stade où les membres ne veulent même plus s’exprimer sur la question. Le problème, c’est la radicalité. Il y en a à chaque bout du spectre. La majorité est entre les deux, mais ce sont les plus radicales qui parlent le plus fort. »

Le traitement infligé par l’OPSQ à une pionnière de la sexologie au Québec doit être le signal d’alarme qui pousse l’État à rétablir l’esprit scientifique lorsque des ordres professionnels cèdent à des arguments militants. Il doit aussi obliger davantage de transparence dans les processus d’enquêtes et de plaintes, qui sont instrumentalisés par des tenants de dogmes pour éteindre en catimini le débat scientifique et la quête, jamais achevée, des meilleurs remèdes.

Source: Chronique | Les gardiens du dogme

…Le malaise déborde du cadre des ordres professionnels impliqués pour s’étendre au milieu universitaire. « Soyons francs, le climat qui prévaut dans les milieux universitaires nous inquiète », écrivent les sages. « Loin d’offrir l’espace par excellence au questionnement et à l’organisation d’une délibération ouverte, rationnelle et apaisée, l’université semble plus que jamais exposée aux effets pernicieux de la polarisation. »

Le rapport cite Rachida Azdouz, psychologue et chercheuse affiliée au Laboratoire de recherche en relations interculturelles : « Quand des chercheurs sont considérés comme des “alliés” par leur terrain de prédilection, il leur devient difficile de formuler une pensée indépendante sur les enjeux qu’ils sont censés documenter. » Or, il en va ainsi d’universitaires qui s’affichent à la fois sur les plateaux de télé comme des « experts » de la question trans et, sur leurs sites Web, comme des « alliés » de la cause. Ce n’est plus de la science, mais de la militance.

Une chercheuse a par exemple raconté aux sages qu’elle avait été soumise à des pressions pour supprimer des résultats dans une recherche de façon à occulter les besoins particuliers des femmes de sexe biologique. « J’ai vécu un clash de valeurs, parce que je viens […] d’un univers scientifique, » leur a-t-elle dit.

Le rapport note que « l’intimidation ou la censure ne sont pas le fait d’une majorité, mais d’une minorité ». Force est de constater qu’elle est d’une grande efficacité. « Nous avons entendu des témoignages d’universitaires qui n’ont accepté de nous parler que sous le sceau de la confidentialité, craignant de recevoir des menaces ou de nuire à leur carrière. Nous avions affaire à des personnes posées, reconnues dans leur domaine d’expertise, qui souhaiteraient pouvoir soulever certaines questions ou explorer certains champs de recherche au regard de l’identité de genre. »

Les sages citent cette chercheuse : « La militance ne soutient pas le dialogue, mais l’adhésion à une identité de genre, et s’il n’y a pas adhésion complète, il y a injonction d’endosser l’idéologie. » Un membre d’un groupe de femmes ajoute : « On est arrivé à un stade où les membres ne veulent même plus s’exprimer sur la question. Le problème, c’est la radicalité. Il y en a à chaque bout du spectre. La majorité est entre les deux, mais ce sont les plus radicales qui parlent le plus fort. »

Le traitement infligé par l’OPSQ à une pionnière de la sexologie au Québec doit être le signal d’alarme qui pousse l’État à rétablir l’esprit scientifique lorsque des ordres professionnels cèdent à des arguments militants. Il doit aussi obliger davantage de transparence dans les processus d’enquêtes et de plaintes, qui sont instrumentalisés par des tenants de dogmes pour éteindre en catimini le débat scientifique et la quête, jamais achevée, des meilleurs remèdes.

Source: Chronique | Les gardiens du dogme

.. The malaise goes beyond the framework of the professional orders involved to extend to the academic environment. “Let’s be honest, the climate that prevails in university circles worries us,” write the wise. “Far from offering the space par excellence to question and organize an open, rational and peaceful deliberation, the university seems more than ever exposed to the pernicious effects of polarization. ”


The report quotes Rachida Azdouz, a psychologist and researcher affiliated with the Research Laboratory in Intercultural Relations: “When researchers are considered “allies” by their favorite field, it becomes difficult for them to formulate an independent thought on the issues they are supposed to document. However, this is the case with academics who display themselves both on TV sets as “experts” on the trans issue and, on their websites, as “allies” of the cause. It is no longer science, but militancy.


For example, a researcher told the wise men that she had been subjected to pressure to remove results in a research in order to hide the special needs of women of biological sex. “I experienced a clash of values, because I come […] from a scientific universe,” she told them.


The report notes that “intimidation or censorship is not the work of a majority, but a minority”. It must be noted that it is highly effective. “We have heard testimonies from academics who have only agreed to speak to us under the seal of confidentiality, fearing threats or harming their careers. We were dealing with people, recognized in their field of expertise, who would like to be able to raise certain questions or explore certain fields of research with regard to gender identity. ”


The wise men quote this researcher: “Activism does not support dialogue, but adherence to a gender identity, and if there is no complete adherence, there is an injunction to endorse ideology. “A member of a group of women adds: “We have reached a stage where members no longer even want to comment on the issue. The problem is radicalism. There are at every end of the spectrum. The majority is between the two, but it is the more radical ones who speak the loudest. ”


The treatment inflicted by the OPHO to a pioneer of sexology in Quebec must be the alarm signal that pushes the state to restore the scientific spirit when professional orders give in to militant arguments. It must also require more transparency in the processes of investigations and complaints, which are exploited by supporters of dogmas to secretly extinguish the scientific debate and the never completed quest for the best remedies.

Su | Canada shouldn’t follow Donald Trump’s ICE surge into a Fortress North America

Of note. But perceived unmanaged migration is viewed more as a threat than managed immigration and regular arrivals in Canada and it is unlikely that Canadians would accept large scale refugee flows from the USA. C-2 arguably recognizes this reality without going to the well demonstrated excesses of the USA:

…Earlier this year, Ottawa tabled the Strong Border, Safe Communities Act (Bill C-2). The bill closes loopholes in the Safe Third Country Agreement, restricts irregular crossings, grants sweeping new detention and removal powers to the Canadian Border Service Agency, expands cross-border surveillance with the U.S., and fast-tracks inadmissibility decisions. At its core, Bill C-2 borrows from the same logic that underpins Trump’s ICE surge: that migration is a threat best met with force, surveillance and deterrence.

But how does this affect Canada and Canadians? If we care about our global reputation, let alone our Charter values of due process, freedom from arbitrary detention, and equal treatment, we should demand nuance, not mimicry. We shouldn’t allow our leaders to spend billions in taxpayer money to just “keep up” with the Kardashians.

Because once we normalize the framing of immigration as a miliary threat rather than a human reality, the outcome is inevitable and costly. It means bigger detention centres, longer removal backlogs, and growing human rights challenges at the border.

True protection demands funded reception capacity, legal aid and rigorous refugee determination processes alongside border enforcement. History tells me, deterrence doesn’t solve migration, it just hides it. Walls and raids don’t erase the reasons people move, be it conflict, persecution, or economic desperation.

The more the U.S. tightens the screws, the more people seek pathways elsewhere. And if Canada’s only answer is to mirror that escalation, we risk becoming complicit in a Fortress America mentality that abandons the very ideals we claim to defend.

I have spent over a decade studying forced migration. I know these policy waves don’t just impact people in abstract ways. They decide whether children are reunited with parents. Whether survivors of violence are protected or pushed back into danger. Whether Canada remains a place where refugee claims are heard with fairness and due process, not filtered by quotas or political optics.

Acting in concert with a U.S. mandate that’s fuelling mass detention and deportation risks shifting our nation’s stance from refuge to refoulement. But we can’t let that happen. We need to hold on to what makes us different. Canada’s refugee system, while imperfect, has long balanced order and compassion. At a time like this, we need to strengthen that legacy, not weaken it under the shadow of Trumps’ ICE megabudget.

Canada faces a choice: do we build a taller fence because our neighbours did and hide the problems, or do we invest in solutions that uphold dignity and fairness while protecting security? The billions now being spent south of the border should be a cautionary tale, not a blueprint.

Source: Opinion | Canada shouldn’t follow Donald Trump’s ICE surge into a Fortress North America

Premières coupes à l’aide sociale versée aux demandeurs d’asile

Of note:

Le gouvernement Legault a commencé à réduire le soutien social offert aux demandeurs d’asile présents au Québec en abolissant une allocation de quelques dizaines de dollars par mois offerte à ceux qui reçoivent de l’aide sociale. Des dizaines de milliers de personnes seront touchées.

L’aide supprimée consiste en un « ajustement » offert aux demandeurs d’asile pour compenser le fait qu’ils n’ont pas accès au crédit de solidarité comme les autres prestataires de l’aide sociale. La somme accordée oscille entre 15 $ et 30 $ par mois, selon la situation du prestataire (en couple, en colocation ou pas).

La ministre responsable de la Solidarité sociale, Chantal Rouleau, a adopté à la fin de mai un règlement qui prévoit l’abolition de cette mesure à compter du 1er octobre.

Cette coupe survient alors que le gouvernement Legault menace de sabrer l’aide sociale aux demandeurs d’asile si Ottawa refuse de réduire leur nombre au Québec. La semaine dernière, le premier ministre François Legault déclarait de nouveau ne rien exclure en la matière, y compris « revoir l’aide sociale pour certaines personnes immigrantes temporaires »….

Source: Premières coupes à l’aide sociale versée aux demandeurs d’asile

Canada’s immigration system must put national security ahead of applicants: Expert

Understandable call which of course will prompt some equally understandable pushback. But strong security vetting is essential to maintaining public support for immigration. And while the examples cited pertain to immigrants from the Mid-East and Islamic countries, also applies more broadly to India, China and elsewhere:

Canada’s immigration framework needs to put national security ahead of the interests of applicants.

That’s among many issues experts say need to change as Canada wrestles with what they say is decades of ineffective and damaging immigration policy, as the country deals with increased global security threats from bad actors.

“We need to get back to a system that’s sane, we need to get back to a system that’s secure,” Toronto Immigration Lawyer Sergio Karas, of Karas Immigration Law, told the Toronto Sun.

“Security for Canadians and Canadian residents should be the first priority, not the last priority. Security should be first and the applicant’s application should be second.”

As Iran’s Islamic theocratic regime staggers under Israeli and American attempts to dismantle the terror state’s nuclear weapons program, reports of officials and members of the regime’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) taking refuge in Canada are growing.

In addition, concerns are also being raised over properly screening thousands of Palestinian refugees expected to stream into Canada, and if they hold undisclosed links to Palestinian terror groups like Hamas and the far-left Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) — the mother organization of Canadian terror group Samidoun.

Karas pointed to the case of Palestinian terrorist Mahmoud Mohammad Issa Mohammad, who took part in the deadly 1968 hijacking of an El Al airliner in Athens.

Convicted and imprisoned in Greece, he was soon freed after a different Palestinian terror group hijacked another plane and threatened to kill everyone on board if Mohammad wasn’t released.

Mohammed immigrated to Canada in 1987, without disclosing his criminal history and ties to Palestinian terrorism.

After his lies were discovered, he filed a refugee claim before deportation proceedings could commence — sparking a nearly 25-year legal battle to stay in Canada, insisting he wasn’t a terrorist but a “freedom fighter” in battle with Israel….

Source: Canada’s immigration system must put national security ahead of applicants: Expert

Des particularités québécoises à préserver en matière d’égalité des sexes et de laïcité

As is usually the case, overly simply characterization of multiculturalism and overly rigid approach to integration from a former member of the Canadian Human Rights Commission:

La laïcité de l’État

Le modèle de laïcité québécois est aussi unique. Comme le disait si bien le regretté Benoît Pelletier, « non seulement il n’existe pas de religion d’État au Québec ni au Canada, mais, en plus, l’État ne doit pas exposer les citoyens à des signes ou symboles religieux qui entacheraient sa neutralité réelle, perçue et potentielle. Il ne s’agit pas d’une neutralité passive, voulant que tout soit permis en matière religieuse. Il s’agit plutôt d’une neutralité active, en vertu de laquelle l’État doit se comporter d’une manière qui démontre clairement que les religions ne s’immiscent pas dans sa composition et ses activités ».

De plus, la neutralité religieuse de l’État, lorsqu’elle existe ailleurs dans le monde, est à géométrie variable. Ainsi, les personnes désirant s’établir au Québec ont de fortes chances de provenir de pays peu familiers avec ce concept (théocraties ou pays ayant une « religion d’État » par exemple) ou encore qui pratiquent un autre type de laïcité tel le sécularisme. Il est donc important qu’elles comprennent et acceptent que le Québec mise sur la laïcité de l’État, soit la séparation de l’État et des religions, la neutralité religieuse de l’État, l’égalité de tous les citoyennes et citoyens de même que la liberté de conscience et la liberté de religion, pour favoriser le vivre ensemble en société.

Avant d’être québécoises, les personnes immigrantes doivent toutefois obtenir d’abord la citoyenneté canadienne. Or, le multiculturalisme canadien, jumelé aux accommodements religieux, favorise la pénétration des normativités religieuses au sein de l’État et encourage les interprétations fondamentalistes rarement favorables au droit des femmes à l’égalité et à la laïcité. C’est la raison pour laquelle la Loi sur l’intégration à la nation québécoise précise que « [l]a nation québécoise étant une société d’accueil distincte, elle possède son propre modèle d’intégration qui s’oppose à l’isolement et au repli des personnes dans des groupes culturels particuliers. Ce modèle est distinct du multiculturalisme canadien ».

Les personnes désirant s’établir au Québec doivent donc comprendre et accepter que le Québec mise sur son propre modèle d’intégration, qui comprend la laïcité de l’État, pour favoriser le vivre-ensemble en société.

Prochaines étapes

Le gouvernement du Québec travaille actuellement sur une Politique nationale sur l’intégration à la nation québécoise et à la culture commune, qui précisera comment les ministères et organismes québécois appliqueront les principes de la Loi sur l’intégration à la nation québécoise dans leur quotidien. Cette politique pourrait, par exemple, rendre le financement de certains projets conditionnel au respect des principes de la loi. On pense ici à l’aide financière accordée à un festival, mais aussi, possiblement, à celle accordée aux centres de la petite enfance (CPE), aux établissements d’enseignement privés subventionnés, au réseau collégial et au réseau universitaire.

Quoi qu’il en soit, cette politique est l’occasion de préciser comment l’égalité des sexes et la laïcité de l’État feront partie de la promotion du modèle québécois d’intégration à la nation québécoise tout en renforçant le sentiment d’appartenance de tous les Québécois à la nation québécoise.

Marie-Claude Girard: L’autrice est retraitée de la Commission canadienne des droits de la personne. Elle signe ce texte à titre personnel.

Source: Des particularités québécoises à préserver en matière d’égalité des sexes et de laïcité

… The secularism of the State
The Quebec model of secularism is also unique. As the late Benoît Pelletier said so well, “not only is there no state religion in Quebec or Canada, but, in addition, the State must not expose citizens to religious signs or symbols that would tarnish its real, perceived and potential neutrality. It is not a passive neutrality, wanting everything to be allowed in religious matters. Rather, it is an active neutrality, under which the State must behave in a way that clearly demonstrates that religions do not interfere in its composition and activities”.
In addition, the religious neutrality of the State, when it exists elsewhere in the world, is variable geometry. Thus, people wishing to settle in Quebec are likely to come from countries unfamiliar with this concept (theocracies or countries with a “state religion” for example) or that practice another type of secularism such as secularism. It is therefore important that they understand and accept that Quebec relies on the secularism of the State, i.e. the separation of the State and religions, the religious neutrality of the State, the equality of all citizens as well as freedom of conscience and freedom of religion, to promote living together in society.
Before being Quebec, however, immigrants must first obtain Canadian citizenship. However, Canadian multiculturalism, coupled with religious accommodations, favors the penetration of religious normativities within the state and encourages fundamentalist interpretations that rarely favor women’s right to equality and secularism. This is the reason why the Law on Integration into the Quebec Nation states that “[the]he Quebec nation being a separate host society, it has its own model of integration that opposes the isolation and retreat of people in particular cultural groups. This model is distinct from Canadian multiculturalism.”
People wishing to settle in Quebec must therefore understand and accept that Quebec relies on its own model of integration, which includes the secularity of the State, to promote living together in society.
Next steps
The Government of Quebec is currently working on a National Policy on Integration into the Quebec Nation and Common Culture, which will specify how Quebec ministries and agencies will apply the principles of the Act on Integration to the Quebec Nation in their daily lives. This policy could, for example, make the financing of certain projects conditional on compliance with the principles of the law. We are thinking here of the financial assistance granted to a festival, but also, possibly, that granted to early childhood centres (EPCs), subsidized private educational institutions, the college network and the university network.
In any case, this policy is an opportunity to clarify how gender equality and state secularism will be part of the promotion of the Quebec model of integration into the Quebec nation while strengthening the sense of belonging of all Quebecers to the Quebec nation.
Marie-Claude Girard: The author is retired from the Canadian Human Rights Commission. She signs this text in a personal capacity.

Darmanin: The need for cultural intelligence in anti-racism policy

While the emphasis on a wholistic policies covering all groups is welcome, hard to see how “cultural intelligence” as a term improves the reality on the ground compared to other terminology and what concrete impacts on change it might have:

…What policymakers truly need is a more comprehensive framework: cultural intelligence. Cultural intelligence, or CQ, is a globally recognized way of assessing and improving effectiveness in culturally diverse situations. Unlike traditional cultural competence programs, cultural intelligence develops four core capabilities: CQ drive (motivation to work across cultures), CQ knowledge (understanding cultural differences without stereotyping), CQ strategy (planning effectively across cultural contexts), and CQ action (adapting behaviour appropriately). 

Cultural intelligence is a more holistic approach that recognizes culture as the broader context within which all identity categories operate. It acknowledges that effective policy must go beyond checking boxes for different demographic groups to understanding how cultural values, communication styles, and worldviews shape how policies are received and implemented. 

The cultural-intelligence advantage 

Cultural intelligence predicts success across domains relevant to policymaking: judgment and decision-making, negotiation, trust-building, innovation, and leadership. In policy contexts, culturally intelligent approaches create more effective, equitable, and culturally sensitive policies that resonate with diverse populations. 

Rather than asking whether a policy affects Black Canadians differently than other groups, a cultural-intelligence lens would require policymakers to understand how cultural factors shape the entire policy environment. This includes recognizing how cultural values and norms significantly shape policymaking, and how policies that are not culturally sensitive may be met with resistance or fail to achieve intended goals. 

Practical implementation 

Implementing cultural intelligence in policy work requires several key shifts. First, policymakers must develop cultural competence and sensitivity (CQ drive and knowledge) that enable them to better understand the needs of diverse cultural groups and develop policies that are responsive to these needs. This goes beyond demographic analysis to understanding how cultural frameworks shape policy reception and effectiveness. 

Second, policy development must incorporate cultural impact assessments (CQ strategy) and engage with diverse stakeholders to gather insights into cultural values and norms. This requires creating systematic processes for cultural intelligence among policymakers and public officials through targeted training and education that develops motivation, strategic thinking, and adaptive cross-cultural skills. 

Third, policy evaluation must regularly assess cultural responsiveness, checking in with policymakers to adjust based on how policies perform across different cultural contexts (CQ action). This is a fundamental shift from static policy lenses to dynamic, culturally intelligent governance. 

Moving forward together 

The EDI backlash does indeed represent a critical moment for policymaking. But rather than retreating into separate initiatives for marginalized groups, a more nuanced approach needs to acknowledge the interconnected nature of oppression while fostering bridges across communities. Cultural intelligence provides this framework by focusing on the cultural contexts that shape all identity experiences. 

This does not mean abandoning targeted anti-racism initiatives. It means embedding them in a broader cultural- intelligence framework that recognizes how culture shapes the entire policy landscape. When policymakers develop cultural intelligence, they become better equipped to design policies that address systemic racism while building coalitions across marginalized communities. 

The authors’ call for moral fortitude in the face of backlash is well-taken. However, moral fortitude alone is insufficient without analytical tools to understand and respond to cultural complexity. By embracing cultural intelligence as a foundational policy competency, institutions can move beyond fragmented approaches to build more effective, inclusive, and transformative governance systems that serve all Canadians equitably. 

The conversation initiated by the authors is an important step. The next step will be to broaden that conversation to include the cultural-intelligence framework, which can transform policy approaches in an increasingly diverse society. 

Source: The need for cultural intelligence in anti-racism policy

Locaux de prières à Dawson et Vanier: Une étude importante absente du rapport d’enquête

Interesting omission:

« Il y a un manque de nuance flagrant dans ce rapport », constate Frédéric Dejean, professeur au département de sciences des religions de l’Université du Québec à Montréal.

Spécialiste des questions religieuses, il reste perplexe devant certaines observations faites sur les locaux de prière dans le rapport d’enquête visant les collèges Dawson et Vanier, dévoilé la semaine dernière.

Surtout, il s’étonne de voir que ses travaux, qui portent précisément sur cette question, ne figurent nulle part dans le document.

Avec deux autres professeurs de l’Université de Sherbrooke, M. Dejean a étudié il y a quelques années les pratiques d’accommodements religieux dans les établissements d’enseignement supérieur, dont les locaux de prière.

La demande venait directement des ministères de l’Éducation et de l’Enseignement supérieur, qui ont financé l’étude.

Au total, les chercheurs ont mené une centaine d’entrevues dans 17 cégeps et universités à travers la province, qui ont servi à élaborer un guide sur les accommodements religieux destiné aux intervenants et aux gestionnaires.

Les résultats de l’étude ont été transmis au gouvernement caquiste en 2019. « On a fait un travail qui donnait un état des lieux assez juste en matière de locaux religieux », affirme Frédéric Dejean.

Le rapport d’enquête sur les collèges Dawson et Vanier, rédigé par des fonctionnaires de la Direction des enquêtes du ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur, n’en fait pourtant aucune mention, bien qu’il s’attarde longuement sur la question des locaux de prière

Pour le chercheur, c’est un problème. Certaines informations rapportées ne correspondent pas à ce qu’il a observé dans ses recherches.

Conclusion sans base scientifique

Un passage du rapport affirme que les locaux de prière ne font « qu’alimenter un climat de radicalisation, de repli communautaire et de méfiance réciproque à l’intérieur du cégep ».

Cette information, présentée « comme une vérité qui ne se discute pas », n’a aucune base scientifique, soutient Frédéric Dejean.

Elle provient d’une lettre ouverte signée par un groupe de militantes québécoises en faveur de la laïcité publiée dans les médias en 2023, comme le rapportait La Presse.

« Ce n’est pas du tout un texte de recherche », critique le professeur.

Plus loin, le rapport soutient que les salles de prière peuvent être vues « comme un privilège, voire un élément facilitant la radicalisation et le prosélytisme », encore une fois sans référence. 

Frédéric Dejean déplore que le rapport ne s’appuie pas sur des données probantes pour aborder « un sujet aussi sensible et complexe ».

Selon ses recherches, la réalité est beaucoup plus nuancée. « Il y a énormément de cégeps, universités qui ont des locaux religieux. Dans la plupart des institutions, ça se passe très, très bien. »

S’ils peuvent parfois représenter un « irritant », les accommodements religieux ne constituent pas un « problème majeur » au sein des établissements d’enseignement, concluait l’étude à laquelle il a participé. 

Mais il ne faut pas « non plus être complètement naïf », souligne le professeur, qui travaillait au collège de Maisonneuve lorsqu’un groupe d’élèves radicalisés étaient partis combattre en Syrie. 

Pour cette raison, l’étude recommandait aux directions qui fournissaient des espaces de prière d’effectuer un suivi serré de leur utilisation. 

Il est à noter que les collèges Dawson et Vanier n’ont pas participé à l’étude. L’échantillonnage incluait toutefois d’autres établissements anglophones, comme le collège Champlain. 

Laïcité de l’État

Contacté par La Presse, le cabinet de la ministre de l’Enseignement supérieur, Pascale Déry, a affirmé qu’il ne commenterait pas la façon dont a été réalisée une enquête indépendante.

Commandée par la ministre, l’enquête visait à évaluer si les collèges Vanier et Dawson avaient pris toutes les mesures nécessaires pour assurer la sécurité des élèves, dans le contexte du conflit explosif au Moyen-Orient.

Le rapport a finalement conclu que les deux cégeps anglophones ont agi en conformité avec les encadrements légaux et ministériels.

Il a toutefois ouvert la porte au gouvernement pour qu’il resserre certains règlements et lois s’appliquant à l’ensemble du réseau collégial, notamment la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État.

À la sortie du rapport, la ministre Pascale Déry a déclaré qu’elle n’hésiterait pas à « encadrer ou corriger certaines pratiques ».

Source: Locaux de prières à Dawson et Vanier Une étude importante absente du rapport d’enquête

“There is a glaring lack of nuance in this report,” says Frédéric Dejean, a professor in the Department of Religious Sciences at the Université du Québec à Montréal.

A specialist in religious issues, he remains perplexed by some observations made on the prayer rooms in the investigation report for Dawson and Vanier colleges, unveiled last week.

Above all, he is surprised to see that his work, which deals precisely with this issue, does not appear anywhere in the document.

With two other professors from the University of Sherbrooke, Mr. A few years ago, Dejean studied the practices of religious accommodation in higher education institutions, including prayer rooms.

The request came directly from the Ministries of Education and Higher Education, which funded the study.

In total, the researchers conducted about 100 interviews in 17 CEGEPs and universities across the province, which were used to develop a guide on religious accommodations for stakeholders and managers.

The results of the study were transmitted to the Caquist government in 2019. “We did a job that gave a fairly fair inventory in terms of religious premises,” says Frédéric Dejean.

The investigation report on Dawson and Vanier Colleges, written by officials from the Investigations Directorate of the Ministry of Higher Education, does not mention this, although it dwells at length on the issue of prayer rooms

For the researcher, this is a problem. Some of the information reported does not correspond to what he observed in his research.

Conclusion without scientific basis

A passage in the report states that the prayer rooms “only feed a climate of radicalization, community withdrawal and mutual distrust within the CEGEP”.

This information, presented “as a truth that cannot be discussed”, has no scientific basis, says Frédéric Dejean.

It comes from an open letter signed by a group of Quebec activists in favor of secularism published in the media in 2023, as reported by La Presse.

“This is not a research text at all,” criticizes the professor.

Further on, the report argues that prayer rooms can be seen “as a privilege, even an element facilitating radicalization and proselytism”, again without reference.

Frédéric Dejean regrets that the report does not rely on evidence to address “such a sensitive and complex subject”.

According to his research, the reality is much more nuanced. “There are a lot of CEGEPs, universities that have religious premises. In most institutions, it’s going very, very well. ”

If they can sometimes represent an “irritating”, religious accommodations are not a “major problem” within educational institutions, concluded the study in which he participated.

But we must not “be completely naive either,” says the teacher, who worked at Maisonneuve College when a group of radicalized students went to fight in Syria.

For this reason, the study recommended that directions that provided prayer spaces closely monitor their use.

It should be noted that Dawson and Vanier Colleges did not participate in the study. However, the sampling included other English-speaking institutions, such as Champlain College.

Secularism of the State

Contacted by La Presse, the office of the Minister of Higher Education, Pascale Déry, said that it would not comment on the way in which an independent investigation was carried out.

Commissioned by the Minister, the investigation aimed to assess whether Vanier and Dawson Colleges had taken all the necessary measures to ensure the safety of students, in the context of the explosive conflict in the Middle East.

The report finally concluded that the two English-speaking CEGEPs acted in accordance with the legal and ministerial frameworks.

However, he opened the door to the government to tighten certain regulations and laws that apply to the entire collegiate network, including the Act respecting the Secularism of the State.

At the release of the report, Minister Pascale Déry said that she would not hesitate to “frame or correct certain practices”.