The power of Indigenous diplomacy as a strategic asset for Australia | The Strategist

Of interest with some parallels and lessons for Canada:

International relations sometimes seems like a game that’s all about controlling and asserting simplistic national-power narratives without acknowledging the complexity of each nation’s stories.

But the key to effective public diplomacy is moving from monologue to dialogue, which means knowing when to speak and when to listen. In Australia, this begins with listening to, and reckoning with, the nation’s Indigenous history and projecting that into the international public sphere.

Indigenous diplomacy needs to be seen as an asset in Australia’s strategic toolkit.

‘International interest in Indigenous culture is very high and people see it as unique,’ says Australia’s first Indigenous ambassador, Damien Miller, in an interview with ASPI. ‘It’s a natural part of our soft power.’

Miller belongs to the Gangulu people, traditional custodians of land in Central Queensland’s Dawson and Callide valleys. His grandmother moved to Rockhampton after the 1987 Aboriginal Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act nullified the political and civil rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. In the 1960s his father moved to Brisbane, where Miller grew up.

This painful part of Australia’s history reverberates into the present. There are distinct challenges in reconciling these elements in the national story, and Australia has its detractors globally over its treatment of its Indigenous citizens.

Miller acknowledges, but also challenges, these views: ‘Some have very outdated views of our nation based on cherry-picking the most negative aspects of Australian history. But I would say that this bears no resemblance to the reality on the ground.’

It’s important to tell the whole complex and rich story of Australia—the parts where we succeed and the parts where we stumble, especially in relation to the Indigenous experience.

When we do this, says Miller, ‘Australia’s Indigenous diplomacy is a way of showing the world an open, mature country that can explore the light and the shade of our history.’

A world awash with disinformation has shown how important ideas are. Australia traditionally thinks of soft power as education, sport and culture. Those elements are important, but there’s a harder edge to appreciate.

In the context of the grey zone, where information warfare targeting the political culture and reputation of nations is a key tactic, having a strong narrative about national identity, values and history becomes ever more important.

In Miller’s view, having a compelling story to tell about Australia is a critical element of national power. In his work as minister-counselor for strategic communications at Australia’s Washington embassy, he talks about three distinct chapters of our national story.

The first is our unique Indigenous heritage. ‘I’m just so proud of our Indigenous culture—60,000 years of relationship and stewardship between culture and the environment—it’s an incredible story to tell the world.

‘The second chapter is our European heritage, which brought new ideas and values that eventually grew into a vibrant democratic political culture embracing the rule of law domestically and internationally.

‘The third thing I emphasise is our multiculturalism,’ says Miller. ‘Australia is one of the most successful and unified multicultural nations in history and it’s getting more so over time. It’s this story that makes us so competitive, for example, in attracting the best and brightest around the world to our skilled migration program.’

Key to this narrative is how Indigenous Australia is changing, he says. ‘I talk about Indigenous youth graduating from high school, increasing numbers going to university and forging professional paths, and those re-embracing traditional lifestyles, going into business, becoming strong members of civil society.’

This story of education and empowerment is reflected internationally, with transnational Indigenous civil-society networks on the front lines of global systemic crises from Covid-19 to climate change.

It’s important to note that indigenous peoples have ownership, use or management rightsover more than 25% of the world’s land surface and 37% of all remaining ‘natural’ lands. Australian Indigenous interests own or exercise a degree of legal control over close to 80% of the Northern Australian landmass, and considerable areas of sea country.

Indigenous expertise is crucial to building resilience to climate change and preserving the world’s remaining biodiversity. And the transnational, collaborative, non-state-bound nature of indigenous diplomatic networks demonstrates the type of diplomacy the global community will need to manage future crises more effectively.

Miller points to the Kimberley Land Council’s savannah-burning carbon projects, which embrace Indigenous grassfire techniques and have been trialled in Botswana. The program generates around $20 million worth of Australian carbon credit units annually.

Such Indigenous ecological approaches will only become more important. Degradation of indigenous land rights often goes with the catastrophic degradation of carbon sinks like the Amazon Basin. The survival of indigenous communities might be intimately linked to limiting the damage associated with worst-case climate scenarios.

Their ownership of a quarter of the world’s land means indigenous communities are crucial in more conventional geopolitical terms. They often stand at the nexus of resource exploitation, political conflict and economic competition.

On one level, indigenous peoples suffer from similar issues of dispossession, underdevelopment, unemployment, drug abuse, youth suicide and structural discrimination.

On another, international indigenous networks have grown institutionally sophisticated. They’re  embedded in multilateral politics and run media organisations, businesses and sovereign wealth funds with substantial capital and asset holdings. In the United Nations system, important forums for indigenous issues include the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Indigenous groups were a big presence at the COP26 climate talks in Glasgow.

Indigenous geopolitics is also regionally significant. Of the 500 million indigenous people in 90 countries, 70% live in Asia.

The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s Indigenous diplomacy agenda, launched in May 2021, is timely. It has four main pillars: shaping international norms and standards to benefit indigenous peoples, maximising opportunities for indigenous peoples in a globalised world, promoting sustainable development for all indigenous peoples, and deploying Indigenous Australian diplomats to advance Australia’s national interests.

The agenda came out of DFAT’s Indigenous peoples strategy 2015–2019, launched by departmental secretary Peter Varghese in 2015. DFAT has used elements of it for decades, says Miller, working through human rights forums in the UN, in DFAT’s human resources policies, and in its promotion of Indigenous voices overseas.

The agenda consolidates and elevates Indigenous diplomacy as a key element of our national diplomacy. Australia, says Miller, is a global leader in this area, along with Canada and New Zealand.

On various postings, Miller has spoken about Australia’s unique reconciliation movement, Indigenous policy and governance models. DFAT and the National Indigenous Australian Agency discuss Indigenous issues as part of their regular bilateral engagement with the US, Canadian and New Zealand governments. He says Australia would like to do more with the US indigenous community and scholars, particularly on economic governance.

Public health is key to supporting social and economic wellbeing, says Miller, noting that Australia has leading-edge Indigenous networks doing community health work that emphasises place-based solutions while building strong partnerships with governments, corporates and not-for-profits.

Australia’s Indigenous nations have their own traditions of relationship-building and diplomacy. Miller says northern Australian Indigenous peoples had historical relationships based on trade and culture with regional indigenous populations—for example, between Torres Strait Islanders and Papua New Guineans and between the people of Arnhem Land and Indonesia’s Macassans.

Miller says these traditions and cultural values have always informed his work as a diplomat. He uses the example of the Gangalu people, who are passionate about organising and promoting community welfare and partnering with others to find solutions.

‘The ancientness of the Indigenous story in Australia gives you a certain perspective: respect for elders, the importance of deep listening, respect for the heritage and stories of others, the importance of finding common ground, being deeply engaged in community life, giving back and showing generosity of spirit.’

Source: The power of Indigenous diplomacy as a strategic asset for Australia | The Strategist

Montreal: Les Autochtones et les minorités visibles surreprésentés

Of note (longstanding, as in other municipalities):

La proportion de citoyens issus de minorités visibles tués par des policiers du Grand Montréal est presque aussi élevée que celle des personnes blanches, alors qu’ils ne constituent que 14 % de la population, selon une analyse des dossiers du coroner de 2001 à 2021 effectuée par Le Devoir. Ils représentent 44 % des décès, contre 48 % pour les personnes blanches.

L’histoire de Jean René Junior Olivier n’est pas sans faire écho à d’autres décès qui ont eu lieu au cours des deux dernières décennies, impliquant des personnes issues des minorités visibles en situation de crise, connues pour des problèmes de santé mentale ou ayant exprimé des idées suicidaires.

Rien qu’au cours des sept dernières années sur le territoire du Grand Montréal, la moitié des hommes abattus par les policiers étaient noirs et déstabilisés. Alain Magloire, René Gallant, Pierre Coriolan, Nicholas Gibbs, Sheffield Matthews et plus récemment Jean René Junior Olivier, tous ont été tués lors d’une intervention policière.

« On revient toujours à la question : est-ce que la vie des Noirs compte ? Oui, Pierre Coriolan était en détresse. On était devant un homme en crise. Mais c’était aussi un homme noir », lance Nargess Mustapha, cofondatrice de Hoodstock, un organisme communautaire créé dans la foulée du décès de Freddy Villanueva, un jeune latino de 18 ans abattu par un policier à Montréal-Nord en 2008.

La mère de Jean René Junior Olivier, Marie-Mireille Bence, se demande si l’intervention auprès de son fils a été « teintée du racisme systémique, inconscient et institutionnalisé ». Elle envisage de déposer prochainement une plainte de racisme systémique auprès de la Commission des droits de la personne et une autre en déontologie policière contre les agents impliqués.

Un rapport produit cette année par des chercheurs du département de sociologie de l’UQAM et de l’École de criminologie de l’Université de Montréal révèle que les personnes noires sont près de trois fois plus susceptibles que les Blancs d’être interpellées par les policiers de Repentigny.

La cofondatrice de l’organisme Hoodstock estime que les améliorations apportées à la formation des policiers en matière d’interventions auprès de personnes en crise sont un pas dans la bonne direction, mais restent insuffisantes pour régler la situation. « Quand la direction policière n’aborde pas la question de profilage racial au sein même de leur institution, je ne sais pas trop comment ça va s’améliorer », déplore Nargess Mustapha.

Un accès inégal aux services ?

Le manque d’accessibilité aux services en santé mentale reste un enjeu de taille dans de nombreux quartiers périphériques de Montréal. À Montréal-Nord, Mme Mustapha observe le phénomène depuis plusieurs années et le considère comme faisant partie des inégalités systémiques auxquelles doit s’attaquer le gouvernement. Mais il ne doit en rien servir à justifier les cas de violence policière.

« Pour les communautés de Montréal-Nord, qui sont majoritairement afro-descendantes et racisées ou issues de l’immigration, c’est sûr que l’accès est beaucoup plus difficile. Oui, il y a des services spécialisés, mais il y a tout l’enjeu de la mobilité qui a aussi un impact. Des enjeux de précarité viennent s’ajouter à ça », souligne-t-elle.

Selon Fama Tounkara et Ernithe Edmond, les fondatrices du site My Mental Health Matters, les personnes issues de l’immigration et les minorités visibles ayant besoin de soutien en santé mentale auraient également moins tendance à aller chercher de l’aide. « Fama et moi avons grandi dans des contextes familiaux où c’était difficile de trouver de l’aide de nos parents pour consulter des professionnels de la santé mentale. C’était vraiment tabou. Dans la génération de nos parents ou celle juste avant, quand quelqu’un avait des troubles de santé mentale, on considérait ça comme une malédiction ou on pensait qu’il était possédé par des esprits », explique Ernithe Edmond, dont la plateforme sur les réseaux sociaux tente d’éduquer les jeunes et de les sensibiliser aux enjeux de santé mentale.

Situation critique au Nunavik

Comme les minorités visibles, les communautés autochtones sont surreprésentées dans la proportion des personnes tuées par la police.

Pour l’ensemble du Québec, les Autochtones (4,5 % de la population) représentent plus de 13,5 % des décès.

Le Devoir a dénombré 11 Autochtones parmi les personnes décédées sous les balles des policiers. C’est ainsi la communauté la plus touchée et surreprésentée.

Et le service de police du Nunavik se place en troisième position des corps policiers les plus meurtriers après la Sûreté du Québec et le Service de police de la Ville de Montréal avec sept civils tués, dont trois entre 2016 et 2018.

L’ex-directeur adjoint de la police de Longueuil Jean-Pierre Larose a accepté en février 2018 de devenir chef de la police du Nunavik pour changer la donne.

« C’est majeur comme défi », lance-t-il d’entrée de jeu au Devoir. « Je me suis attaqué aux décès lors d’interventions à mon arrivée et je suis fier de dire que depuis, il n’y en a pas eu ! » précise le chef Larose.

Ce dernier a mis à disposition de tous ses patrouilleurs des armes à impulsion électrique. Et d’ici le mois de décembre, ils seront tous dotés d’une caméra corporelle en tout temps. Une équipe mixte d’intervention mobile composée d’un policier et d’un intervenant social a aussi été implantée à Puvirnituq, un village nordique du Nunavik situé sur la côte est de la baie d’Hudson. « C’est un autre franc succès. On réduit la judiciarisation dans 80 % des cas. Ma volonté serait de l’implanter dans toutes les communautés. On a déjà ciblé un autre village », précise-t-il.

« Je pense que ce sont des outils qui ont contribué à diminuer l’emploi de la force, à diminuer les interventions policières qui causent des blessures ou la mort », ajoute le chef de la police du Nunavik, qui se dit tout de même inquiet du manque de 30 policiers permanents au sein de son équipe.

Source: Les Autochtones et les minorités visibles surreprésentés

The Great Gulf Citizenship Competition

Overview of some of the changes (significant but restrictive in scope):

For years, expats from around the world who flocked to the Gulf could only dream of Saudi or Emirati citizenship, although they made up as much as 33% of the population in Saudi Arabia and approximately 85% in the United Arab Emirates. Neither the construction workers from Egypt nor the maids from the Philippines, the engineers from Iraq nor doctors from India or the UK could get citizenship, even if they lived in the Gulf countries for decades and built their homes there.

Nowadays, when the global and local demand for talent is high, the Gulf petrostates are changing their attitudes and fiercely competing with each other.

This week, Saudi Arabia announced that it will grant citizenship to a group of “outstanding” expatriates including doctors, clerics and academics, becoming the second Gulf Arab state to introduce a formal naturalization program for foreigners with exceptional skills this year.

Back in January, the UAE decided to grant citizenship to “talented” foreign residents that will “add value to the country.”

Currently the opportunity is very limited. According to Saudi media, there is no open application process; citizenship may be awarded by the state to individuals who “meet the criteria.” In the UAE, professionals can only be nominated by Emirati royals or officials as well.

Experts say that for now only a few foreign professionals will be able to take advantage of the offer. However, it’s quite certain that the need for foreign talents will keep growing and the citizenship card will serve as an extraordinary perk for job seekers.

Both the UAE and the Saudi Arabia also encourage “emiratization” and “saudisation” of the labor market in their respective countries in order to combat unemployment and to develop home-grown talents.

“These Gulf states are aiming at the technologies of tomorrow. They worry about the US pullout from the region, about Iran’s attempts to spread its hegemony, and they know that they need the super advanced technological edge,” Prof. Uzi Rabi, the director of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Tel Aviv University, told The Media Line.

“The Emiratis were ahead so far, and now Saudi Arabia is stepping ahead as well. They are buying entire systems of knowledge along with the people who operate them, and there are many opportunities for the professionals in Jeddah, Riyadh and other places. Speedy technological development is highly prioritized by the leaders – MbZ  and MbS,” Rabi said, referring to, respectively, Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The Saudis see the UAE success and aspire to develop a similar strategy that will also be compatible with the conservative character of the state. Its leadership understands that they will have to open up, but at the same time there is a fear of losing control.

In fact, Kuwait can be considered the pioneer that opened up to foreigners in the 70s and 80s, but during the last three decades it has undone much of its previous success in attracting talent from abroad. Currently, if a Kuwaiti woman is married to a foreigner, even their children are not entitled to Kuwaiti citizenship.

Notably, there is a clear aspect of competition in many areas between the two Gulf states – for tallest buildings, extravagant projects and talented individuals, for example. The UAE began offering citizenship to talented expats in January, and garnered a great deal of media attention, while Saudi Arabia only followed suit in November. Earlier this year Saudi Arabia told international companies to move their regional headquarters to Riyadh or lose out on government contracts. For now, 44 international companies have moved their offices – mostly from glamorous Dubai – and more companies are expected to join them soon.

Source: The Great Gulf Citizenship Competition

India’s surprise about-face on farming laws a ‘monumental moment’ for diaspora in Canada

Of note given the Indo-Canadian activism on the proposed farming laws:

A sudden announcement by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to withdraw the highly contentious farm laws in that country is being met with cautious optimism by many diaspora Indians in Canada. But some say they won’t feel relief until the laws are formally repealed.

The surprise move comes over a year after Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party government instituted the laws, first by ordinance and then passing them without consultation with either farmers’ unions or state governments.

The farm acts sparked a year of massive protests in India — at times deadly — during which tens of thousands of farmers took part in a movement to march to the capital.

Demonstrations were also held in Canada, including rallies in front of the Indian consulate in downtown Toronto, where hundreds turned out in solidarity with Indian farmers, who were in many cases their own family and friends.

Opponents of the laws said they meant an end to guaranteed pricing, forcing farmers to sell crops to corporations at cheaper prices and leave them with no right to take disputes with those corporations to court, with conflicts instead settled by bureaucrats.

Friday brought an about-face from Modi, who promised that the laws will be repealed beginning in December.

“I want to say with a sincere and pure heart that maybe something was lacking in our efforts that we could not explain the truth to some of our farmer brothers,” he said in a televised speech.

“Let’s us make a fresh start.”

‘A crack’ in the edifice

At the Shromani Sikh Sangat Temple in Toronto’s east end, Gurshan Singh, who comes from a farming family, was wary of the announcement.

“I don’t consider it done yet because the prime minister has announced that it will be repealed but the procedure still has to happen,” Singh said in Punjabi, speaking to CBC News through an interpreter.

Singh said his entire village went out to protest against the laws.

“People were martyred … people lost their children,” he said.  And while some 700 people are believed to have died in the process, he said he’s thankful his own family is safe.

“I’m happy,” he said. “But I’m still not sure.”

For Sanjay Ruparelia, a professor of politics and public administration at Toronto’s Ryerson University, the sudden news is part of a much larger story about the rise of autocracy in India over the last seven years.

“I think a lot of people are wanting to see whether this movement now has made a crack in that edifice,” he said.

But farmers have good reason to be skeptical after the lengths the government went to sideline protesters, going so far as to suggest they had been infiltrated by Sikh separatists, he said.

“There’s no truth to these claims. The government just wanted to delegitimize and undermine the protests, and that really inflamed the situation and sowed even greater distrust among the farmers’ unions,” said Ruparelia.

“They already felt that they weren’t consulted on these laws, they already felt that the laws would harm their interests and now they were being painted as terrorists and anti-national forces.”

In recent years, opposition parties have won victories in some state elections but have been unable to “really weaken the dominance of the party and particularly its Hindu nationalist program,” he said.

In that sense, he says, this victory could be a turning point, Ruparelia said.

‘You can’t subtract the politics out of it’

Between a perceived mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the controversial farming laws and civil society groups being maligned, trust in India’s federal government is fractured, Ruparelia said. And with elections coming up in two important states — Punjab and Uttar Pradesh — the government may well have feared it might lose its grip on power.

As for the impact in Canada, he says, the reaction here is sure to be divided.

“There are many, many citizens and residents of Canada who are part of the larger diaspora with very strong connections to the parts of the country, which have really led this movement,” he said.

Jaskaran Sandhu, director of administration with the World Sikh Organization, agrees.

“You can’t subtract the politics out of it,” said Sandhu. “At the end of the day it’s hard to trust Modi, it’s hard to trust someone who has been fighting you tooth and nail for a year … it’s hard to trust a government that refused to consult with you from the beginning.”

Over the past year or so, Sandhu says he’s watched the the protests through the eyes of his own friends and family on the ground, while focusing his own efforts in Canada on advocacy. One of his own initiatives, he says, was to co-found and launch the platform Baaz News, which made it a priority to shine a light on farmers’ stories.

Sandhu says he awoke to dozens of messages from family and friends sharing congratulations over the move on Friday morning.

“This is an underdog story. To see them victorious, it’s hard to put it into words,” he said. “I think it’s a monumental moment for the diaspora.”

But amid that sense of victory is also trepidation.

“No one’s getting up and leaving just yet.”

Source: India’s surprise about-face on farming laws a ‘monumental moment’ for diaspora in Canada

Chilean Election Unlikely to Halt New Barriers to Immigration

Of note, given the surge from Haiti and Venezuela:

Chile’s last presidential election in 2017 appeared to be an endorsement for more of the same with the Presidency alternating between former centre-left coalition leader, Michelle Bachelet, and right-wing incumbent Sebastian Piñera for the second time since 2006. But with only 46% of Chileans voting in the first round, there was a clear disinterest in the political process which has since transformed into discontent.

In October 2019 public anger reached its pinnacle when mass protests broke out in Santiago, sparked by increases to public transport costs, and spread countrywide in a challenge to Chile’s long-standing inequality. After 29 deaths and an estimated U$D 3.5 billion worth of damage to infrastructure, reforms were made, and a fresh focus was placed on replacing the 1980 constitution introduced under Pinochet’s military dictatorship.

Even against the backdrop of heightened anti-government protests and the Covid-19 pandemic, immigration has remained a key issue in the run up to the election.

Migration in Chile

Historically Chile’s migrant population has been more European and smaller than that of its South American neighbours. However, numbers of people entering Chile from elsewhere in Latin America have grown swiftly in the last decade, tripling in the last three years to 1.5 million, with arrivals stemming from humanitarian crises in Haiti (ca. 180,000) and Venezuela (ca 460,000).

Whilst under Bachelet (2014-2018), the now UN Human Rights Commissioner, immigration laws required no visa and only a formal employment contract to obtain temporary residency, under Piñera restrictions have tightened markedly.

In 2018 Piñera introduced the Humanitarian Returns policy whereby migrants could be returned free of charge to their country of origin on the proviso that they would not return for another nine years. 1,800 people were deported in 2020 with some deportation flights staged for media consumption.

New Law

A new Migration Law will also come into effect in mid-2022 requiring migrants to provide additional documentation to qualify for a one-year consular visa. These visas are often expensive, hard to acquire and in some cases expire after three months. They will also only be available to those who arrived in Chile before 18 March 2020, when the government closed the country’s land borders during the pandemic. The Law will make consular visas compulsory, prohibit adjustments from a tourist permit to temporary residence, and make it harder to move from temporary to permanent status once in the country. Furthermore, only those who have resided in Chile for at least 24 months will be able to receive state-funded social security.

Whilst limited, the government does have a programme that commits it to supporting work done by individual municipalities in the areas of migrant integration and intercultural exchange. At a national level, the Escuela Somos Todos, supports students into school regardless of their migration status. The Compromiso Migrante has also been created to incentivise private companies and unions to take a non-discriminatory and inclusive approach to hiring and management, by connecting awardees with support from agencies like the International Labour Office (ILO) and International Organisation for Migration (IOM). However, this initiative is somewhat undermined by employers needing to pay for employees and family members’ return travel once a contract has ended. This has resulted in migrants working informally, often on lower wages that undercut those of local people already struggling with the cost of living, stirring xenophobic sentiment in the process.

Polarising candidates

Jose Antonio Kast, a staunch defender of the Pinochet constitution, has capitalised on recent anti-migrant protests along Chile’s northern borders to become the presidential frontrunner. In the town of Iquique, thousands of locals gathered to protest against the presence of migrants after a year-old Venezuelan settler camp was cleared by police. Protests culminated with the burning of the settlers’ belongings on a bonfire. Kast has since proposed Chile’s withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council, digging ditches at the borders with its northern neighbours and the creation of a body within the investigative police force to “actively seek out [and deport] illegal migrants”.

By contrast, his 35-year-old opponent, the left-wing Frente Amplio party leader, Gabriel Boric, who up until recently led the polls, had spoken of no expulsions, and access to visas and housing for migrants. However, following Kast’s rise he has rowed back on commitments to provide access to housing noting an over 500,000 shortfall in national housing provision, and has highlighted the need to work on a regional basis to establish a quota system to share the burden. Chile is the third biggest recipient of the over 5 million person exodus from Venezuela, after Colombia and Peru.

 So what next?

With the government having given the army a border enforcement role, in the short-term they have maintained that they will continue with “evictions of all public spaces” as well as “the expulsion plan” of undocumented migrants.

No matter who wins the election, the stringent provisions under the new Migration Law will likely contribute to an increase in the number of migrants living in irregular status.

Boric remains the favourite to win in the event of a second round of voting, but in the face of growing anti-migrant sentiment he appears to be ceding ground on his open border policy.

Even if he does maintain his commitment, the process of making Chile both ready and welcoming to immigrants (with an average of 200 arriving a day) will not be straightforward. The Piñera administration struggled to govern without a majority in both houses and the polarised nature of Chilean politics means that Boric would likely struggle to implement his liberal agenda without one.

In the last year there has been an 80% increase in Haitian migrants leaving the country, such has been the cold welcome many have received. Whilst an inclusive new constitution may be approved next year it will be the policies and investment that follow that determine whether Chile can make full use of the potential of immigrants and work with regional partners to reach a sustainable solution.

If Kast wins, in spite of the same governability challenges, it seems likely he would seek to build on the ew law–and in so doing–deprioritising regional collaboration, minimising integration support and introducing physical borders, forcing migrants into more difficult journeys in the process. Since January 2021, at least six immigrants have died after crossing the Andes and entering the Atacama Desert.

The new Migration Law requires the government to revise its national immigration policy at least every four years. This could lead to politically motivated changes creating instability for current and future immigrants, as well as for Chilean society as a whole.

Source: Chilean Election Unlikely to Halt New Barriers to Immigration

British nationality bill allows Home Office to remove citizenship without notice

No due process or notification:

Individuals could be stripped of their British citizenship without warning under a proposed rule change quietly added to the nationality and borders bill.

Clause 9 – “Notice of decision to deprive a person of citizenship” – of the bill, which was updated earlier this month, exempts the government from having to give notice if it is not “reasonably practicable” to do so, or in the interests of national security, diplomatic relations or otherwise in the public interest.

Critics say removing citizenship, as in the case of Shamima Begum, who fled Britain as a schoolgirl to join Islamic State in Syria, is already a contentious power, and scrapping the requirement for notice would make the home secretary’s powers even more draconian.

Source: British nationality bill allows Home Office to remove citizenship without notice

Soaring backlogs, disgruntled applicants — Canada’s immigration system has been upended by COVID-19. This is the man in charge of fixing it

Some initial messaging from the new minister of immigration. No major change from his predecessor, as expected:

Sean Fraser says he knew what he was getting into when he was tapped to be Canada’s next immigration minister.

“Things are at such a strained point as a result of COVID-19 that I see an opportunity to make an extraordinary difference coming from this particular starting point,” the Nova Scotia MP says.

“There are no shortage of challenges ahead of me.”

Few other federal services have seen so much disruption as the immigration system during the pandemic, with the operation grinding to a halt and staff working remotely with antiquated infrastructure and travel restricted for newcomers abroad due to border closures.

It’s laid bare the many existing problems with immigration operations, from out-of-date technologies that still relied on paper applications and processing, to administrative red tape built up over the years and a lack of resources to meet the insatiable demand for immigration to this country.

In his first major media interview since inheriting the job on Oct. 26. from Marco Mendicino, now the public safety minister, Fraser, a rising star within the Trudeau government, highlighted some of the priorities that call for his immediate attention.

As countries worldwide are all trying to reopen their economies at the same time and competing for the same pool of workers, he said Canada must stay competitive in the global search of talent.

Streamlining the system and digitalizing the application process will be crucial to boosting the processing capacity of the immigration system and improving user experience, he added.

“We have to make a decision of whether we’re going to increase the overall levels to accommodate the intense demand that we’re seeing from people who want to come to Canada,” Fraser said.

“If there’s going to be 400,000 people that are able to come to Canada in a given year and we have 700,000 applicants, it doesn’t take a PhD in mathematics to understand that that’s going to lead to a further buildup of the backlog. So we do have to take strategic decisions about how many people our communities can accommodate successfully.”

As of July 31, according to the immigration department, more than 561,700 people were in the queue for permanent residence and 748,381 had a pending temporary residence application as students, workers or visitors while the backlog for citizenship stood at 376,458 people.

Fraser says he doesn’t have a target timeline for how long it will take to eliminate the backlog, but there are numerous initiatives already in place toward that goal — and other changes will also be made.

“I don’t want to communicate to you today that in a short period of time, all of these problems will be fixed. They weren’t made overnight and they won’t be fixed overnight,” he said.

“I want to accelerate the work that’s going to help clear some of these backlogs. It’s going to make the process less painful for families that are trying to pursue a new life or reunite with their loved ones or find a job to contribute to our economy.”

Fraser said the digitalization of citizenship applications has already taken place and in the months ahead, there will be “serious reforms” on applications for spousal reunification.

There could also be legislative changes in order to remove what Fraser calls the system’s “choke points” as new policies are being developed.

For example, he said it just doesn’t make sense to deny entry of a foreign national with a pending family reunification application to be with their spouse or children in Canada because of their intent to stay in the country permanently. The provision in the law has set many families apart while their applications are in process, sometimes for years.

“It’s easy to get bogged down in a conversation about the number of cases and the inventory. But in my role, you will not succeed if you don’t realize that every one of these cases or numbers in the inventory represents a human being,” Fraser said.

“This will take longer than most people would like, longer than I would like. But if you want to change a system as large as Canada’s immigration regime, to do it right and to succeed, you have to put the time in.”

Born in Antigonish and raised in Merigomish, a small community in Nova’s Scotia’s Pictou County, Fraser is one of the rare immigration ministers from rural Canada.

Like many young people from small remote communities, he — and his five sisters — had to leave for larger urban centres for education and job opportunities. With an undergraduate degree in science from St. Francis Xavier University, the 37-year-old went on to study law at Dalhousie University and at Leiden University in the Netherlands before working at a large law firm in Calgary.

Many communities have struggled with an aging population and out-migration of young people, and immigration is a crucial part of the solution, he said.

“When you have more people around the world coming up, coming into your community, opening businesses, opening restaurants, creating a more dynamic place to live, you see more Canadians flocking to those communities to have that kind of dynamic culture and life experience as well,” said Fraser.

Fraser said the bulk of most of his days since his appointment as the immigration minister has evolved around the Afghan refugee resettlement. The Liberal government has made a commitment to bring in 40,000 Afghan newcomers and so far only 3,500 have made it to Canada.

“Canadians are right to be frustrated about what’s going on in Afghanistan,” he said. “The reality on the ground right now is that we don’t have access the way we did in Syria, and that’s the equation that a lot of Canadians I think are trying to make.”

The government’s strategy is to work with partners in Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates and the United States — all struggling to resettle the Afghan refugees — to bring the Afghans to a permanent home. “Our commitment does not waver,” he said.

Although he was honoured by Maclean’s magazine as the “Best Orator” and a finalist for “Rising Star” in the last government, Fraser said he’s just a guy who cares deeply about people.

“I very much want to ensure that Canada treats people with a sense of dignity, respect and fairness.”

Source: Soaring backlogs, disgruntled applicants — Canada’s immigration system has been upended by COVID-19. This is the man in charge of fixing it

Ottawa refuse de plus en plus de francophones, surtout venus d’Afrique

Similar perceptions and data as seen elsewhere in Canada.

While the disparities in rejection rates raise legitimate questions, disparities themselves do not necessarily mean non-objectivity or bias, just the need to take a closer look to assess or re-assess criteria:

Alors que le nombre d’étudiants étrangers anglophones augmente au Québec, les taux de refus pour des pays africains ne cessent de grimper, et certains dossiers « impeccables » sont refusés. Des candidats répondant pourtant aux critères sont ainsi empêchés de poursuivre leurs études ici, déplorent-ils.

Leurs avocats en immigration dénoncent ces taux « qui frôlent le 100 % » pour certains pays du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, deux bassins de locuteurs du français. « Il arrive fréquemment qu’un candidat aux études démontre une capacité financière de 100 000 $ pour la durée de son programme, qu’il a son acceptation de l’université, mais il est quand même refusé », note l’avocate québécoise Krishna Gagné.

Le taux de refus global est aussi beaucoup plus élevé au Québec que dans le reste du pays, selon les données fournies au Devoir par Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC). La différence est attribuable entre autres aux principaux bassins de recrutement pour la province, par rapport au reste du Canada.

En moins de deux ans, entre janvier 2020 et septembre 2021, Ottawa a ainsi refusé 35 642 candidats des principaux pays francophones du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest qui voulaient venir au Québec. Pendant ce temps, le nombre d’étudiants en provenance de l’Inde — qui se destinent majoritairement à des cours en anglais — a atteint des sommets, notamment dans le réseau collégial québécois.

Parmi les témoignages recueillis, figure celui du couple Dorothée et Mboungou, originaire de République du Congo. Ils racontent avoir présenté des preuves de leur argent disponible dans des comptes en euros et en monnaie locale. Appartements en location qu’ils possèdent, maison, voiture, entreprise, parcelles de terre ; ils ont également fait évaluer tous leurs biens, en plus de devoir voyager trois fois dans le pays voisin pour faire prendre leurs empreintes digitales par un centre autorisé par le Canada.

« Nous ne sommes pas des nécessiteux au Congo, il ne faut pas croire que tous les Africains sont d’une pauvreté extrême », résume la mère de famille qui travaille pour la multinationale Total depuis 14 ans. Ils ont demandé d’utiliser uniquement leur prénom, de crainte de nuire à une future demande de permis d’études.

« À partir du moment où on a déposé tous les papiers, il s’est passé à peine une semaine avant le refus, comme si la réponse était déjà toute faite », note Dorothée. « Est-ce que c’est une discrimination ? On s’attendait à une étude objective de notre dossier », ajoute-t-elle.

Des raisons contradictoires

Leur dossier était pourtant « impeccable », insiste leur avocate québécoise, Krishna Gagné, mais Ottawa les a refusés. Le principal motif invoqué ? L’agent d’immigration n’était pas convaincu qu’ils quitteraient le Canada à la fin de la période d’études, comme le veut le règlement sur l’immigration.

Ce motif semble « entièrement contradictoire » pour Me Gagné. En effet, les politiques d’immigration tant provinciales que fédérales encouragent de plus en plus les étudiants étrangers à rechercher un statut permanent après l’obtention de leur diplôme.

Ottawa a ouvert cette année de nouvelles voies d’accès à la résidence permanente pour les étudiants étrangers diplômés d’une institution d’enseignement canadienne, soit 40 000 places attitrées. Lors de l’annonce en avril, le ministre de l’Immigration d’alors, Marco Mendicino, disait vouloir permettre « à ceux qui ont un statut temporaire de planifier leur avenir au Canada ». « Nous voulons que vous restiez », avait-il déclaré.

Québec est aussi très actif en matière d’opération de séduction à l’étranger. Seulement en 2021, le gouvernement a conclu des ententes de près de six millions de dollars avec diverses organisations pour « l’attraction et la rétention » d’étudiants étrangers.

« Il existe nombre d’incitatifs pour que les gens restent après leurs études, donc cette raison [évoquée par les agents d’IRCC] contrevient au discours politique et à ces efforts. On dénonce cet aspect », souligne aussi Francis Brown, directeur des affaires internationales de la Fédération des cégeps.

Le couple congolais n’avait pour sa part pas l’intention de rester. Le père de famille espérait qu’un diplôme canadien donne un élan international à sa carrière et à son entreprise : « Il voulait tout simplement sortir un peu du cadre national, même si sa boîte fonctionne très bien », a confié au Devoir son épouse.

« Seulement avec l’argent qu’on a dépensé pour les démarches, on aurait pu payer toute une scolarité en France », soupire la femme. Mboungou a d’ailleurs déjà décroché une maîtrise en France en 2020 à l’Université Lumière Lyon avec des démarches de permis d’études « beaucoup plus simples ».

Le Québec pénalisé ?

« On ne fait pas le poids face à d’autres systèmes d’immigration », fait valoir M. Brown. Il rappelle notamment que les récents délais de traitement des permis d’études se sont encore allongés cette année, ce qui a été déploré par le gouvernement de François Legault dans une lettre transmise au fédéral.

Le Québec est pénalisé par rapport au reste du Canada en raison de ses bassins de recrutement francophones en Afrique. L’Algérie, le Sénégal et le Cameroun figurent par exemple parmi les six premiers pays d’origine des étudiants étrangers au Québec et ont connu des taux de refus de plus de 80 % en 2020 et en 2021. Le Maroc figure au 4e rang en importance sur le plan du nombre d’étudiants, mais son taux de refus est moins élevé en moyenne que ceux des autres pays africains.

D’autres ressortissants à destination du Québec se font rejeter par Ottawa à hauteur de 80 à 90 %, comme ceux de la Guinée, du Bénin, du Togo et de la République démocratique du Congo.

Dans les autres provinces, l’Inde représente une grande partie du bassin d’étudiants étrangers, mais son taux de refus est beaucoup moins élevé que pour ces pays africains francophones. Il n’a été que de 30 % pour les neuf premiers mois de 2021, soit nettement sous celui des pays d’origine pour le Québec.

Qui plus est, le taux de refus des candidats d’un même pays d’origine est parfois plus élevé au Québec que dans le reste du Canada. En 2020, les demandes de la Côte d’Ivoire ont par exemple été refusées à 75 % au Québec et à 68 % dans le reste du Canada.

Ce fossé s’explique en partie par une « méconnaissance de la place du réseau collégial dans le système d’enseignement supérieur » par IRCC, selon la Fédération des cégeps. Plusieurs étudiants se font ainsi refuser un permis d’études dans un cégep « parce que l’agent considère que la demande ne concorde pas avec le parcours, sur la base du cheminement scolaire », dit Francis Brown.

Une personne avec l’équivalent d’un baccalauréat universitaire par exemple serait considérée comme trop « avancée » par un agent d’immigration pour faire une technique dans un cégep. Les étudiants africains s’inscrivent pourtant dans des programmes « avec un taux de placement très élevé », insiste Nathalie Houde, conseillère en recrutement à l’international pour le Cégep de Jonquière. C’est le cas dans des filières industrielles, par exemple, où les demandes d’admission de la part des Québécois sont en baisse, mais qui connaissent pourtant de graves pénuries de main-d’œuvre.

En août dernier, cinq étudiants acceptés par ce cégep avec des bourses d’excellence se sont vu refuser l’accès au Canada, relate-t-elle. « C’était une situation absurde et excessivement difficile », poursuit-elle. La bourse, octroyée par Québec, couvrait les frais de scolarité plus élevés pour les étrangers ainsi que des frais de subsistance. Quatre d’entre eux ont finalement pu arriver à temps pour la session d’automne.

Le taux de refus a en outre augmenté depuis 2017, ce qui indique que la situation empire au lieu de s’améliorer, note Me Krishna Gagné et d’autres membres de l’Association québécoise des avocats et avocates en droit de l’immigration (AQAADI). Le fossé entre les refus au Québec et au Canada s’est aussi accru globalement, selon les données d’IRCC.

Source: https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/education/648552/etudiants-etrangers-ottawa-refuse-de-plus-en-plus-de-francophones-surtout-venus-d-afrique?utm_source=infolettre-2021-11-19&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=infolettre-quotidienne

Wiseman: Taking on Quebec’s nationalists

Refreshing and courageous questioning:

The inability of Air Canada CEO Michael Rousseau to speak French should raise a bigger question: why is Air Canada headquartered in Montreal? Based on the volume of flights, Air Canada’s de facto hub is Toronto. If geography is a consideration for a head office, Air Canada might want to think about relocating to Winnipeg where most of the corporation’s overhaul and maintenance work was done before being shifted to Montreal by Pierre Trudeau’s government in 1968. Outrage followed, damaging national unity: police had to clear a path for Trudeau as the airline’s Winnipeg employees swarmed around him, shouting anti-Quebec slogans at a Liberal fundraiser.

When Brian Mulroney’s Progressive Conservatives in 1987 awarded the lucrative CF-18 fighter maintenance and overhaul contract to a Montreal firm rather than to a Winnipeg firm whose bid was cheaper, technically superior, and recommended by the neutral federal bureaucracy, some westerners began to refer to Mulroney as Pierre Elliot Mulroney; he had broken his promise to award contracts based on business principles and not political expediency as he said the Trudeau Liberals had done.

Mulroney’s decision led directly to Preston Manning’s launch of the Reform Party, the first step leading to the demise of the Progressive Conservative party. In 1988, Mulroney’s government conditioned Air Canada’s privatization on its headquarters remaining in Montreal. Decisions by the Liberal and Progressive Conservative governments, their caucuses top heavy with Quebec MPs, discriminated in favour of Quebec.

After the Parti Québécois gained power in 1976 and the Quebec National Assembly passed the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101), making communicating in French with French-speaking staff at companies such as Sun Life Assurance mandatory, the company announced it was moving its headquarters from Montreal to Toronto. A political storm erupted; Michael Cassidy, the soon-to-become Ontario NDP leader called on Ontario’s Conservative minister of industry to resign for welcoming Sun Life’s relocation, while Trudeau said Bill 101 undermined Montreal’s historic role as a financial and commercial centre for national and international companies.

And that is what happened. Although both the Royal Bank of Canada and the Bank of Montreal kept their official “head office” in Montreal, not wanting to incur the wrath that Sun Life’s departure did, they shifted their management operations and “corporate headquarters,” their de facto head offices, to Toronto and to where their chief executives live. Trudeau warned that other companies might follow Sun Life’s lead if Bill 101 was not changed.

Justin Trudeau, who became Liberal leader and prime minister by the leverage his father’s name gave him, is not on the same page as his father.

Now, Quebec-based SNC-Lavalin CEO Ian Edwards has postponed a speech he was scheduled to give to Montreal’s Canadian Club. He knows that he will be pilloried as Rousseau has been for his deficiency in French, incurring a similar public relations nightmare. Rousseau and Edwards have said they will study French, but at their age—Rousseau is 61, Edwards 57—they will gain little practical command of it as a working language.

Although most of CNR’s operations are in Western Canada, its head office is also in Montreal. CNR CEO Jean-Jacques Ruest is a francophone but is soon to step down. Will candidates to replace Ruest be required to demonstrate that they are bilingual? Memphis-born Hunter Harrison, famous for introducing precision scheduled railroading and leading the CNR to record profits, promised to learn French when he was the corporation’s CEO, but there is no record of his ever having spoken it.

When the Official Languages Act was introduced in the 1960s, the Trudeau government assured Canadians that it simply entitled them to deal with and be served by the federal government and its crown corporations, like Air Canada and the CNR at the time, in their preferred official language. The law does not require their CEOs or board members of federally regulated industries to have a working command of both official languages.

The French language is not in danger in Quebec as Quebec nationalists would have you believe; the percentage of Quebecers speaking French at home has not declined. However, Quebec’s share of Canada’s population has been steadily shrinking, accelerated by François Legault’s Coalition Avenir Québec government which has cut the number of immigrants to the province.

Unilingual anglophones like myself have noticed how the federal political parties have tip-toed around Quebec and the CAQ’s positions, such as the ban on schoolteachers’ and public servants’ religious headgear, violations of the Charter of Rights. And there is Bill 96 which claims to unilaterally change the Canadian Constitution, which Pierre Trudeau said would last for a thousand years. Where, oh where is Justin Trudeau?

Had Erin O’Toole taken on Quebec’s nationalists, perhaps his Conservatives would have done better in the election. Kow-towing obviously didn’t work.

Nelson Wiseman is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Toronto.

Source: Taking on Quebec’s nationalists

Kelly: Peng incident shows how we’re all compromised when it comes to the Beijing Olympics

Indeed. And sad:

With less than three months to go until the start of the Beijing Olympics, China seems determined to make everyone involved cross a moral Rubicon to get there.

The latest kerfuffle involves Chinese tennis pro Peng Shuai. A couple of weeks ago, Peng accused China’s former vice-premier – one of the half-dozen most powerful people in the country – of sexual assault.

The accusation was detailed and unambiguous. It was levelled via a verified social-media account. That account went dark almost immediately, and there were no follow-up comments. Everyone in tennis rushed in to support her. Pretty quickly, as will happen, the news shifted from what Peng said to what other famous people felt about what Peng said.

It wasn’t until a while later that anyone got around to wondering where Peng was. That’s when a curious e-mail was sent to the Women’s Tennis Association, purportedly from Peng.

“The news in [a WTA release sent in support of Peng], including the allegation of sex assault, is not true. I’m not missing, nor am I unsafe. I’ve just been resting at home and everything is fine.”

You heard her. She’s fine. She hasn’t vanished. She’s lying down at home. For two straight weeks. Without talking to anyone or sending any e-mails or texts. Total radio silence – just like most millennial pro athletes.

Once again, the collective sports world’s righteousness reflex took over. First things first – be visibly and very publicly outraged. Statement per WTA president Steve Simon: “The voices of women need to be heard and respected, not censored nor dictated to.”

Second thing – start a hashtag. #WhereIsPengShuai was trending midweek. Naomi Osaka’s concern over Peng’s whereabouts punted the story into its second news cycle. Now all her colleagues rushed to get in on her action, lest they seem less committed to the cause. Tweeting is the least they can do (quite literally).

Third thing – make threats. The WTA’s Simon told CNN on Thursday that he is willing to “pull our business” in China. Credit to him – that’s a stand the NBA couldn’t bring itself to take when it wandered into China’s crosshairs.

But we never seem to get to the fourth thing. That would be the nuclear option. Something along the lines of, “If they go ahead with the Olympics in Beijing, we are done with the Olympics.”

That won’t happen. Poor Peng will have to hope the Central Committee really hates trending on tennis Twitter.

Perhaps a combo of Peng’s fame and western outrage will inoculate her from real harm. But what is certain is that scores more in China – people who don’t play tennis for a living – did not, do not and will not get that same benefit.

Those people are just as real as Peng, and yet WTA, ATP and all sorts of other lucrative sporting events were taking place in China as they suffered. However the Peng affair ends, no one in tennis ought to be patting themselves on the back for being a shining light for human rights. No one gets to be a hero in this.

That’s the overarching problem here – we don’t connect to any story unless it has a clearly defined good guy and an equally obvious-to-spot bad guy. Where those two archetypes do not exist, we create them, often unfairly and according to the latest fashion.

The next Winter Olympics defies this axiom. It will be a big, popular showcase featuring a cast of grey people. Because everyone who takes part in it will be compromised in some way.

It’d be very easy for China to play nice in the international schoolyard for the next few weeks – but it won’t. It’s beginning to feel as though China creates dramas such as the Peng incident in order to remind the rest of us how impotent we are when what we believe conflicts with what we like.

We believe China is an authoritarian state that ought not to be valorized because it mistreats its own citizens. But we like the Olympics and the Olympics are in China. You see our problem, right?

On Thursday, U.S. President Joe Biden said he is considering a modified boycott of the Beijing Games. How is it modified? You’ll love this – it’s modified so that it’s not actually a boycott, but they will still call it a boycott. Genius, right?

This would be a diplomatic boycott, meaning no American officials would attend.

All the Pyeongchang Winter Games got was vice-president Mike Pence and one of the Trump kids. But China? Nothing. Not even a lousy Secretary of something that isn’t State. If that won’t smarten Chinese President Xi Jinping up, then I don’t know what will.

Between the Uyghurs, the two Michaels, disappeared journalists, COVID-19 cover-ups and the threats on Taiwan, it’s beginning to seem as though China doesn’t care what we think of it. It’s almost as if it believes it can go and do whatever it likes and that there won’t be any consequences.

Maybe because there aren’t any.

If people cared – I mean, really cared – there wouldn’t be a Beijing Olympics. But they don’t care.

They care enough to say something, though that’s a different sort of caring. That’s caring about appearing to care. As long as that condition has been satisfied (#WhereIsPengShuai), people will do what they like. What they like is going to, competing in, making money from and watching the Olympics.

None of this is to suggest that Beijing 2022 should be boycotted. Maybe it ought not have been awarded to China in the first place, but that’s an argument best held in a time machine.

The Games encourages the world’s various warring interests to come together in friendly competition. At its best, it fosters understanding and promotes co-operation. Instead of war, do luge. On a geopolitical level, that interest supersedes all others.

But there is no pretending anyone is clean in all of this. You can either stand on your beliefs, or you can compromise them to get something you want – whether that’s world peace, the chance for a gold medal or the fun of watching Olympic hockey with your pals.

You can’t stand in the middle of that moral river. Sooner or later, everyone has to pick a side. By the time February rolls around, and despite all the garment rending still to come, the vast, vast majority of us will end up on the same side as China.

Source: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/sports/tennis/article-peng-incident-shows-how-were-all-compromised-when-it-comes-to-the/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=Morning%20Update&utm_content=2021-11-19_7&utm_term=Morning%20Update:%20Ottawa%20deploys%20military%20to%20help%20with%20B.C.%20floods&utm_campaign=newsletter&cu_id=%2BTx9qGuxCF9REU6kNldjGJtpVUGIVB3Y