Immigrant who came to Canada using a false identity wins another shot at retaining citizenship

Sigh….:

…But in a Federal Court decision dated Feb. 12, Bapari successfully challenged the decision by a delegate of the immigration minister that refused him relief based on his personal circumstances.

“Mr. Bapari recognized that he had misled the authorities by relying on false identity when he first came to Canada, and then by not disclosing the misdeed when he claimed permanent residence and citizenship,” Roy said. “But he raised a number of issues that qualify as personal circumstances. The MD (ministerial delegate) had to address these in the reasons in writing he had to give.”

The MD found that Bapari “has obtained his Canadian citizenship by fraud or false representation or by knowingly concealing material circumstances,” said the Federal Court decision.

“The failure to disclose the alternate identity and removal order prevented an accurate eligibility and admissibility assessment, thus allowing (Bapari’s) return to Canada without the required written authorization. The application for Canadian citizenship suffered from the same defect. That application was not true, correct and complete in spite of the attestation to that effect given by” Bapari.

“The MD found that Bapari “has obtained his Canadian citizenship by fraud or false representation or by knowingly concealing material circumstances,” said the Federal Court decision.

“The failure to disclose the alternate identity and removal order prevented an accurate eligibility and admissibility assessment, thus allowing (Bapari’s) return to Canada without the required written authorization. The application for Canadian citizenship suffered from the same defect. That application was not true, correct and complete in spite of the attestation to that effect given by” Bapari.

The MD didn’t see the “circumstances surrounding the misrepresentations” as extenuating, or serving to lessen the seriousness of his actions, because Bapari didn’t have to use a false identity, said the decision. “Wanting a better life in Canada cannot be an excuse to undermine the integrity and fairness of Canada’s immigration system,” it said. “The misrepresentations constitute a very serious and intentional deception.”

“The MD emphasized that, as a previously deported person, Bapari “was banned from returning to Canada: a written authorization was required. Hence, the misrepresentations had the effect of circumventing the process. The admission of guilt and the remorse expressed by (Bapari) do not overcome the actions taken to circumvent immigration and citizenship laws.”

The MD examined Bapari’s social ties in Canada. “The decision maker notes in passing that (Bapari) has been living with his wife for 23 years without any trouble with the law. Good ties and roots have been established, including participating in community and religious activities. Stable employment is acknowledged; the loss of citizenship would result in an inability to work, which would put the couple in financial distress. The MD reckons that the revocation of citizenship could cause great emotional, psychological distress to (Bapari’s) wife, together with the financial stress resulting from his inability to work.”

Bapari also “now suffers from chronic diseases, which require medical treatment,” said the decision, which does not elaborate on his health condition.

“The MD considered Bapari’s “misrepresentations in and of themselves as being so grave that no personal circumstances appear to warrant special relief,” said the judge. “The integrity and fairness of the immigration system are put on a pedestal without engaging with the actual personal circumstances.”

Furthermore, the MD “puts the bar very high in requiring that (Bapari) demonstrate ‘extenuating circumstances that necessitated (his) misrepresentation to Canadian authorities.’ Without any explanation, the MD turns ‘special relief’ into a requirement that the misrepresentations be a necessity, perhaps even duress has become a must.”

No explanation was offered to Bapari “for such a restrictive view of what warrants ‘special relief,’” said the judge. “An explanation is needed for the reviewing court to assess its reasonableness.”

Roy concluded “that more and better is expected of a decision maker,” according to his decision. “The power over vulnerable persons brings with it the high responsibility to ensure that the reasons have duly considered the consequences of the decision when Parliament has instructed that personal circumstances be considered with a view to warrant special relief.”

“The MD’s reasons provided in this case “are not adequate to the task,” said the judge. “Whether or not the outcome might be reasonable is not relevant. It is the process leading to the outcome which is deficient, making the decision under review not reasonable.”

They’re “inadequate in view of the stakes,” Roy said. “As a result, the matter must be sent back to a different decision maker for redetermination.””

Source: “Immigrant who came to Canada using a false identity wins another shot at retaining citizenship”

Here’s what Canada’s immigration data reveals about the drop in international students and temporary foreign workers

Good infographic that shows the impact:

Canada saw a 53 per cent drop in admissions of new international students and temporary foreign workers last year, with more than 2.1 million migrants with valid study and work permit holders in the country, according to new data.

That number did not include the estimated 505,000 refugee claimants, protected persons and other out-of-status migrants, who resided in Canada as of December, although there were 34 per cent fewer new asylum seekers reported than a year ago. 

In total, there were about 2,660,000 temporary residents in the country, accounting for 6.4 per cent of the overall population, which was still far above the five per cent target that Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government has vowed to reach by the end of 2027….

Source: Here’s what Canada’s immigration data reveals about the drop in international students and temporary foreign workers

IRCC Infographic: Understanding student and temporary worker numbers in Canada

Ottawa seeks to attract grad students from abroad 

Makes sense, focus on graduate students at universities to counter the general impression:

The Immigration Department is conducting a social-media campaign to attract more graduate students from abroad, including broadcasting that their family could apply to come with them.

The initiative aims to bring in more top researchers as figures published Monday show a steep drop in the number of international students who have come to Canada over the past year.

Experts say that the federal government’s crackdown on the number of international students, which started under former prime minister Justin Trudeau and coincided with plunging public support for more immigration, has made Canada a less attractive higher-education destination for foreign nationals overall.

The clampdown was not focused on international students attending top universities or graduate programs. Former immigration minister Marc Miller said the goal was to target colleges and private universities that charged high fees for low-value degrees to students who hoped to stay in Canada. But the changes appear to have had a wider deterrent effect….

Source: Ottawa seeks to attract grad students from abroad

Asylum seekers to face brunt of IRCC cuts through co-payments of dental and prescription coverage: analysis

Of course, the large increase in asylum claimants is reflected in these numbers. Prescription co-payments are relatively small ($4) and it was increasingly untenable to provide asylum claimants better health care coverage that Canadians without an employer health coverage plan. And coverage of medical care at hospitals and by physicians is still covered:

Almost half of the spending reduction in Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) will come from a single cut to the health coverage of asylum seekers, according to a new analysis from the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.

In the 2025 budget, the federal government announced that about a quarter of a billion dollars, or $231.9 million, will be cut from the health-care coverage of refugees in the 2027-28 fiscal year with what the government calls a “modest co-payment model” of 30 per cent.

All other cuts from IRCC in 2027-28 are estimated at around $315 million, according to the analysis.

Currently, most refugees are covered under the government’s Interim Federal Health Program, which provides the cost of most medical care until individuals are eligible for provincial or territorial insurance.

However, the federal government will continue to provide full coverage for emergency room visits and visits to a physician.

Dental and prescription co-payments for asylum seekers will begin on May 1 this year.

David Macdonald, author of the analysis and economist at the left-leaning Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, pointed out that costs could rise for the federal government, especially as low-income asylum seekers eschew costly preventative care leading to more emergency room visits.

““Asylum seekers come to Canada with little to nothing, since they’re escaping dangerous conditions. Most won’t be able to pay the extra costs and will simply avoid dental care and filling prescriptions — until an emergency rises,” Macdonald wrote.

Those individuals could “end up in Canada’s emergency rooms, which will also be paid by IRCC, but at 100 per cent of the cost, even though prevention is preferable and less expensive than the emergency room.”” …

Source: “Asylum seekers to face brunt of IRCC cuts through co-payments of dental and prescription coverage: analysis”

The people who want the temporary migrants to stay permanently

The National Post listing organizations opposed to government cuts and supporting regularization for all:

With a record two million temporary migrants set to lose their status in the coming months, a union-championed campaign is emerging to demand that all of them be allowed to stay permanently in Canada.

This week, a new group calling itself the United Immigrant Workers Front announced plans to hold its inaugural rally in Brampton, Ont.

In a Monday video posted to Instagram, group organizers cited the pending expiration of two million visas, and expressed their belief that all should have their permits extended and be given a “path to permanent residency.”

This follows on a wave of demonstrations in Quebec similarly calling for migrants on expiring visas to be kept in the country.

The Quebec government is phasing out its Programme de l’expérience Québécoise, a program which previously fast-tracked international students and foreign workers into permanent residency. It’s being replaced by a much more selective skills-based nominee program.

With many thousands of temporary workers set to lose their legal status as a result of the change, the Union of Quebec Municipalities, along with several businesses and labour unions, is leading a pressure campaign to allow those migrants to “continue their lives here.”

All the while, many of Canada’s largest unions and labour organizations have been publishing literature demanding that Canada’s millions of temporary migrants be allowed to stay.

In late 2024, only a few weeks after Ottawa first signalled its intention to slash temporary migration rates, the Canadian Labour Congress issued a communique entitled “migrant workers in Canada deserve access to permanent residency and citizenship.”

Canada currently has more temporary migrants in the country than at almost any other point in its history, and the government of Prime Minister Mark Carney has been explicit in its goal to bring that figure down.

At the beginning of 2022, Statistics Canada tracked 1.4 million foreign nationals living in Canada as “non-permanent residents.”

This would surge to an October 2024 high of 3.2 million, with temporary residents representing 7.5 per cent of the total Canadian population.

The spike had been enabled by the federal government dropping quotas and restrictions on everything from foreign student visas to Temporary Foreign Worker admissions.

And as of Statistics Canada’s last count, the number of temporary migrants in the country still stands at 2.8 million; higher than at any other point prior to 2024.

This means that roughly one in every 15 people in Canada is here as a non-permanent resident. Just 10 years ago, the figure was closer to one in every 50.

While the Liberals once officially denied that skyrocketing temporary immigration was having negative impacts on civic society, the federal government and Carney himself have now stated that the surge overwhelmed real estate prices, health-care delivery and other public services. In a November speech in Toronto, Carney said that the surge in temporary migration “far exceeded our ability to welcome people and make sure that they had good housing and services.”

The 2025 federal budget similarly said that “unsustainable” immigration had “put pressures on housing demand” and crowded younger Canadians out of the job market. “Managed immigration growth is now helping to stabilise labour-market conditions and is expected to support better outcomes for youth,” it read. The Carney government’s official plan is to curb temporary migration to the point that non-permanent residents represent only five per cent of the total Canadian population; about two million total.

Some of that will indeed be in the form of temporary migrants being fast-tracked into permanent residency, but Ottawa has acknowledged that other visa-holders will be expected to leave “voluntarily.”

One potential problem with this strategy is that Canada is extremely limited in its ability to remove temporary migrants who refuse to leave voluntarily.

Immigration, Citizenship and Refugees Canada has no official tally on when temporary migrants actually leave the country, and the Canada Border Services Agency only has the capacity to remove a limited number of people who overstay their visas.

Last year, CBSA had one of the most active years in its history. Their total removals came to about 22,000, with another 40,000 “inadmissible” people refused entry.

Source: The people who want the temporary migrants to stay permanently

Robson: Canada has a youth extremism problem it can’t continue to ignore

Not sure how practical or implementable it is, and existing prevention programs have a mixed record, but focus on behaviours, rather than beliefs is appropriate:

….A practical National Polarization Metrics model

Canada does not need a new bureaucracy. It needs a light-touch doctrine that makes prevention routine. A “National Polarization Metrics” model would use behavioural indicators that are measurable and non-partisan, focusing on coercive targeting and intimidation rather than beliefs: repeated harassment aimed at identifiable groups; doxxing and coordinated pile-ons; credible threats; and violence-normalizing signalling that changes what peers believe is acceptable.

That doctrine should assign accountable ownership. Every campus and school board needs an escalation lead with a clear mandate to consistently log incidents, coordinate support and safety planning, quickly preserve evidence, and trigger referrals when thresholds are met.

Far from weakening civil liberties, this reduces arbitrary decision-making and makes outcomes less dependent on institutional mood.

It also requires routable handoffs. Educational settings should have a consistent pathway for when matters stay at the level of documentation and support, when they require municipal policing involvement, and when patterns suggest coordination or mobilization indicators that justify a threat-assessment channel. Canada’s National Strategy on Countering Radicalization to Violence frames early intervention as a national priority, but it leaves Canada without a single escalation ladder that is understood—end-to-end—across education systems, municipal police, and federal threat assessment.

Finally, evidence preservation must become doctrine. A standardized 24-72-hour capture-and-preserve practice—time-stamped collection, secure storage, minimal access logging, and a consistent referral format—would strengthen downstream deterrence without criminalizing student life….

Prevention must become doctrine, not late reaction

A pluralist society can withstand disagreement. What it cannot withstand is normalized intimidation combined with institutional paralysis—especially when digital ecosystems accelerate conflict faster than administrators, police, or courts can react. If Canada wants to confront its fault lines before they deepen, it must stop treating youth extremism as cultural weather and start treating it as a measurable pathway.

That means building the missing bridge: shared indicators, accountable ownership, rapid evidence preservation, and standardized handoffs. Not to stigmatize communities, and not to criminalize student life—but to ensure coercion and violence-normalizing signalling do not become the price of campus politics, or the prelude to community harm.

Daniel Robson is a Canadian independent journalist specializing in digital extremism, national security, and counterterrorism. 

Source: Canada has a youth extremism problem it can’t continue to ignore

Immigration Minister defends proposed changes to asylum rules through border bill

Of note. Hard for refugee advocates to admit need for limits or the extent of misrepresentation:

…Canada has seen an increase in asylum claims from international students, who have been the target of immigration restrictions, in the last few years. Over the past year, 17 per cent of asylum claims came from students, according to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. 

Ms. Metlege Diab answered questions about the asylum implications of Bill C-12 along with Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree on Feb. 9 at the Senate’s national-security committee.

On Thursday, she was questioned by senators on the social affairs committee, which is also studying the bill. 

Senators also heard unease expressed from a range of witnesses, including the UN Refugee Agency.

One of the concerns is that the proposed one-year cutoff for asylum hearings would be measured from the first time someone entered Canada. The bill specifies that the one-year period “begins on the day after the day of their first entry.”

Refugee advocacy groups warned senators this could mean that someone who came here on holiday as a child with their parents would be barred from a refugee hearing decades later.

They also hit back at suggestions that foreign nationals claiming asylum, including international students who had been here for more than a year, were more likely to lodge fraudulent claims. 

Gauri Sreenivasan, co-executive director of the Canadian Council for Refugees, a non-profit advocacy organization for refugee and immigrant rights, was among those who addressed the Senate committee. 

“Suggestions before committees that certain claimants are likely to be fraudulent because they are students or because they have been here more than a year are as unfounded as they are offensive,” Ms. Sreenivasan told senators.

“These blunt measures disproportionately harm the most vulnerable: women fleeing violence, LGBTQIA+ individuals, minors, those with mental health challenges or people from unstable regions.”…

Source: Immigration Minister defends proposed changes to asylum rules through border bill

Youssif: Canada has a hidden asylum-policy problem

Another example of a broken system?

…As I document in a new study for the C.D. Howe Institute, this policy is problematic. Not all asylum claims are truthful, and documents may be forged. But this is impossible to detect without asking questions. The asylum hearing also serves as a screen for national security and program integrity risk, and must be halted if red flags emerge during questioning to allow the relevant minister to be notified. That mechanism cannot be engaged if claimants are never questioned.

More broadly, the IRB’s recognition rate for asylum claims has climbed to 80 per cent of claims decided on their merits, excluding files summarily closed where the claim was withdrawn or abandoned. In comparison, in 2024 Ireland accepted 30 per cent of claims on the merits, Sweden 40 per cent, and Germany 59 per cent. Research suggests that acceptance rates are a significant factor in asylum seekers’ choice of a destination country.

It is difficult to isolate the effect of any single policy change on the level of new claims, given multiple factors such as rising global migration pressures and changes to temporary immigration policies. That said, it is worth noting that the number of new asylum claims in Canada has increased since the IRB began rapidly accepting claims. A backlog of 17,000 claims in 2016 has grown to nearly 300,000 in 2025. Policies such as File Review, intended to reduce the backlog, have not only failed to do so, but may have reinforced perceptions of speed, success, and reduced scrutiny, signalling to the world that Canada’s asylum system is easy.

How was it possible for an adjudicative tribunal to implement a policy that dispenses with the act of adjudication?

Perhaps part of the answer is that the institution cannot be seen clearly. Its unique status and structure have rendered it opaque to the rest of government, which otherwise might have corrected an overreach. It may be time to rethink this model and consider options that provide ministers and cabinet with direct visibility and policy oversight, while preserving fair and independent adjudication.

James Yousif is a lawyer, former director of policy at IRCC and former member of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB).

Source: Canada has a hidden asylum-policy problem

André Pratte: Quebec’s slow disappearance from federal politics

ICYMI:

…Demographics is not the only reason Quebec’s influence in Canada is and will be diminishing, unless the province’s politics undergo a substantive change. Quebecers have not voted to separate from Canada in a referendum, but they have separated in some of their attitudes. In the Trump era, belonging to Canada may matter as a shield against the American president’s nonsensical threats. But otherwise, “les Québécois” appear less interested in our nation’s evolution than ever in my lifetime.

Quebec political leaders invest little time in engaging with their counterparts in Ottawa and in provincial capitals, except when specific files require it. The result is that very few politicians across the country have a deep understanding of Quebec’s part in Canada’s diversity. Additionally, recruiting highly qualified French-speaking Quebecers to work in the federal government is a challenge often lamented in Ottawa.

Justin Trudeau appointed a Governor General who does not speak French, a choice that, in earlier decades, would have been criticized not only in Quebec. There is pressure, for instance from the Alberta Premier, to appoint Supreme Court justices who cannot speak one of our country’s two official languages (guess which language it is?). Because of this lack of leadership at the national level, and as a result of French Canada’s relative decline, fewer Canadians value official bilingualism as a plus for our nation. A 2024 Léger poll showed that bilingualism was seen as positive by 70 per cent of Quebecers but only 35 per cent of Canadians outside Quebec. The Prime Minister’s rosy reimagining of Canadian history has no effect on today’s worrisome reality.

The demographic trends at play in Quebec will not only diminish its political weight. Population stagnation and aging threaten the province’s economic growth and fiscal situation. According to the economists at Desjardins, “the sustainability of Quebec’s welfare state model could be challenged.” Quebec’s leaders and population will face serious challenges in the coming years; their contribution to the federation will be the least of their concerns.

Quebecers’ votes played a crucial part in Mark Carney’s election win last year. But such scenarios, where Quebec has a significant impact on the shape of Canada’s federal government, will become fewer and far between. Because of high immigration levels outside Quebec, Canada is changing fast; in 2050, it will comprise close to 49 million people, many of them recent immigrants with no knowledge of French and understandably little attachment to the country’s bilingual status.

Source: André Pratte: Quebec’s slow disappearance from federal politics

Black and Griffith: Visible minority women are still sidelined in competitive ridings

Our latest. Conclusion:

…In other words, party candidate selection incorporates affinity effects that give preference to visible minority candidates for all major parties in these ridings. Given this, it is less surprising that studies of election outcomes indicate that affinity effects are less important than “candidate competitiveness, Canada’s first past the post electoral system, and local context,” Elections Canada says, because those effects are effectively baked in at the candidate nomination stage.

This indicates positive discrimination for visible minority candidates in these ridings and the possible converse in ridings with lower numbers of visible minorities, largely rural ridings.

While one can make the crude case that nominating more visible minority women candidates would allow federal political parties to tick off two diversity boxes at once, the evidence indicates that this is not the case: women visible minority candidates do indeed have a higher percentage chance of being sacrificial lambs. This suggests they do experience biases in the political process across two fronts, as both women and visible minorities.

To encourage improved representation, the political parties should adopt a transparency approach similar to Senate Bill S-283 would require each party to provide annual information on the policies and programs they have enacted to increase the representation of designated groups (women, visible minorities, Indigenous Peoples and persons with disabilities).

This could be accomplished by the chief electoral officer administering a voluntary self-identification questionnaire to nominated candidates, thus allowing for post-election reporting on candidate and MP diversity.

Canada’s federal political parties may resist this transparency-based approach, but its use in federally regulated industries and the public service for close to 30 years has proven effective.

Source: Visible minority women are still sidelined in competitive ridings