Rioux: La peur des mots

Surprising he didn’t mention “pregnant people” or “people who menstruate” as another example, or perhaps these terms have not crossed the Atlantic to France. In line with Orwell’s famous essay, “Politics and the English Language”:

La fonction des mots n’est-elle pas de dire les choses et de le dire avec le plus de clarté et de précision possible ? Longtemps, ceux qui font métier d’écrire ou de parler ont entretenu le culte du mot juste. Il s’agissait d’éviter les idées floues et les phrases imprécises. Et avec elles, ces mots qui cultivent l’imprécision, le vague ou la vacuité.

On ne m’en voudra pas de déflorer cette nouvelle année en mettant en garde contre un certain nombre de ces mots qui pullulent malheureusement dans nos médias. Car, depuis un certain nombre d’années, on a vu se multiplier ces expressions dont la fonction n’était pas de dire les choses avec précision, mais de le dire avec le plus de flou possible. Soit que leurs locuteurs souhaitaient dissimuler leurs pensées, soit qu’ils aient craint d’éventuelles représailles. À moins qu’ils n’aient tout simplement rien eu à dire, se contentant d’ânonner les expressions à la mode. Cela existe.

Malheureusement pour ces derniers, les mots, eux, ne mentent pas. Après la COVID-19, le SRAS et l’Ebola, l’épidémie du mot « personne » est certainement l’une des pires qu’on ait connues depuis longtemps. Pas une journée sans que la radio et la télévision, sous prétexte d’« inclusivité », ne nous entretiennent de « personnes handicapées », de « personnes hospitalisées » ou de « personnes itinérantes ». Sans oublier ce summum absolu de toutes ces lapalissades : la « personne humaine » !

Ce n’est pas un hasard si, à l’origine, le mot personne désignait un masque de théâtre. N’est-ce pas ce mot qu’utilisa d’ailleurs Ulysse pour tromper le Cyclope ? Voilà pourtant qu’un petit malin — probablement payé au mot — a décroché le Graal en inventant la formule « personne en situation de ». Nous voilà donc affublés de « personnes en situation de handicap », de « personnes en situation d’hospitalisation » et d’« élève en situation d’échec ». À quand la personne « en situation de bêtise » ou « en situation de sottise » ? À ce rythme, il faudra bientôt des périphrases interminables pour nommer les choses les plus simples. Tout pour mettre à distance la réalité : celle des « handicapés », des « malades » et des « cancres » !

Ces circonvolutions linguistiques ne sont pas que de simples tics de langage. Elles participent de cette rectitude politique que certains, comme l’écrivain Allan Bloom, identifièrent dès les années 1980. Cette mauvaise conscience des élites protestantes américaines est devenue depuis une véritable maladie dégénérative qui atteint tout particulièrement la langue.

J’ai tendance à penser que c’est par cette perversion du vocabulaire — qui crée en quelque sorte des « safe spaces » linguistiques où l’on ne risque plus d’être importuné par la réalité — que le wokisme a lentement gagné en influence sans faire de bruit, jusqu’à gangrener nos universités et nos médias. Car qui gagne la bataille des mots gagne la guerre.

Prenez cette recrudescence du mot « inapproprié » qui pollue les ondes et les pages des journaux. Non content d’être la plupart du temps un anglicisme (« inappropriate »), le mot semble fait sur mesure pour incriminer quelqu’un sans avoir à dire si son attitude était simplement déplacée, impolie, indécente, carrément abjecte, violente ou même criminelle.

On retrouve le même flou artistique sciemment entretenu dans ce qu’il est dorénavant convenu de nommer les « inconduites sexuelles ». Quel mot pratique pour accuser quelqu’un sans avoir à dire de quoi. La formule semble avoir été récupérée dans un manuel de bienséance de la bonne société victorienne. Elle désigne aussi bien une farce grivoise qu’un viol. On la dirait inventée par des avocats afin de jeter l’opprobre sans être accusé de diffamation. 

Mais ce qu’on sent surtout dans ces expressions, c’est une peur panique du monde réel. La peur de toucher la réalité des choses ou de « flatter le cul des vaches », aurait dit avec sa bonhomie habituelle l’ancien président Jacques Chirac. Il sera toujours plus rassurant de regarder le monde à travers un écran.

En France, on ne compte plus les formules qu’utilisent les médias pour ne pas nommer ces endroits que l’immigration de masse a transformés en ghettos. Les voilà qualifiés de « quartiers », de « cités », de « banlieues », de « périphérie », de « zone » ou de « territoire ». Que de créativité afin de dissimuler la réalité toute simple et d’éviter la critique.

Ce même désir de ne pas nommer le monde explique la soudaine recrudescence du mot « haine ». Il a notamment servi à dissimuler l’explosion, pourtant amplement documentée, de l’antisémitisme un peu partout dans le monde à la suite de l’attentat du 7 octobre contre Israël. La haine a beau être « l’hiver du coeur », disait Hugo, elle peut recouvrir tout et son contraire. Car il y a des haines légitimes. À commencer par celle de cette langue de bois, à la fois technocratique et idéologique, incomprise de la majorité, que nous assènent nos nouvelles élites à coup de « flexitariens », d’« écoanxiété », de « féminicides » et autres formules alambiquées.

« Ce que l’on conçoit bien s’énonce clairement, et les mots pour le dire arrivent aisément », disait Nicolas Boileau. Cette bataille des mots peut sembler insignifiante, elle est pourtant au coeur des combats d’aujourd’hui. Bonne année quand même.

Source: La peur des mots

ICYMI: Ottawa will prevent AI tools from discriminating against potential hires, Anand says

Of note:

The federal government will work to prevent artificial intelligence from discriminating against people applying for jobs in federal government departments, says Treasury Board President Anita Anand.

In a wide-ranging year-end interview with CBC News, Anand acknowledged concerns about the use of AI tools in hiring.

“There is no question that at all times, a person’s privacy needs to be respected in accordance with privacy laws, and that our hiring practices must be non-discriminatory and must be embedded with a sense of equality,” Anand said when asked about the government’s use of AI in its hiring process.

“Certainly, as a racialized woman, I feel this very deeply … We need to ensure that any use of AI in the workplace … has to be compliant with existing law and has to be able to stand the moral test of being non-discriminatory….

Source: Ottawa will prevent AI tools from discriminating against potential hires, Anand says

Articles I found interesting during the holidays

As always, lots of articles on immigration with a continuing stream of voices raising concern regarding current levels of permanent and temporary migration. The National Bank flagged an economic contraction, per capita GDP basis also noted by TD, driven partly by an immigration-fuelled populations increase (Canada’s high immigration is driving down per-capita GDP: report). 

Tristin Hopper correctly noted that the immigration surge cancels out every Liberal housing promise and then some: Canada’s biggest immigration surge in 70 years, while Konrad Yakabuski, citing the Bank of Nova Scotia (« L’immigration est excessive. Point à la ligne ») argues that L’immigration [est] le talon d’Achille de Justin Trudeau. Brian Lilley notes that  Canada has added more than 1 million people and counting in 2023, it’s unsustainable. Meanwhile, while Canada has massive growth, South of the border it is only an uptick, Immigration fuels uptick in US population growth.

Tony Keller continues his series of critiques on immigration, arguing for drastic cutbacks in the number of low-skilled temporary workers, sharp cuts in the number of international students and ending the right of students to work while in school, Can we talk about immigration?

Cam Clark notes that the “failure to control the unplanned boom in temporary residents … is already undermining one of Canada’s great strengths: public support for immigration,” Liberals risk aiding Trump-style politics with temporary-resident failures. Julia Malott observes that the  International student influx exposes the selfish greed of universities, although she fails to note provincial policies failures, particularly in Ontario, that have driven universities in this direction.

Minister Miller continues his tendency of being much more frank than any of his predecessors (“I’m trying to target the effect of a system that’s run a bit rampant for far too long…), signalling that he will ‘rein in’ number of temporary foreign workers.

Le Devoir had a good explainer on current policies and debates in Quebec, Comment parler d’immigration en famille sans se fâcher, along with flagging ongoing IRCC operational issues, Délais à IRCC: Des milliers de réfugiés privés de voyager, même dans l’urgence.

The Star also had a good comparative explainer, Canada, the U.K. and Australia all face immigration challenges. Why Canada’s going a different way. The question is, of course, should Canada go a different way!

Immigration advocates Naomi Alboim, Audrey Macklin and Anna Triandafyllidou argue that Canada’s program to legalize undocumented migrants should be simple and comprehensive forgetting that simple and comprehensive are oxymorons in immigration policies given the practicalities and politics.

Rita Trichur wrote an interesting article on the strengths and weaknesses of TD’s racial equity audits, noting that auditors with racial expertise, comprehensive coverage of all business aspects and be public.  TD Bank’s racial equity audit offers lessons for other public companies

On citizenship, the first generation cut-off for transmission of citizenship was struck down by the courts (‘Lost Canadians’ win in Ontario court as judge ends 2 classes of citizenship – CBC.ca), with Chris Selley: ‘Lost Canadians’ beat Ottawa in court over Charter violations that never should have happened. Not as straightforward a change. Most of the plaintiffs had a route to citizenship for their children, albeit not as convenient as an automatic one. Will see if the government appeals (it should IMO as the decision opens the door to automatic transmission across multiple generations).

The release of the government’s Employment Equity Act Review Task Force late 2023 provides insights into the government’s thinking given that it set the terms of reference for the review and related consultations. The government has already signalled its support for the terminology changes of Indigenous peoples and racialized people, along with creation of a new designated group for 2SLGBTQI+ and the separation for Blacks from the overall racialized people group. While the former addresses a long-standing gap, the latter appears driven more by political considerations given the paucity of evidence presented in the Task Force Report in contrast to other groups, as my earlier analysis of hiring, promotion and separation rates demonstrate.

Meanwhile, from the right, Peter Shawn Taylor argues that It’s Time to Abolish the Absurd (and Slightly Racist) Concept of “Visible Minorities”

Interesting article by Pamela Paul on how social media disadvantages Blacks and Hispanics, who spend more time on social media than whites, Does Social Media Perpetuate Inequality?

Looking back on 2023 and forward to 2024

Best wishes to all for 2024.

The major development this year has been a sharp reversal in attitudes towards immigration, given the ongoing increases until 2025 of permanent residents and the much larger increases in temporary workers and international students and the consequent impact on housing avilability/affordability, healthcare and infrastructure. 

When I first started raising these and other concerns some five years ago (reviewing Doug Saunders Maximum Canada) and subsequent articles), I was largely a voice in the wilderness. But now, it seems that every week there is another article pointing out the fallacies and problems with the current approach, with virtually all polls showing a significant drop in public support.

Federal and provincial governments, business stakeholders, organizations like Century Initiative and other immigration advocates have largely been caught flat footed by this change given their almost ideological fixation an aging population, their particular interests, and a blindness to broader implications.

While the federal government scrambles to adapt to public concerns on housing, none of the overdue changes to increase housing will have a material impact before the next election. 

The one area I expect to see a meaningful rethink in 2024 is with respect to international students and the “puppy mills” of private colleges to use Minister Miller’s words. Whether the government will similarly restrain or cap temporary foreign workers will be another test of whether it is more attuned to general public and productivity concerns or to business interests in having a larger labour pool for lower skilled workers, along with other special immigration interests.

Most of my time this year was spent on citizenship issues, analyzing citizenship operational data to better understand the declining naturalization rate, opposing the proposed self-affirmation of the citizenship oath and my annual update on birth tourism (non-resident self-pay). 

The petition I launched to oppose the change to the oath and for a return to more in-person ceremonies along with related commentary by others received largely a non-response by the government although it remains to be seen whether they will implement the proposed regulatory change (Minister Miller appears more aware of the importance of citizenship meaningfulness than his predecessor).

Other areas included analysis of employment equity hiring, promotion and separation data, indicating that the government continues to make progress in increasing the representativeness of the public service, annual update of Order of Canada diversity, and a census-driven analysis of riding level demographic, economic and social characteristic.

Next year will likely be more of the same given some of the annual data that I follow. While I will continue my monthly statistical updates, will trim some of the data that has proven less significant (e.g., web traffic) or overtaken by events (e.g., RCMP interceptions given expansion of the STCA).

Top 10 Posts on www.multiculturalmeanderings.com

Articles and citations

Citizenship 

Citations

Immigration 

Citations

Multiculturalism, Diversity and Employment Equity

Citations

Political Representation 

Citations

Best wishes for the holidays and the New Year

See you in 2024

Phillips: How Muslim voters are exerting their growing political influence

Another number: Canadian Jews from more than 5 percent of the population in 13 ridings compared to Canadian Muslims forming more that 5 percent in 114 ridings:

But the Trudeau government surely didn’t need much encouragement to move in that direction, and it didn’t necessarily have to do with geopolitical calculations. You only have to look at changing demographics in this country and their far-reaching political implications.

This can be touchy territory, so let’s specify a couple of things upfront.

There’s nothing wrong with any community, including Muslims, organizing to maximize their political impact. That’s as Canadian as butter tarts. Virtually every group has done it — from the English and Irish to francophone Quebecers, Ukrainians, Italians, Sikhs, you name it.

And ethnic voting doesn’t explain everything about this or any issue. You don’t have to be Muslim to be appalled at the death toll in Gaza, no more than you have to be Jewish to be sickened by the massacre of Israeli civilians on Oct. 7.

But in this case, there’s no ignoring the increase in Muslim voters. A few numbers: the 2001 census showed there were 579,000 Muslims in this country (or 1.95 per cent of the population). The most recent census, in 2021, put that number at 1.77 million (4.9 per cent).

That’s a dramatic rise. By contrast, Muslims are only an estimated 1.1 per cent of the U.S. population, meaning their relative demographic weight in Canada is almost five times as large.

Another relevant comparison: in 2001, Canada’s Jewish population was put at 330,000. The 2021 census measured it at 335,000 — virtually the same. So while the country’s Jewish population flatlined, its Muslim population tripled….

But no party can ignore the new reality. Demographics, they say, are destiny. And right now they’re showing Muslim voters must be taken seriously.

Andrew Phillips is a Toronto-based staff columnist for the Star’s Opinion page. Reach him via email: aphillips@thestar.ca

Source: How Muslim voters are exerting their growing political influence

Rioux: La sainte alliance

French debates, but parallels here with some more religiously conservative communities:

Diane a toujours été un sujet de prédilection des peintres. On retrouve la déesse de l’Aventin sous les couleurs de Rembrandt, du Titien ou de Vermeer. L’une des scènes les plus courantes est celle où le jeune chasseur Actéon, perdu dans les bois, surprend par hasard la vierge sortant de son bain en compagnie de ses nymphes. Toutes sont évidemment dans le plus simple appareil.

Ce jour-là, c’est une toile du peintre italien Guiseppe Cesari illustrant un passage des Métamorphoses d’Ovide que les élèves étudiaient. Nous sommes au collège Jacques-Cartier, à 50 kilomètres de Paris. En première année du secondaire, les mythes de l’Antiquité sont au programme. Rien de plus normal, donc, que l’enseignante soumette cette toile à ses élèves. Jusqu’à ce que certains s’offusquent et détournent les yeux ! Comme les ligues de vertu d’une autre époque.

À leur professeur principal, ils diront avoir été heurtés dans leurs convictions religieuses. Certains iront jusqu’à accuser l’enseignante de provocation raciste. Une accusation fausse sur laquelle ils reviendront rapidement. L’affaire aurait pu en rester là. Mais nous sommes en France, où 83 % des musulmans de moins de 25 ans adhèrent à une conception rigoriste selon laquelle l’islam est « la seule vraie religion », nous révélait un sondage récent.

La panique s’est aussitôt répandue chez les enseignants. Comment ne pas songer à Samuel Paty, égorgé à 25 kilomètres à peine pour avoir montré à ses élèves deux caricatures du prophète ? Ou à Dominique Bernard, exécuté par un islamiste le 13 octobre dernier. Un attentat dont 31 % des jeunes scolarisés disent ne « pas condamner totalement » l’auteur ou « partager certaines de ses motivations ».

Heureusement, le ministre Gabriel Attal s’est rendu sur place. Il s’est donc trouvé une voix pour affirmer qu’« à l’école française, on ne détourne pas le regard devant un tableau, on ne se bouche pas les oreilles en cours de musique, on ne porte pas de tenue religieuse, bref, à l’école française on ne négocie ni l’autorité de l’enseignant ni l’autorité de nos règles et de nos valeurs » !

Habitués d’être lâchés par leur administration, les 860 000 enseignants de France ont poussé un soupir de soulagement. Mais pour combien de temps ? Car ce régime de la peur fait dorénavant partie de la vie quotidienne des professeurs. Tous se demandent qui sera le prochain. Il suffit d’évoquer Israël, la Shoah, la guerre d’Algérie, l’apostasie, les droits des femmes, l’homosexualité ou même l’ombre d’un sein sur une toile de maître.

Ce n’est pas un hasard si le dernier livre de l’ancien inspecteur général de l’Éducation nationale Jean-Pierre Obin s’intitule Les profs ont peur (L’Observatoire). Il s’ouvre sur l’histoire de ce professeur qui donnait un cours sur le nazisme… sans parler des Juifs ! « Je n’ai pas envie de retrouver ma voiture vandalisée comme la dernière fois, disait-il. […] J’ai une femme et des enfants. » Au début des années 2000, ces cas ne concernaient qu’une petite soixantaine d’établissements. On n’en est plus là. Quatre enseignants sur cinq disent avoir eu maille à partir avec des élèves concernant leurs convictions religieuses. Plus de la moitié reconnaissent s’être autocensurés.

Car, si nos gouvernements se préoccupent trop souvent de l’éducation comme d’une guigne, ce n’est pas le cas des islamistes, qui ont depuis longtemps ciblé l’école publique, considérée comme un lieu de perdition.

Aussi étrange que cela puisse paraître, les meilleurs alliés de cette autocensure ne vivent pas dans les banlieues. Ils vivent dans ces quartiers boboïsés des grandes villes. Comme cette Marie G. qui a lancé une pétition pour qu’on retire le nom de Serge Gainsbourg à une nouvelle station de la ligne de métro des Lilas. L’auteur du génial Poinçonneur des Lilas aurait, dit-elle, fait l’éloge des « féminicides » et des « viols incestueux ». À l’appui, des paroles de chansons légèrement provocantes. Dans Titicaca, un homme veut noyer une princesse inca dans le lac du même nom. Lemon Incest, plus suggestive et interprétée avec sa fille, évoque l’inceste dans des mots pourtant sans ambiguïté : « L’amour que nous ne ferons jamais ensemble est le plus beau le plus violent le plus pur le plus enivrant ». Bref, pas de quoi fouetter un chat.

De Diane chasseresse à Gainsbarre, ces féministes comme les islamistes ne peuvent concevoir l’art qu’à travers le petit bout de lorgnette de leur morale obtuse. L’art n’est plus cette vaste entreprise d’exploration touchant aux confins de l’âme humaine. Il n’est plus que la vertueuse confirmation de nos passions tristes. On découvre ici la sainte alliance de l’islamisme et du wokisme contre un ennemi commun : l’art et la culture.

L’histoire de Diane, cette féministe avant l’heure, est terriblement actuelle. Pour l’avoir surprise dans son intimité, Actéon fut transformé en cerf. Cela lui fut fatal puisqu’il fut dévoré par ses chiens incapables de le reconnaître. Ainsi en va-t-il des libertés scolaires et artistiques qui, à force d’être grignotées toujours un peu plus par nos nouveaux mormons, pourraient nous manquer cruellement. Nous serons bientôt semblables à cette meute qui, devenue orpheline, dit-on, après avoir sacrifié son maître, le chercha ensuite éperdument.

Source: La sainte alliance

McWhorter: Black Students Are Being Trained to Think They Can’t Handle Discomfort

Of interest:

The presidents of Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology have been roundly condemned for arguing at a congressional hearing on antisemitism that calls for genocide against Jews are not always susceptible to sanction on their campuses. (Liz Magill of Penn has since resigned.)

Less noticed has been how starkly their expectations of Jewish students point up how low expectations are for Black students on many college campuses — expectations low enough to qualify as a kind of racism.

Yes, racism, though it’s more of the “soft bigotry of low expectations” that George W. Bush referred to.

Many leaders at elite universities seem to think that as stewards of modern antiracism, their job is to decry and to penalize, to the maximum extent possible, anything said or done that makes Black students uncomfortable.

In the congressional hearing, the presidents made clear that Jewish students should be protected when hate speech is “directed and severe, pervasive” (in the words of Ms. Magill) or when the speech “becomes conduct” (Claudine Gay of Harvard).

But the tacit idea is that when it comes to issues related to race — and, specifically, Black students — then free speech considerations become an abstraction. Where Black students are concerned, we are to forget whether the offense is directed, as even the indirect is treated as evil; we are to forget the difference between speech and conduct, as mere utterance is grounds for aggrieved condemnation.

It seems to me that, in debates over free speech, Jews are seen in some quarters as white and therefore need no protection from outright hostility. But racism is America’s original sin, and thus we are to treat all and any intimation of it on university campuses as a kind of kryptonite, even if that means treating Black students as pathological cases rather than human beings with basic resilience who understand proportion and degree.

This is certainly a double standard imposed on Jewish students, as my colleagues Bret Stephens and David French, among others, have argued. However, we must also consider the imposition of this double standard upon young Black people. To assume they can’t handle anything unpleasant infantilizes bright, serious students preparing for life in the real world.

Both expectations are offenses to human dignity, and universities must seek a middle ground. The answer is neither the crudeness of allowing all speech to pass as “free” nor the clamping down on any utterance that rubs a student the wrong way.

The contrast between how university leaders treat affronts to Blackness versus how they are currently treating affronts to Jewishness is almost chilling.

Last year, the legal scholar Ilya Shapiro, before he was to start an appointment at Georgetown’s law school, wrote a tweet implying that Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson was an affirmative action pick for the Supreme Court. “Because Biden said he’d only consider black women for SCOTUS, his nominee will always have an asterisk attached.” Shapiro also said that the Indian American judge he thought best qualified “doesn’t fit into latest intersectionality hierarchy so we’ll get a lesser black woman.”

For two tweets, his appointment was suspended pending an investigation. Two tweets, that is, and expressing his assessment of racial preferences in the selection of a Supreme Court justice. Shapiro simply — and rather gracelessly — expressed an opinion. His appointment was reinstated — but only because the tweets were written before he was on the job, with it specified that had he written such tweets while employed, it would likely have been classified as creating a hostile environment. (Shapiro ultimately resigned before assuming the position.)

The geophysicist Dorian Abbot was disinvited from giving a talk on climate at M.I.T. when it was discovered that he had spoken against identity-based preferences in the past. The head of the department that had invited Abbot announced that “words matter and have consequences.” But the question is whether the words in this case were so injurious as to constitute abusive action — hardly an open-and-shut case — and more to the point, those were words Abbot was presumably not going to speak in his presentation. This was a medieval-style banning of a heretic.

Sometimes Black students must be protected not only from words, but words that sound like other words. In 2020, Greg Patton was suspended from teaching a class in communications at the University of Southern California. The reason was that one of his lectures included noting that in Mandarin, a hesitation term is “nèi ge,” which means “that …” and has nothing to do, of course, with the N-word. Several Black students said they felt injured by experiencing this word in the class.

The offense can even be 100 years in the past. In 2021 at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, some Black students were upset when walking past a boulder on campus that was referred to as a “niggerhead” by a newspaper reporter in 1925, when that term was common for large, dark rocks. The school had the boulder removed.

In cases like those last two, it seems that Black students are being taught a performed kind of delicacy. If you can’t bear walking past a rock someone called a dirty name 100 years ago, how are you going to deal with life?

It surely feels like being on the right side of social justice these days means shielding Black students even from all but nonexistent harms while essentially telling Jewish students, who are being actually assailed verbally, to just grow up. But to train young people, or any people, to think of themselves as weak is a form of abuse.

The contrast in treatment of Jewish and Black students furnishes a teaching moment. In my view, the solution is not to decide whether to penalize all hate speech or to allow all of it regardless of whom it is addressed to. Administrators should certainly decry and penalize not just antisemitism but racism on campuses when it is severe and pervasive and constitutes conduct. However, anyone who has made the mistake of thinking that a healthy Jewish soul must endure ongoing calls for the extermination of Israel might at least consider that a healthy Black soul can endure a sour tweet, a talk by someone who has opposed racial preferences and even the Mandarin expression “nèi ge.”

Source: Black Students Are Being Trained to Think They Can’t Handle Discomfort

Advocates, union applaud legislative commitment for groups for Black, LGBTQ+ workers, Sarkonak: Liberals to mandate reverse discrimination with job quotas for Black, LGBT people

Two contrasting takes, starting with predictable support from advocates:

A news release by Employment and Social Development Canada said that, on top of creating the two new groups, “initial commitments to modernize the Act” included replacing the term “Aboriginal Peoples” with “Indigenous Peoples,” replacing “members of visible minorities” with “racialized people” and making the definition of “persons with disabilities” more inclusive.

Adelle Blackett, chair of the 12-member Employment Equity Act Review Task Force, said the recommendations were designed to address a lack of resources, consultation and understanding of how legislation should be applied.

Blackett noted that the report offered a framework to help workplaces identify and eradicate barriers to employment equity.

Nicolas Marcus Thompson, executive director of the Black Class Action Secretariat, a group that in 2020 filed a lawsuit against the federal government claiming systemic workplace discrimination against Black Canadians, said the commitment marked a “historic win” for workers.

He added this could not have been done without the work of the Black Class Action.

…….

Jason Bett of the Public Service Pride Network said that group “wholeheartedly” endorsed the report’s recommendation to designate Black people and 2SLGBTQIA+ people as designated groups under the Employment Equity Act.

“Our network has been actively engaged in the consultation process with the Employment Equity Review Task Force, and we are pleased to note our contribution to the report,” Bett said. “The PSPN is committed to collaborating on the effective implementation of the recommendations, contributing to a more inclusive and equitable employment landscape in the federal public service.”

Source: Advocates, union applaud legislative commitment for groups for Black, LGBTQ+ workers

Equally predictably, the National Post’s Jamie Sarkonak has criticized the analysis and recommendations (valid with respect to a separate category for Black public servants given that disaggregated data in both employment equity and public service surveys highlight that 2017-22 hiring, promotion and separation rates are stronger than many other visible minorities groups and indeed, not visible minorities: see ee-analysis-of-disaggregated-data-by-group-and-gender-2022-submission-1):

Why would the task force recommend a special category for Black people when the law already privileges visible minorities? The report writers largely cited history (slavery and segregation), as well as employment data. Drawing attention to hiring stats, it said that when comparing Black people to other visible minorities in the federal government, “representation between the period of job application, through automated screening, through organizational screening, assessment and ultimately appointment fell from 10.3 per cent down to 6.6 per cent.”

This analysis ignored the fact Black people, accounting for only four per cent of the population, apply and are hired at higher rates compared to Chinese (five per cent of the population) and Indian minorities (seven per cent). Because Black people are comparatively overrepresented in hiring, this should satisfy DEI mathematicians. The numbers also don’t explain why failed applicants were screened out: were these applicants simply unqualified?

The report also finds that Black employees from 2005 to 2018 had a negative promotion rate relative to non-Black employees — another non-proof of racism, because it’s possible those employees simply didn’t merit a promotion. Federal departments, noted the report writers, have nevertheless wanted to make up for these discrepancies by focusing their efforts on hiring Black people — but were unable to, because the diversity target law targets the broader “visible minorities” group.

The task force also pointed to Canada’s “distinct history of slavery,” abolished by the comparatively progressive British Empire in 1834 before Confederation, as another reason for special status

Slavery was objectively wrong, but it is much less clear why it should factor into special hiring considerations today. There were relatively few slaves in Canada and not all of them were Black. It would be notoriously difficult to determine who in Canada is still affected by this history — and impossible to hold others living today responsible. Additionally, the majority of Canada’s Black population is made up of immigrants who are unlikely to trace family lines back to enslaved Canadian ancestors.

Source: Jamie Sarkonak: Liberals to mandate reverse discrimination with job quotas for Black, LGBT people

Link to full report: A Transformative Framework to Achieve and Sustain Employment Equity – Report of the Employment Equity Act Review Task Force (on my reading list)

Ongoing shift from integrative multiculturalism programming to anti-racism focus

The latest CFP for funding continues greater emphasis on anti-racism programming and initiatives rather than the earlier more integrative focus of multiculturalism funding (and indeed the raison d’être of the program).

While anti-racism initiatives are of course needed, they tends towards a more binary approach between discriminated and non-discriminated. They don’t address adequately the complexity of diversity and intersectionality within and between different groups, not just the conventional dichotomy between visibly minorities and whites. More a Hegelian dialectic than linear.

Success rate of these projects is mixed judging by my earlier experience and the most recent evaluation I could find: Evaluation of the Multiculturalism Program 2011-12 to 2016-17. PCH’s departmental report is similarly vague on results:

With Canada’s population becoming increasingly diverse, it is crucial to strengthen our commitment to inclusivity and take the necessary steps to dismantle racism and discrimination in all its forms.

Today, the Honourable Kamal Khera, Minister of Diversity, Inclusion and Persons with Disabilities, launched a Call for Proposals for the Organizational Capacity Building (OCB) component of the Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Program, which aims to build on the Government of Canada’s commitment to fostering a diverse and inclusive society.

The OCB component will help organizations build and strengthen their internal capacity to advance anti-racism and promote intercultural and interfaith understanding, to provide equitable opportunities, to promote dialogue on multiculturalism and anti-racism, and to build understanding of disparities. The OCB component Call for Proposals will focus on:

  • initiatives that are led by or serving the communities of focus in Canada’s Anti-Racism Strategy (Indigenous, Black, racialized and religious minority communities), as communities with lived experiences of racism;
  • community-based organizations in order to support them in their daily efforts to drive positive change;
  • initiatives that reach into rural and remote locations across Canada.

The Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Program (MARP) was launched as part of the Government of Canada’s work on supporting diversity through inclusivity. The renewed program—a consolidation of the Community Support, Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Initiatives Program and the Anti-Racism Action Program—aims to enhance efficiency and support more effectively communities and organizations throughout Canada.

Under the OCB component, funded initiatives will contribute to building an organization’s financial health, human resources capacity (including volunteers), governing practices, partnership and networking abilities, and strategic planning.

Eligible organizations can apply from now until February 22, 2024.

Quotes

“Our government proudly supports community organizations across the country in promoting diversity and fostering inclusion within their communities. A more equitable society is not only fairer but also more resilient and prosperous. I encourage all eligible organizations to apply to the Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Program’s Call for Proposals so we can continue to work together to build a more just and inclusive society for everyone.”

—The Honourable Kamal Khera, Minister of Diversity, Inclusion and Persons with Disabilities

Quick Facts

The Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Program is replacing the Community Support, Multiculturalism, and Anti-Racism Initiatives Program and the Anti-Racism Action Program.

The MARP has three distinct components: Events, Projects and Organizational Capacity Building. The current Call for Proposals is for the Organizational Capacity Building component of the program.

Source: The Government of Canada launches the renewed Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Program