Globe editorial: The rights of Quebeckers aren’t a political plaything

Indeed:

…In Canada, the human rights protected by the Charter are tempered by the first clause of the 1982 Constitution, but “only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.”

The notwithstanding clause is likewise an attempt to balance the power of the courts with that of elected officials.

But as a legal constitution, it starts from the premise that individual rights are paramount and are embedded in law. Quebec’s proposed bill is a political constitution that starts from the opposite premise: that the majority needs protection from a minority of others who might not share its language and beliefs, and that these protections should be embedded in the quicksand of political necessity.

To make that happen, the proposed constitution gives vast powers to the Quebec National Assembly and the politicians in it and then shields itself from judicial oversight. The rights of Quebeckers would thus be subject to the whims of elected officials who answer only to the needs of their electoral fortunes.

Quebeckers clearly want their government to defend their language and culture. But universal human rights of equality and liberty are not some confection of English Canada. Quebeckers should demand that Mr. Legault scrap a law that would turn their fundamental freedoms into the playthings of politicians. 

Source: The rights of Quebeckers aren’t a political plaything

New hate-crime bill must confront the enforcement gap

As in most areas, implementation and enforcement are important in themselves as well as for government credibility. Some of these suggestions are more realistic than others. Linguistic expertise may be less important given ongoing improvements in translation software for some languages:

…To have real impact, Ottawa’s new hate-crime bill must establish, fund and train specialized prosecution units, specifically on sections 318–320 of the Criminal Code and on digital evidence so that prosecutors are less inclined to vacillate when faced with complex hate-crime files.

For instance, developing linguistic expertise so investigators can examine hate content in minority languages would greatly help in properly translating, transcribing and admitting key evidence in court. Protection under the law should not be weakened by the legal system’s linguistic blind spots.

Finally, the upcoming reforms must guarantee support for victims and witnesses all the way through prosecution to verdict — not just during the initial complaint stage. Otherwise, communities that face repeated targeting cannot be expected to engage with enforcement efforts.

Such fundamental steps are what transform recognition of hate crime into deterrence.

The case of the Montreal man being found not criminally responsible after a Jewish man was attacked reinforces that communities will accept humane outcomes if they also see consistent deterrence. Right now, they don’t.

Unless enforcement is prioritized, the new bill could amount to a replay of ambition without results.

Beyond any doubt, Canada has become proficient at counting hate. Lawmakers now have the chance to prove we can also punish it. Victims have shown courage by reporting; it is time for Parliament to show equal valour by closing the enforcement gap.

Daniel Robson is an independent Canadian journalist specializing in extremismterrorism and crime, focusing on national and community security, and the legal, institutional and policy dimensions of public safety. X: @DanielRobs77090

Source: New hate-crime bill must confront the enforcement gap

Canada cannot sell gender equality abroad without practising it at home

Always surprised that these kinds of analysis and commentary fail to look at the intersectionality between gender, visible minorities and Indigenous peoples.

Here’s what the intersectionality between women and visible candidates:

However, Liberal women MPs form 45 percent of all visible minority MPs whereas for the Conservatives, it is only 11 percent:

….The idea is not new to Canada. In 2016, then-MP Kennedy Stewart introduced a private member’s bill that would have financially penalized parties that did not approach gender parity among their general election candidates. In 2019, the House of Commons Standing Committee on the Status of Women received evidence that quotas should be adopted to increase the number of women candidates.

A 2023 poll even showed that 50 per cent of Canadians would support gender quotas for federal elections.

Left to their own devices, parties cannot get the job done. Women comprised a dismal 22 per cent of Conservative candidates in the 2025 federal elections, but blame does not fall on Conservatives alone. Compared to 2021, the proportion of women candidates dropped in every party, save the NDP: by 11 percentage points for the Conservatives but also by eight percentage points for the Liberals and the Bloc.

Without quotas to make the parties perform better, Canada’s federal elections are failing voters’ expectations for what legitimate political institutions look like.

Public opinion speaks clearly. People do not mind gender quotas; what they really do not like is seeing men dominate politics. Canada has fallen behind other countries not just because it elects fewer women, but because it lacks any policy commitment to do better. The country cannot sell gender equality abroad without first practising it at home.

Jennifer M. Piscopo is professor of gender and politics at Royal Holloway University of London and a contributing researcher to Informed Perspectives’ Balance the Power Initiative.

Source: Canada cannot sell gender equality abroad without practising it at home

Islamic preacher barred from entering Canada for speaking tour, months after being banned from U.K.

Seems like the right call. Question about a religious exemption for hate speech as proposed by the Bloc much more thorny as one looks at the potential impact across many religions and sects:

…Mr. Blanchet said his party plans to table an amendment to the government’s Combatting Hate bill to stop religion from being used as a defence for hate speech. 

The proposed change to the Criminal Code would abolish a defence allowing a person who incites hatred to escape prosecution if their words are based on religious beliefs or a religious text.

Canadian Identity Minister Steven Guilbeault replied that the Liberals shared the Bloc’s aim to combat hatred and would welcome amendments to the bill.

“We will hear from experts, subject-matter experts, and are willing to work with the Bloc Québécois, with all parties in this House to ensure that hate speech is not in Canada,” he replied. 

Jeremy Bellefeuille, spokesperson for Justice Minister Sean Fraser, said in a text message that the minister “is open to hearing expert testimony in committee.”…

Source: Islamic preacher barred from entering Canada for speaking tour, months after being banned from U.K.

A definition of racism that targets Jews is racist

Arguing against adding anti-Palestinian attitudes to examples and definitions of racism. As I have argued earlier, anti-Palestinian attitudes can be either ethnic (Arab) or religious (Christian or Muslim).

Hard to think of a comparable situation with respect to other groups (e.g.,anti-Uighur, anti-Khalistan) where the particular is not covered by current ethnic and religious discrimination and hate crimes:

Providing Canadians with tools to root out hate against any group is vital to our democracy. But it is unconscionable that these tools are designed or become weapons to promote hate against another group. The Arab Canadian Lawyers Association’s (ACLA) definition of “Anti-Palestinian Racism” (APR), now gaining traction in Canadian institutions, does precisely that, turning a language meant to defend dignity into a framework that treats Jewish identity as inherently racist.

Discrimination against Palestinians, like against any group, is unacceptable. Fortunately, Canada has strong legal mechanisms in place to address such cases, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and provincial human rights codes. These instruments prohibit discrimination based on place of origin, race, ethnicity, and religion. As the Ontario Human Rights Commission affirmed in an opinion, these existing protections are sufficient to address acts of prejudice against Palestinians.

But APR is not designed merely to fill a legal gap. Instead, it is a political instrument, one that forces a specific historical and ideological narrative that denies Jewish ties to the land of Israel. The definition requires all Canadians to support a Palestinian state from the river to the sea, which means the annihilation of Israel. It also suggests that disagreement with Palestinian political claims or narratives about Israel’s creation, or those which support Zionism, is inherently racist. APR doesn’t simply combat hate; it seeks to delegitimize the belief shared by 94 percent of Jewish Canadians who support the existence of a Jewish state in Israel. This view is shared by millions of other Canadians of all faiths and ethnicities because we acknowledge the right of self-determination for ourselves and others, including for Jews.

This is where the danger lies. APR imposes a rigid orthodoxy on a complex and contested historical and political conflict. In doing so, it undermines the very foundations of our Canadian liberal democracy: open dialogue, freedom of expression, and academic freedom. APR also risks criminalizing legitimate debate and dissent, particularly on university campuses, where open exchange of ideas is essential. Evidence of the danger of APR is already visible. For example, at Carleton University, a recently released report titled “The Palestine Exception” charged professors who teach a course that takes students to Israel to study religions and cultures in the region with engaging in APR.

The effects of APR are chilling. Canadians who support Israel’s right to exist are routinely being marginalized, accused of racism, and excluded. Even Prime Minister Carney, who reaffirmed Canada’s policy of supporting a two-state solution, would be deemed a racist. Many Canadians support a two-state solution and the aspirations of the Palestinian people. Supporting Palestinian rights does not require denying the right of Jews to national self-determination or casting Zionism as a form of bigotry. Yet APR reduces this complex reality to a zero-sum game in which supporting one group requires condemning the other.

The federal government is now being urged to enshrine APR, including by Canada’s Special Representative on Islamophobia, into its anti-racism strategy. This would be a dangerous mistake. By endorsing a definition that equates Jewish identity with racism, Canada would undermine its existing anti-discrimination regime, politicize legal norms, and embolden those who seek to suppress rather than engage in open debate. This definition is not aligned with Canada’s inclusive, democratic values.

It is also remarkable that APR’s proponents reject Canada’s adopted definition of antisemitism, that of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). IHRA affirms that criticism of Israel of the same type levelled against any other country is not antisemitic, while APR permits no criticism of Palestinian narratives without being labelled racist—yet another example of double standards applied to the detriment of the Jewish community.

If we want to build a truly inclusive Canada, we must resist simplistic labels that divide rather than unite. Canadians should be free to express support for Palestinian self-determination—as long as such advocacy does not glorify terrorism or vilify Jews. Equally, Zionists and Israelis must be allowed to express support for Jewish self-determination without being cast as racists.

APR is a step away from inclusion. It is a step toward silencing, polarization, and legal confusion. Canada needs practical tools to combat hate. We should not adopt a concept that is being used to demonize one group under the guise of protecting another. The road to justice is not paved with redefinition and ideological rigidity, but with mutual respect, legal clarity, and an unwavering commitment to the rights and dignity of all. Let’s not abandon those principles with a definition that will further fuel polarization and hate in Canadian society.

Source: A definition of racism that targets Jews is racist

PSPP veut faire l’indépendance avec les immigrants

Of note:

Le premier ministre Jacques Parizeau a « à l’évidence » erré le soir du 30 octobre 1995 en « jetant le blâme » sur l’« argent et des votes ethniques » pour la défaite du camp du Oui au référendum sur l’indépendance du Québec, convient le chef du Parti québécois (PQ), Paul St-Pierre Plamondon. Et une troisième tentative d’accession à la souveraineté devra se faire avec la population immigrante, pas sans, a-t-il soutenu en entrevue éditoriale avec Le Devoir vendredi.

Invité dans nos bureaux à l’occasion du 30e anniversaire du scrutin référendaire de 1995, celui qu’on surnomme « PSPP » a avoué ressentir un malaise par rapport à l’expression employée par son prédécesseur après la victoire du Non avec 50,58 % des suffrages : « C’est vrai, c’est vrai qu’on a été battus, au fond par quoi ? Par l’argent, puis des votes ethniques, essentiellement », avait laissé tomber un Jacques Parizeau en colère.

Pour répondre à la question lui demandant si M. Parizeau avait eu un bon réflexe ce soir-là, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, aujourd’hui âgé de 48 ans, n’y est pas allé par quatre chemins. « À l’évidence, non », a-t-il lancé. « Blâmer, après le résultat, un groupe en démocratie, c’est très glissant. Parce que le processus démocratique, c’est essentiellement accepter que tout le monde va voter, puis qu’il y a un résultat, puis qu’on est lié par ce résultat-là. » Il a précisé ne pas avoir « de souvenir » de ce qu’il pensait des propos chocs de M. Parizeau à l’époque, du haut de ses 18 ans.

Il a également désavoué les propos tenus par l’ancien chef du Oui, lors du conseil national du PQ de janvier 1993, selon lesquels « les Québécois peuvent atteindre l’objectif qu’ils se sont fixé, même si c’est presque exclusivement des Québécois de souche qui votent pour ».

« Non, je ne… Jamais… Je veux dire, moi, je suis chef depuis cinq ans, je suis le dixième chef de cette formation-là », a-t-il indiqué, dans une démonstration d’indépendance. « Je ne serais pas d’accord avec Pierre-Marc Johnson et sa doctrine, à l’époque, à l’intérieur du Canada », a-t-il ajouté.

« Depuis cinq ans, nous, on fait campagne auprès de tous les Québécois, et on pense que c’est une combinaison de la contribution de toutes les régions, de tous les groupes d’âge, de tous les groupes de la société québécoise qui va mener à une victoire ultime du Oui », a-t-il poursuivi.

Une indépendance « pour tous »

Le chef du PQ s’est d’ailleurs défendu vendredi de se mettre les personnes immigrantes à dos par ses propos et propositions sur l’immigration et la laïcité. Il assure faire «campagne pour tout le monde».

« Le Parti québécois prône une baisse des seuils d’immigration fondée sur plusieurs études qui font le lien entre des seuils trop élevés et les phénomènes de crise du logement, de détérioration du français et de difficulté à livrer les services. C’est notre position, et on n’a rien dit d’autre », a fait valoir M. St-Pierre Plamondon, écorchant au passage des personnalités comme l’ex-maire de Québec Régis Labeaume et des députés de Québec solidaire.

Source: PSPP veut faire l’indépendance avec les immigrants

Prime Minister Jacques Parizeau “obviously” wandered on the evening of October 30, 1995 by “blaming” on “money and ethnic votes” for the defeat of the Yes camp in the referendum on Quebec’s independence, agrees the leader of the Parti québécois (PQ), Paul St-Pierre Plamondon. And a third attempt to access sovereignty will have to be made with the immigrant population, not without it, he said in an editorial interview with Le Devoir on Friday.

Invited to our offices on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the 1995 referendum vote, the one nicknamed “PSPP” confessed to feeling uncomfortable with the expression used by his predecessor after the victory of the No with 50.58% of the votes: “It’s true, it’s true that we were beaten, basically what? By money, then ethnic votes, essentially, “had dropped an angry Jacques Parizeau.

To answer the question asking him if Mr. Parizeau had had a good reflex that evening, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, now 48 years old, did not go there by four paths. “Obviously, no,” he said. “Blaming, after the result, a group in a democracy is very slippery. Because the democratic process is essentially accepting that everyone will vote, then that there is a result, then that we are bound by that result. He said he had “no memory” of what he thought of Mr. Parizeau’s shocking remarks at the time, from the height of his 18 years.

He also disowned the remarks made by the former leader of the Oui, during the national council of the PQ in January 1993, according to which “Quebecers can achieve the goal they have set themselves, even if it is almost exclusively native Quebecers who vote for it”.

“No, I don’t… Never… I mean, I’ve been a leader for five years, I’m the tenth leader of this formation,” he said, in a demonstration of independence. “I would not agree with Pierre-Marc Johnson and his doctrine at the time within Canada,” he added.

“For five years, we have been campaigning with all Quebecers, and we think that it is a combination of the contribution of all regions, all age groups, all groups of Quebec society that will lead to an ultimate victory of the Oui,” he continued.

Independence “for all”

The leader of the PQ also defended himself on Friday from turning immigrants against him with his remarks and proposals on immigration and secularism. He assures that he is doing “campaigning for everyone”.

“The Parti Québécois advocates a lowering of immigration thresholds based on several studies that link too high thresholds to the phenomena of housing crisis, deterioration of French and difficulty in delivering services. This is our position, and we have not said anything else, “said Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon, skinning personalities such as the former mayor of Quebec Régis Labeaume and the deputies of Québec solidaire.

To combat hate in Canada, South Asians will have to move past their own divisions

Good reminder that multiculturalism is not just about the white/non-white but within and among visible minority groups, and not just South Asians:

…It’s time that we as a diaspora have a hard conversation about how we can talk to people from different religions and backgrounds without seeing only our differences. By talking, we can break away from the ill-informed caricatures so many of us have created of one another in our heads. But for a community that prides itself on maintaining traditions, this conversation is the most difficult thing to start. Indeed, any mention of change in front of extended family instantly gets me dismissed as the “Westernized child” who’s strayed far from home.

South Asia is far from a monolith. We have dozens of different and beautiful subcultures ingrained into our land. But rather than share the best parts, we too often choose to focus on what we see as the worst. Coming to Canada gave us all a chance to start over; instead, too many of us are throwing that away to perpetuate generational wounds. That only benefits those who already hate us.

South Asian Canadians don’t have to forget our history. But we do have to work together to move past it so that it doesn’t define our life here – if not for us now, then for future generations.

Khushy Vashisht is a Toronto-based freelance journalist.

Source: To combat hate in Canada, South Asians will have to move past their own divisions

Le Conseil national des musulmans se dit en faveur de la laïcité de l’État, mais pas des versions de la CAQ et du PQ

Interest interview, worth reading in its entirety:

« Réussir l’interculturalisme »

« On est comme toutes les autres personnes de la société, on veut l’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes. Je suis un papa d’une jeune fille, je veux qu’elle ait exactement les mêmes opportunités et les droits que mes garçons. Ça doit être dit ! »

Aux yeux de Stephen Brown, la laïcité, « c’est l’idée que le gouvernement va sortir de la religion, qu’il va préconiser l’inclusion et la tolérance pour délimiter ou gérer les tensions interreligieuses à l’intérieur d’une société », fait-il valoir, se disant disposé à travailler avec les élus québécois dans le but de « réussir l’interculturalisme ».

« On parle souvent des musulmans au Québec, on parle plus rarement avec des musulmans au Québec. »

Source: Le Conseil national des musulmans se dit en faveur de la laïcité de l’État, mais pas des versions de la CAQ et du PQ

…” Succeed in interculturalism”

“We are like all other people in society, we want equality between men and women. I am a father of a young girl, I want her to have exactly the same opportunities and rights as my boys. It must be said! ”

In the eyes of Stephen Brown, secularism, “it is the idea that the government will leave religion, that it will advocate inclusion and tolerance to delimit or manage interreligious tensions within a society,” he argues, saying he is willing to work with Quebec elected officials in order to “successful interculturalism”.

“We often talk about Muslims in Quebec, we talk more rarely with Muslims in Quebec. ”

As the U.S. Unauthorized Population Expands, It Is Also Diversifying, New Fact Sheet Shows

Another informative MPI fact sheet. Would be nice to have an equally informative fact sheet or analysis for Canada rather than just a general number:

The unauthorized immigrant population has grown sharply, from 10.7 million in 2019 to 13.7 million as of mid-2023, MPI analysts find. Still, even as the unauthorized immigrant population has experienced the sharpest growth since the early 2000s, a full 80 percent have at least five years of U.S. residence—with 45 percent living 20 or more years in the United States. 

Unauthorized immigrants made up 26 percent of the overall immigrant population in the United States in mid-2023. 

The fact sheet, Changing Origins, Rising Numbers: Unauthorized Immigrants in the United States, draws from a unique methodology that MPI created with leading demographers at The Pennsylvania State University and Temple University that allows the assignment of legal status in data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS). Given that the Census Bureau does not ask survey respondents if they are in the country without authorization, the resulting dataset offers a rare ability to study characteristics of the unauthorized population. 

The fact sheet is accompanied by detailed data profiles of the unauthorized immigrant population at U.S., state and top county levels. The profiles include countries/regions of birth, ages, years of U.S. residence, top job sectors, workforce participation, educational enrollment and attainment, English proficiency, income, homeownership and access to health insurance, among other characteristics. 

Among the key findings, all as of mid-2023: 

  • A growing share of the unauthorized immigrant population—as many as 4 million people, or 29 percent of the total—held a liminal (also known as “twilight”) status granting temporary relief from deportation and work authorization, through Temporary Protected Status (TPS), humanitarian parole, a pending asylum application or Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). 
  • Nearly 4.2 million unauthorized immigrants were married to a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident (aka green-card holder). While marriage typically conveys the right to apply for legal permanent residence, most unauthorized immigrant spouses are unable to apply due to a 1996 immigration law. 
  • 6.3 million children under age 18 live with at least one unauthorized immigrant parent. All but 1 million of those children are U.S. citizens. 
  • 14 million U.S. citizens, green‑card holders or temporary visa holders share a household with an unauthorized immigrant.  
  • Mexicans accounted for 40 percent of all unauthorized immigrants—down significantly from their 62 percent share in 2010. 
  • 21 percent of all unauthorized immigrants lived in California; overall, half lived in California, Texas, Florida or New York. 

Source: As the U.S. Unauthorized Population Expands, It Is Also Diversifying, New Fact Sheet Shows

Black staff at Global Affairs allege systemic racism

More raising the profile of the case arguing systemic racism and discrimination through specific examples and complaints:

Current and former Global Affairs Canada employees who are Black say the department doesn’t take their complaints about racism seriously.

“I was representing Canada but Canada did not represent me,” said Madina Iltireh, who spent more than 20 years working on the administration of foreign aid programs.

She spoke Wednesday on Parliament Hill at a news conference held by the Coalition Against Workplace Discrimination. The coalition includes the Black Class Action Secretariat, which is mounting legal challenges claiming systemic racism and discrimination in the public service.

The group is appealing a broader case involving the entire public service. It estimates the Federal Court of Appeal will take a year to rule on the case.

On Wednesday, the coalition cited three Global Affairs Canada staff who say their complaints were rejected by internal panels before being upheld by the courts or outside commissions, without compensation….

Source: Black staff at Global Affairs allege systemic racism