Ottawa considering buying hotels to house growing number of asylum seekers

Sigh. Recognition of reality or abandoning efforts to reduce the numbers or speed up the claim processes:

Ottawa is considering buying hotels to house the growing number of asylum seekers and to cut the cost of block-booking hotel rooms to accommodate them, Immigration Minister Marc Miller says.

The federal government has in the last few years taken out long leases on hotels to help provinces house thousands of refugee claimants. This year, Ottawa has been footing the bill for approximately 4,000 hotel rooms for 7,300 asylum seekers, many of whom have transferred from provincial shelters and churches, according to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada.

In a recent interview, Mr. Miller said the government is looking at a more sustainable and affordable way to house people claiming refugee status, including buying hotels and converting them.

One model being considered could involve installing federal and provincial officials in the converted hotels to provide front-line services to asylum seekers waiting for their cases to be heard, he added.

Despite efforts to “stabilize” the number of asylum claimants, “these numbers aren’t going down drastically anytime soon,” Mr. Miller said….

Source: Ottawa considering buying hotels to house growing number of asylum seekers

FINLAYSON: Trudeau’s immigration policy supercharging housing demand

Yet more commentary on the link between immigration and housing, and the time lags involved in expanding the latter:

According to a recent Statistics Canada report, Canada’s population has just hit the level it was previously expected to reach in 2028. That startling finding underscores the extraordinary growth of the country’s population since the pandemic, driven by record inflows of permanent and “temporary” immigrants.

A rapidly expanding population can bring benefits, notably by stimulating overall economic activity and providing additional workers. But it’s not an alloyed good. The number of Canadian residents is increasing faster than economic output (gross domestic product), which has translated into an unprecedented series of per-person Gross Domestic Product declines over the last several quarters. Productivity is stagnant as newcomers struggle to find their way in the economy and job market. In addition, a significant share of new immigrants don’t seek or obtain employment, dampening immigration’s contribution to the growth of economic output.

Meanwhile, unusually brisk population growth is putting considerable strain on public services and infrastructure, in part because the federal government did essentially nothing to plan or prepare for the dramatic surge in immigration that its own policies sanctioned. The “downstream” challenge of managing the pressures flowing from turbo-charged immigration falls mainly to provinces and municipalities, not far away Ottawa.

All of this has implications for the hottest issue in Canadian politics today — housing affordability and supply. Like the rest of us, newcomers need a place to live. Immigration is the predominant source of incremental housing demand in much of the country, particularly big cities. Demand for housing also comes from the existing Canadian population, as young adults establish separate households, marriages dissolve, and people move to other communities or neighbourhoods for work, education or retirement.

Unfortunately, homebuilding has been running far behind what’s necessary to accommodate immigration, let alone meet the demand from household formation among current residents. In 1972, when the population stood at 22 million, roughly 220,000 new homes were added to the Canadian housing stock. In 2023, with a population of 40 million, housing starts were only a little higher than half a century ago.

This brings us to the Trudeau government’s multi-faceted housing plan, rolled out over the past year and finalized with great fanfare in the 2024 federal budget. The government has pledged to somehow build 3.9 million new homes by 2031 — just seven years from now. This is equivalent to 550,000 housing starts per year. It’s an aspirational target, but also a patently unrealistic one.

The federal government has little control over what happens in the towns, cities and provinces where most of the policy and regulatory decisions affecting homebuilding and community development are made. Moreover, the Canadian construction sector doesn’t have the spare human resources or organizational capacity to quickly double housing starts.

Even today, the construction sector’s “job vacancy rate” is higher than the all-industry average.

The year 2021 marked a record for Canadian housing starts at 270,000. Starts fell over 2022-23, amid higher interest rates.

This year, RBC Economics projects housing starts of 251,000, rising to 273,000 in 2025. To put it mildly, these figures are inconsistent with Ottawa’s ambitious plan to deliver 550,000 new homes per year.

We’ll likely see more and faster homebuilding over the next few years, as governments at all levels direct more money and

political attention to housing. But a doubling of housing starts simply won’t occur within the Trudeau government’s politically manufactured timeline. One thing seems certain — Canada’s housing “crisis” will continue to fester.

Jock Finlayson is a senior fellow at the Fraser Institute

Source: FINLAYSON: Trudeau’s immigration policy supercharging housing demand

Lederman: How attitudes to immigration have evolved in The Globe through the generations

Good historical overview, highlighting how the Globe overall reflected public attitudes of the time:

….As The Globe marks its 180th anniversary, questions around immigration continue to populate its pages. Who gets in, who doesn’t. On what criteria. Deafening in its absence for many years: discussion of who was displaced by settlers as Canada formed and evolved. From the Chinese head tax to Roxham Road, a trip through the pages of The Globe offers the real story in black and white. Canada – if it opened its gates at all – has often been inhospitable, even hostile, to newcomers….

Source: How attitudes to immigration have evolved in The Globe through the generations

Coyne: In a country where immigrants are the majority, anti-immigration politics are obsolete

Or counter productive. But still room for lots of debates and discussions over numbers of both permanent and temporary, priorities and programs and the like:

….Indeed, we are about to cross a significant threshold. As of the 2021 census, 23 per cent of Canadians were immigrants – a record. Add to that the 17.6 per cent of the population with at least one foreign-born parent, and more than 40 per cent of the population were either first- or second-generation immigrants.

That was three years ago – before the current great wave of immigration. By now that number must be at least 42 or 43 per cent. Add to that the 6.8 per cent of the population, as of April 1 of this year, made up of non-permanent residents, and we are very nearly at 50 per cent.

That proportion is only likely to grow. Two years ago – again, before the great wave – Statistics Canada projected first- and second-generation immigrants would make up 52.4 per cent of the population by 2041. But that was on the basis of a projected total population of 48 million. It is already at 41.4 million.

There is no going back from this. We have crossed the immigration Rubicon. It’s easier to campaign against immigration in a country with little experience of it. But in a country where immigrants, and their children, make up the majority? It is not going to happen.

Source: Opinion: In a country where immigrants are the majority, anti-immigration politics are obsolete

McGugan: Canada is a great place, with politicians who have a knack for bad decisions

More critical commentary, but leaves out the complicity of business associations, education institutions, provincial governments and others:

….The government’s incoherence on housing reflects its commitment to a similarly befuddled immigration agenda.

Mr. Trudeau supersized immigration after he became Prime Minister in 2015. Exactly why was never clear: Canada’s existing system admitted generous numbers of people, primarily on economic grounds, and was considered a model internationally.

Yet Mr. Trudeau ramped up the annual immigrant intake from a net total of roughly 200,000 people in 2015 to 300,000 by 2019 and more than 400,000 currently. Even more important, he allowed a vast expansion in the scale of programs that admit non-permanent residents – primarily international students and temporary workers – taking that category to more than 800,000 people this year.

The entirely predictable result of this population surge has been housing shortages and soaring rents. Ottawa is now moving to slash the number of non-permanent residents, but that will take time.

Perhaps the key question to ask is why nobody in Ottawa saw problems coming. It doesn’t take advanced economic modelling to suspect that the collision between a drum-tight housing market and an unprecedented surge of new residents would not turn out well.

On this Canada Day, we should ponder why our political class – federally and provincially, left and right – has developed such a knack for making unforced errors. Canada remains great. Sadly, its politicians aren’t.

Source: Canada is a great place, with politicians who have a knack for bad decisions

Current immigration levels could lead to ‘overreaction,’ Quebec premier says

Of note and legitimate concern even if coming from Premier Legault and his series of missteps:
Quebec Premier François Legault warned Friday there’s a risk of “overreaction” against newcomers if the province maintains its current immigration levels.Legault told reporters on the Gaspé Peninsula he doesn’t want to see Quebec end up like the United States or France, where the debate on immigration has fuelled extremist views. Recent statistics show there has been an increase of more than 300,000 non-permanent residents in Quebec in the last two years, a number Legault said is more than the province can accommodate.

“There’s a risk of reaction or overreaction in the face of impacts on services, on the French language, on housing,” he said. “We have to be balanced in how many immigrants we take in every year.”

Legault’s comments came in response to a question about whether he fears a “rise of the right” in Quebec and Canada. Concerns about immigration have fuelled the popularity of far-right parties in several European countries, including France, where the anti-immigration Rassemblement National is leading in polls heading into the first voting round in parliamentary elections this weekend.

In the United States, President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump clashed on immigration during a televised debate Thursday night, and the issue will probably be a flashpoint in the 2024 presidential election.

“What I hope is that we don’t end up in the same situation as the United States or France,” Legault said. “I think Quebecers have always been welcoming. But we can’t welcome 300,000 new people in two years. That’s too many.”…

Source: Current immigration levels could lead to ‘overreaction,’ Quebec premier says

MacDougall: As Canada ages, it risks losing the post-war consensus on immigration

While not much new here, nevertheless well stated:

It’s funny the things you notice when you come back to a place after having not been there for a while.

It’s been 11 years since I decamped for Britain, and every time I come back to Canada, whether that’s to Ottawa or the West Coast, where I’ll be next week, what I notice are the … parking lots.

There are parking lots everywhere in Canada. Little pocket lots in the downtown core. Bigger ones under some of the office buildings. And acres upon acres of them alongside the strip malls of suburbia.

Canada is a nation that grew and matured during the automobile age. London, where I live now, is a rail city, with its roads stretching back to horse and cart, if not Roman times. There’s no point driving in London when the train or tube can get you there quicker. Hence the lack of parking lots.

More to the point, even if you wanted to make London a car city you would struggle to do it. Its form is now baked into its current shape, cluttered, as it is, with a lot of old stone and jagged roads. Canada has far more room to manoeuvre.

At least, it did.

Many of Canada’s major urban centres are now groaning under the demands being placed on them. One way of reading this week’s shock byelection result in downtown Toronto is as a response to the Trudeau government’s somewhat intermittent concern with Canada’s Jewish citizens, many of whom live in Toronto-St. Paul’s. Another way to read it, however, is as an urban cri-de-coeur against liberal drug policies, expensive housing, and high immigration. Let’s hope the post-election tea leaves are being forensically examined.

All my life, Canada has, thankfully, been a welcoming place, a beacon for immigrants from around the world. A place where immigrant families could give their children a better life. The post-war Canada that welcomed them was a place with an identity; it wasn’t viewed as a hotel for the world, or some kind of post-national state. Everyone came to be a part of something.

I should say the Canada of my youth was a place of identities, plural. Sure, there is the persistent (but diminishing) need for Canadians to not be American. But the fundamental political tension in the country was between French and English. Now we barely mention it, with the tension coming from things like Chinese or Indian interference in our elections, such are the size of the Chinese and Indian diasporas. Ask a young adult in downtown Toronto what they think about Quebec and they’re likely to not have thought of it at all.

To say these arrivals and the diminution of separatism have been a boon to Canada is an understatement. But it’s not a one-way ratchet toward progress. Things can still become unstuck. Growing by more than a million people in a year, as Canada did in 2023, with 96 per cent of that coming from immigration, presents different challenges from the time when Sault Ste. Marie offered as much opportunity as downtown Toronto. There needs to be a different plan, because we’re not the same country our immigration system was modelled on.

As a result, the public’s support for immigration is falling. I can think of no bigger failure for a Canadian government than to lose the cross-party consensus on immigration. To preserve it, we’re going to need frank and respectful conversations, which is a big ask in the age of polarizing social media.

Justin Trudeau senses the malaise, which is why his government plans on reducing the number of temporary residents it accepts. But his government needs to push on and figure out a new model for integration and assimilation into our urban cores, one that involves a lot of building. Simply being Canada isn’t good enough any more. The times have changed. People will go elsewhere if they think they’ll get stuck, opportunity-wise, upon arrival.

It does no good to pave a paradise like Canada, if all you’re going to do is put up a parking lot.

Andrew MacDougall is a London-based communications consultant and ex-director of communications to former prime minister Stephen Harper.

Source: As Canada ages, it risks losing the post-war consensus on immigration | Opinion

David Polansky: Canadian citizenship is immensely valuable. Our political elites should act like it 

Overly general “lament for a nation” without any specifics in terms of levels, categories, permanent vs temporary etc. And is this only an issue of “elites” or is it broader given the number of diverse interests that had, until recently, been pushing or supportive of higher levels of immigration?

That being said, as many have noted and the government belatedly has acknowledged, current immigration levels, permanent and temporary, have been misguided and placed excessive pressures on housing, healthcare and infrastructure:

The recent revelations concerning foreign interference among Canada’s elected officials have hit like a bomb—at least among those media organs that could be bothered to report on it. It obviously raises critical concerns about national security, as well as questions about the legitimacy of any political party whose members are found to have been compromised.

But perhaps less obviously, it also raises fundamental questions about the value of Canadian citizenship. For, among much else, this foreign interference is an affront to the prerogatives of the citizenry—chiefly their rights and privileges to elect a government that answers to them and not to others.

More broadly still, however, public comments by the present leadership over the years have reflected a denigration of the meaning of citizenship. Between this and the emergence of diaspora politics as a significant phenomenon, one can see how foreign meddling—and potentially treason—might become normalized.

In light of these developments, it is worth reflecting on what Canadian citizenship means and what it might be worth—for not all the answers are intuitive. Fear not, this isn’t going to be a sentimental paean to maple syrup and portaging and flannel clothing. For, the real value is surprisingly material in nature.

Indeed, Canadian citizenship is an asset of extraordinary value. But it is systematically undervalued by Canada’s political elites, at least partly because they themselves, being economically privileged, hold other assets against it: liquidity, foreign property, often multiple passports, and so on. Consequently, they have been able to favour immigration policies that have diluted the value of citizenship (much as issuing new stock dilutes the ownership of existing shareholders), while at the same time insulating themselves from the downsides. They can retreat from overcrowded public spaces via their private cottages, they can avoid public school problems by paying for private schooling, they can pursue private medical options when ER delays in hospitals become interminable, and so on.

But for the average Canadian, the value of citizenship is historically tied to the possibility of a materially abundant life in a high-functioning country within the bounds of a more or less middle-class household income. The dwindling of this possibility is not just a story of economic mismanagement (though it is that too), but also a dilution of the worth of Canadian citizenship—an asset that ensured a high level of equality for as long as it held its value.

Let’s consider this more concretely. Canada is the world’s second-largest country, with approximately two percent of the earth’s surface. Much of it is inhospitable and unable to support large communities, but that still leaves a good deal of land area available relative to a (historically) small population. And yet over 80 percent of the country remains uninhabited. Much of the rest, however, is sublimely beautiful. Within 100 miles of the U.S. border, one can find an oceanic coastline, towering mountains, deep forests, crystalline lakes, sprawling prairies, and other manner of dramatic scenery that sounds like it came out of a travel guide.

Now, as the saying goes, you can’t put a price on beauty, but then one can readily consult the listings for waterfront properties around Muskoka or West Vancouver to at least get an approximation. Of course, for much of Canada’s modern history, going back to the 16th century, surviving a harsh landscape took priority. But for generations now, property ownership in one of the world’s most beautiful countries has been the patrimony for most of its citizens. Yes, some people always had more money than others and thus larger houses, nicer furnishings, and so on, but these advantages were more quantitative than qualitative.

In any case, home ownership as such was not seen as a luxury good, and even the post-1960s influx of new arrivals seemed only to contribute to the country’s economic growth without threatening to diminish the supply of housing stock, such was the capaciousness of Canada. And—equally important—such was the stringency of Canada’s immigration controls, ensuring that a high level of human capital was maintained across demographic changes in both ethnic composition and total numbers. This was particularly important in light of the generous benefits associated with Canada’s welfare state, including health care, maternity (later, parental) leave, unemployment insurance, and social security. For such a system to remain solvent, it was imperative to have an industrious and law-abiding population that consistently paid in more than it took out—especially in a country that was never as wealthy as its southern neighbour.

This represents more or less the truth of Machiavelli’s insight that liberality always depends upon parsimony. In Canada’s case, we would say that the liberality or generosity of its welfare state relied upon the parsimoniousness of its immigration regime. In a wide world of people who might wish to immigrate to Canada, only those expected to contribute to rather than draw on the public fisc were considered, and this approach held even as immigrant populations became increasingly multicultural and multiethnic (with the orientation of origin countries shifting southward and eastward over time).

And housing is only the most pressing of a host of issues impacted by the government’s lack of policy restraint. Canada maintains a primary system of public education from K-12, taxing its residents accordingly. The quality of that education and the nature of student experience is greatly impacted by externalities beyond the reach of any school board. The point is that what was once an assumed feature of life in a well-governed region or municipality (access to decent public education) emerges as a privilege under constrained conditions.

It is only under such conditions that one can understand citizenship as an asset in itself—one that has become depreciated through misguided public policies. And it is only in light of that depreciation that certain underlying inequalities are more starkly revealed. It is not that inequality didn’t previously exist, but as access to such schools and such neighbourhoods is placed under competitive pressure, the privileges that accrue to the rich—allowing them to retain such access under challenging conditions—become more salient as well.

And this dynamic goes both ways: just as the wealthiest Canadian can pay out of pocket for treatment at the Mayo Clinic rather than assume a spot on the interminable waiting list for surgery, so too well-heeled non-Canadians throughout the world have found in Canada, a stable country with an ever-rising real estate market, a congenial place to park their capital. In both cases, wealthy individuals are able to transcend national boundaries to their advantage; and in both cases, the average Canadian loses, priced out of the housing market and stuck relying on dwindling public services.

The fact that all those born in Canada enjoy the privileged status of citizenship—and it is a privilege, insofar as no one deserves to be born in one place over another—makes many uncomfortable. Downplaying its significance has lately become a habit to which elites especially are prone. Nonetheless, the government of Canada is obligated as a matter of legitimacy to uphold the rights and interests of actual Canadians over those of the rest of the human race. And doing so is in its way an egalitarian measure—for it ensures that the associated benefits are enjoyed by all of its citizens, not just the wealthiest. Some might still call this unfair, but it’s a lot fairer than the alternatives.

David Polansky is a Toronto-based writer and research fellow with the Institute for Peace & Diplomacy. His writing has appeared in the Globe and Mail, Washington Post, and Foreign Policy. Read him at strangefrequencies.co or find him on Twitter @polanskydj.

Source: David Polansky: Canadian citizenship is immensely valuable. Our political elites should act like it

Ottawa «resserre l’étau» pour les simples visiteurs qui demandent l’asile, dit Marc Miller 

Another overdue move:

Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC) « a pris plusieurs mesures pour resserrer l’étau à l’interne » face à une hausse des demandes d’asile faites par des ressortissants étrangers arrivés au pays avec des visas de visiteur, affirme le ministre Marc Miller, assurant que d’autres actions viendront.

« Il y a du travail, il y a un certain resserrement de l’étau à faire additionnels », a-t-il dit au cours d’une récente entrevue avec La Presse canadienne.

M. Miller a indiqué que le ministère dont il est responsable effectue déjà des ajustements en raison d’une « flambée » de cas où des visas « notamment de l’Inde ou du Bangladesh » ont été utilisés.

« Ce n’est pas la façon de faire si on prétend venir ici pour voyager ou peu importe la raison, donc il y a du travail à l’interne qui se fait à ce niveau-là », a lancé l’élu montréalais durant l’entretien accordé dans son bureau de la colline du Parlement.

De plus en plus de ressortissants étrangers réclament l’asile après avoir mis les pieds au Canada au moyen d’un visa de visiteur. Leur nombre mensuel a quintuplé d’avril 2023 à avril 2024, a rapporté le quotidien La Presse plus tôt ce mois-ci.

IRCC a fourni à La Presse canadienne des données montrant que le nombre de personnes détenant un « visa de résident temporaire » ou « visa de visiteur » et ayant demandé l’asile au Canada est effectivement passé de 1815 à 10 170.

Le ministère a précisé que, « au moment de la demande, tous les demandeurs de statut de résident temporaire doivent convaincre un agent qu’ils ont des liens suffisants avec leur pays d’origine, notamment en ce qui concerne leur situation familiale et économique, et qu’ils quitteront le Canada à l’expiration de leur statut ».

« Certains résidents temporaires viennent au Canada en tant que véritables visiteurs, étudiants ou travailleurs et choisissent ensuite de demander l’asile en raison de l’évolution de la situation dans leur pays d’origine », a-t-on ajouté.

Or, en parlant de l’afflux de demandeurs d’asile constaté depuis plusieurs années — peu importe la façon dont ils arrivent au Canada — le ministre Miller a soutenu que « ça ne peut pas continuer face au volume qu’on voit ».

Un nouveau comité a été créé pour se pencher sur cette tendance, de même que sur la répartition interprovinciale des demandeurs d’asile, et doit effectuer des travaux au courant de l’été.

Source: Ottawa «resserre l’étau» pour les simples visiteurs qui demandent l’asile, dit Marc Miller

Québec va accepter moins de demandes de réunification familiale

To note, likely will push more to other provinces:

Exhorté d’augmenter le nombre de personnes pouvant obtenir à terme la résidence permanente dans la catégorie du regroupement familial, Québec limitera plutôt en amont le nombre de demandes qu’il traite. Selon un décret publié dans La Gazette officielle, un maximum de 13 000 demandes de parrainage, reçues selon le principe du premier arrivé, premier servi, pourront être traitées au cours des deux prochaines années, soit environ deux fois moins que la moyenne annuelle de 2022 et 2023.

« Toutes les demandes reçues après l’atteinte du nombre maximal de demandes seront retournées […] sans que les frais d’examen ne soient encaissés », écrit sur son site le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI).

Cette décision survient alors que les gouvernements fédéral et provincial sont pressés de toutes parts, y compris à coups de poursuites judiciaires, de réduire les délais de traitement des dossiers — qui sont de 34 mois pour faire venir un époux au Québec, comparativement à 24 mois dans le reste du Canada — et de diminuer l’inventaire de 40 000 personnes en attente. Des avocats en immigration et des groupes de soutien aux familles dénoncent cette solution, qui ne fait que changer le problème de place.

« Une mesure comme ça, c’est loin d’aider les familles », déplore Laurianne Lachapelle, militante du groupe de soutien Québec réunifié qui a déposé il y a pratiquement deux ans déjà une demande pour parrainer son conjoint, qui est guatémaltèque. « Je trouve ça extrêmement désolant, alors qu’on essaie justement d’avoir la collaboration de la ministre [de l’Immigration du Québec], Christine Fréchette. »

D’abord déposées à Immigration Canada, les demandes sont ensuite soumises au MIFI, pour l’obtention du certificat de sélection du Québec (CSQ), avant de retourner dans la pile du gouvernement fédéral. Mme Lachapelle croit que le refus du MIFI de traiter des dossiers et d’octroyer des CSQ entraînera carrément la fermeture des dossiers par Ottawa. « Ça fait longtemps qu’on dénonce cette injustice dans une catégorie d’immigration humanitaire, et c’est de la mauvaise foi de faire une mesure qui va encore plus augmenter les délais. C’est déjà difficile d’être séparé d’un membre de sa famille pour un an, imaginez trois-quatre ans de plus. C’est ignoble. »…

Source: Québec va accepter moins de demandes de réunification familiale