La stratégie d’IRCC en matière d’IA réduit les immigrants à des points de données

All true, but not all that relevant as given the numbers some forms of AI have to be used to reduce or manage processing times:

…Une demande d’immigration ne se limite pas à un ensemble de formulaires, de documents et de points de données. Derrière chaque dossier se trouve une personne qui a consacré des années de travail, d’études, de revenus et d’espoir à se construire une vie au Canada. Les documents remis à IRCC racontent l’histoire de ces personnes : leur parcours professionnel, leur famille, leurs épreuves, leurs réussites et, souvent, les raisons qui les poussent à chercher un avenir ici.

Lorsque ces parcours sont de plus en plus filtrés par des systèmes automatisés, les personnes immigrantes risquent d’être perçues davantage comme des données que comme des êtres humains. Une efficacité accrue peut certes aider les gouvernements à gérer de grands volumes de demandes, mais elle ne saurait se substituer à leur compréhension.

En fin de compte, le problème ne réside pas simplement dans le fait que l’IA prenne ou non la décision définitive. Il s’agit plutôt de savoir si l’IA modifie la perception qu’a le décideur à l’égard d’un être humain avant même que sa décision ne soit prise.

Neslihan Sriram-Uzundal est doctorante au Département des sciences de l’éducation et chercheuse engagée à l’Université Concordia.

Source: La stratégie d’IRCC en matière d’IA réduit les immigrants à des points de données

… An immigration application is not limited to a set of forms, documents and data points. Behind each file is a person who has devoted years of work, education, income and hope to building a life in Canada. The documents given to IRCC tell the story of these people: their professional career, their family, their trials, their successes and, often, the reasons why they are looking for a future here.

When these paths are increasingly filtered by automated systems, immigrants are more likely to be perceived as data than human beings. Increased efficiency can certainly help governments handle large volumes of requests, but it cannot replace their understanding.

In the end, the problem is not simply whether or not the AI makes the final decision. Rather, it is a question of whether AI changes the decision-maker’s perception of a human being even before his decision is made.

Neslihan Sriram-Uzundal is a doctoral student in the Department of Educational Sciences and a researcher at Concordia University.

He’s been in Canada for 27 years. Now a former refugee faces deportation over trips back home

Well, if you have gone back repeatedly to your country of origin, hard to claim still being a refugee. Time should count less than behaviour:

…An obvious response is that permanent residence is not citizenship. Legally, that distinction matters. Permanent residence can be lost on statutory grounds that generally do not apply to Canadian citizenship.

Yet that does not make time irrelevant. One year of residence compared to 27 years of residence may be connected to the same immigration status, but they’re not socially or emotionally equivalent. Over decades, people become embedded in families, communities and workplaces in ways immigration categories alone cannot capture.

Slepcsik’s case is also striking because some of the conduct considered in the reavailment analysis involved family obligations. A journey undertaken to care for an injured sibling or attend a funeral can become part of the evidence considered under refugee law, while the person making that journey may understand it primarily as an obligation to someone they love.

Migration does not require people to stop caring about where they came from in order to become attached to somewhere new. People can sustain relationships and responsibilities across borders.

None of this means permanent residence should be treated as citizenship, or that the conditions attached to refugee protection should cease to matter with time. But when legal rules point one way and nearly 30 years of work, family and attachment point another, what weight should each carry?

Slepcsik’s case does not provide an easy answer. It asks something more basic: when immigration law decides whether someone may remain after decades of residence, how much should time count?

Source: He’s been in Canada for 27 years. Now a former refugee faces deportation over trips back home

Ottawa ends permanent residency exemption for refugees with undeclared family

Of note (H&C approval rates are about 50 percent according to latest public data):

…A department spokesperson said in an emailed response that affected people can now apply instead for an exemption on humanitarian or compassionate grounds. The spokesperson said this is an “appropriate” way to provide accommodations that ensures the integrity of the immigration system.

The policy was last extended in September 2023. A memo drafted for the immigration minister at the time said about 2,000 applications had been received and that there was “minimal risk” to program integrity. The memo reported a 90 per cent approval rate.

Most of the applications received over the first two years of the policy found family members were not declared “through no fault of the clients,” according to the memo.

Jamie Liew, a University of Ottawa law professor, co-authored a 2017 study on the gaps that existed before the exemption was created. She said the end of the policy came as a shock and she was under the impression it was working “pretty well.”

“Now, this avenue has been pulled. And it will leave a lot of families separated indefinitely and possibly permanently,” Liew said.

Liew said humanitarian and compassionate applications are not sufficient remedies because their estimated processing time currently stands at more than 10 years. 

“The wait period for these applications (is) unforgiving, and then the grant rates themselves are very low. Humanitarian and compassionate applications are not known for being very easy to get status with,” Liew said.

Sreenivasan said the Canadian Council for Refugees was informed of the policy’s end on Wednesday. The organization sent a letter to Immigration Minister Lena Diab Friday saying they are shocked and deeply dismayed by the lack of consultation.

Sreenivasan said she wants Diab to reconsider the decision, release information to show whether there were problems with the program, and launch consultations aimed at fixing any problems….

Source: Ottawa ends permanent residency exemption for refugees with undeclared family

PISA 2025 Results (Volume I) – Immigration Aspects

Most of the articles on the latest PISA have focussed, understandably, on on continuing decline in scores across most jurisdictions. This section contrasts immigrants and native-born, showing that immigrants outperform the native-born. Unfortunately, not able to access the relevant data tables:

A fair education system gives students with an immigrant background an equal opportunity to thrive at school and realise their full learning potential compared to those without an immigrant background. PISA defines immigrant students as students whose mother and father were both born in a country/economy other than that where the student took the PISA test. Non-immigrant students are students who have at least one parent born in the country of assessment. This section examines the extent to which the countries and economies that participated in PISA 2025 ensure that all students are on a level playing field, regardless of their background. 

Overall, the results presented in this chapter show that non-immigrant students tend to outperform immigrant students in all PISA subjects in many, though not all, countries and economies. However, this raw performance gap is rarely a function of immigrant status alone. Instead, these students often navigate intersecting layers of disadvantage (Bowleg, 2012[48]; Cerna et al., 2021[49]) In some countries and economies, students with an immigrant background are disproportionately likely to come from socio-economically disadvantaged families compared to non-immigrant students (OECD, 2023[3]). Furthermore, a significant proportion of these students face the additional challenge of navigating an education system in a language different from the one they speak at home, a challenge that is particularly acute for first-generation immigrants and for those who arrive to a new country/economy later on in their educational trajectories (OECD, 2023[3]).

Once socio-economic status and the language spoken at home are taken into account, the picture often changes. In many education systems, immigrant students actually outperform their non-immigrant peers, demonstrating remarkable academic resilience and a strong drive to succeed (Cerna et al., 2021[49]; OECD, 2023[3]). This reversal suggests that the educational vulnerabilities associated with an immigrant background are not inevitable, but are instead largely shaped by features of education systems, as well as linguistic barriers.

Moreover, several countries and economies combine a large share of students with an immigrant background (i.e. over 30% of students) with high average levels of performance (Australia, Canada*, Macao (China), New Zealand* and Singapore) (Tables I.B1.2d.1 and I.B1.2d.10). PISA results support the view that policies aimed at dismantling cultural and linguistic barriers – through targeted language support, intercultural education, and the promotion of inclusive school climates that value diversity – can improve the outcomes of immigrant students (Cerna et al., 2021[49]; OECD, 2023[3]; Tarozzi, 2012[50]). At the same time, these results should be interpreted in light of differences in immigrant student profiles across countries and economies. In some systems, immigration policies and selection mechanisms may shape the socio-economic background, language proficiency and other characteristics of immigrant populations, and may partly explain the positive outcomes observed among immigrant students.

Education systems around the world vary greatly in terms of how large their immigrant student population is (Table I.B1.2d.1). In almost half of the countries and economies in PISA 2025 (42 out of 87), the share of 15-year-old students with an immigrant background is small (less than 5%). But in 24 countries and economies, the share of immigrant students is higher than 15%; in 14 countries and economies it is higher than 25%; and in Luxembourg, Macao (China), Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, more than half of students have an immigrant background. On average across 29 OECD countries with available data, 18% of students have an immigrant background. The composition of immigrant student populations can also vary considerably within countries and economies, with students differing by country of origin, language spoken at home, socio-economic background, and cultural proximity to the host country. As a result, average outcomes for students with an immigrant background may mask important differences between immigrant sub-groups within the same education system.

Students with an immigrant background can be distinguished between first- and second-generation immigrants. First‑generation immigrants are students born outside the country of assessment and whose parents were also born outside the country of assessment. Second-generation students are students born in the country of assessment but whose parent(s) were born outside the country of assessment. The share of second-generation immigrants is 10% and the share of first-generation immigrants 8% on average across OECD countries in PISA 2025 (Table I.B1.2d.1).

These differences in the size and composition of immigrant student populations provide important context for interpreting performance gaps between immigrant and non-immigrant students across education systems.

Source: PISA 2025 Results (Volume I)

La chute du nombre d’étudiants internationaux se poursuit dans les universités québécoises

As designed and expected:

Le nombre d’étudiants internationaux continue de chuter dans plusieurs universités québécoises, montrent des données compilées par Le Devoir. Une situation qui compromet sérieusement les finances de certains établissements, dans les grands centres urbains comme en région, en plus de miner la recherche universitaire et l’avenir de certains programmes.

Sur la dizaine d’universités contactées, sept ont fourni au Devoir des données préliminaires qui confirment une baisse marquée du nombre d’étudiants internationaux entre leurs murs cet automne, par rapport à la même période l’an dernier. Celle-ci atteint notamment 12 % d’une année à l’autre à l’Université du Québec à Montréal, 25 % à l’Université de Sherbrooke et plus de 30 % à l’Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (UQTR). Une situation qui préoccupe le recteur de cette dernière, Christian Blanchette.

« C’est majeur », indique M. Blanchette, qui rappelle que cette baisse des inscriptions s’ajoute à celle, déjà marquée, notée l’an dernier. En somme, « la tendance se maintient », et « elle n’est pas bonne », poursuit celui qui est également président du conseil d’administration du Bureau de coopération interuniversitaire, qui regroupe les 18 universités québécoises.

Cette situation survient dans un contexte où les décisions politiques prises par Québec pour limiter l’accès à la résidence permanente aux étudiants internationaux ont fait chuter les demandes de permis d’études dans la province en deçà des plafonds établis par Québec et Ottawa….

Source: La chute du nombre d’étudiants internationaux se poursuit dans les universités québécoises

The number of international students continues to fall in several Quebec universities, according to data compiled by Le Devoir. A situation that seriously compromises the finances of certain institutions, in large urban centers as well as in the region, in addition to undermining university research and the future of certain programs.

Of the ten universities contacted, seven provided Le Devoir with preliminary data that confirm a sharp decline in the number of international students within their walls this fall, compared to the same period last year. This notably reaches 12% from one year to the next at the Université du Québec à Montréal, 25% at the Université de Sherbrooke and more than 30% at the Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (UQTR). A situation that worries the rector of the latter, Christian Blanchette.

“It’s major,” says Mr. Blanchette, who recalls that this decrease in registrations is in addition to the one, already marked, noted last year. In short, “the trend continues,” and “it is not good,” continues the one who is also chairman of the board of directors of the Interuniversity Cooperation Office, which brings together the 18 Quebec universities.

This situation comes in a context where the political decisions taken by Quebec City to limit access to permanent residence to international students have caused applications for study permits in the province to fall below the ceilings established by Quebec City and Ottawa….

StatsCan – Economic well-being among immigrant and Canadian-born families: The joint distribution of income and wealth

Encouraging that established immigrant families matched or exceeded the wealth of Canadian-born families, although it would be useful if this data was disaggregated by ethnic group or visible minority:

This study examines disparities in economic well-being among recent immigrant, established immigrant and Canadian-born families. Using pooled data from the Survey of Financial Security (2016, 2019 and 2023), families are classified across income and wealth quartiles to assess economic well-being. Across all income quartiles, recent immigrant families possessed less wealth than Canadian‑born families, with the wealth gap widening toward the top of the income distribution. While socioeconomic factors such as homeownership, having a private pension plan, inheritance and life-cycle stage explained wealth differences among families at the bottom of the income distribution, substantial gaps persisted at higher levels of income even after accounting for these factors. By contrast, established immigrant families matched or exceeded the wealth of Canadian‑born families across the income distribution, underscoring the importance of time in Canada and life‑cycle processes in wealth accumulation….

Source: Economic well-being among immigrant and Canadian-born families: The joint distribution of income and wealth

Nicolas | L’absurde mathématique des générations

Would have thought she would understand the practical reality of generation data in terms of understanding economic and social outcomes and how well different groups and generations are doing. Of course, in her case, as in others, it is not simple given mixed ancestries which of course, become more mixed over generations:

Il faut avouer que, quand le terme « immigrant de deuxième génération » a fait irruption dans la campagne électorale cette semaine, ça fut pour moi, et pour un grand nombre d’entre nous, une étrange expérience. Par « nous », je veux dire celles et ceux que les mots concernent au premier chef.

D’abord, il était fascinant de constater que le terme même — « immigrant de deuxième génération » — ne frappe pas le gros bon sens de tous comme un oxymore. Si je suis née à l’hôpital de Hull, comment puis-je être une immigrante ?

Ensuite, j’ai compris qu’un glissement de sens et de vocabulaire s’opère sans même que la plupart ne le remarquent. La nation serait-elle en train de faire évoluer ses mathématiques ? Parce que moi, qui suis née ici, j’ai pensé toute ma vie qu’une personne qui venait vivre ici était un immigrant qui devenait Québécois. Et, donc, un Québécois de première génération. Et que les enfants de cette première génération de Québécois étaient des Québécois de deuxième génération. Tout comme on peut être Québécois depuis cinq, sept ou douze générations.

Parler d’« immigrant de deuxième génération » (ou, pire, d’« immigré »), c’est un vocabulaire beaucoup plus répandu en France. À droite, voire à l’extrême droite, on nous parle d’« immigrés de troisième génération » pour éviter de nommer comme Français des gens dont la famille est venue en France, pour la plupart, plusieurs générations après que la France elle-même les eut envahis chez eux.

Vous savez, la France n’est pas forcément extraordinaire en tout. Nous sommes tout à fait libres de choisir judicieusement ce qui nous inspire dans ce pays. Tout comme on laisse les Français s’imaginer que le deuxième étage d’un immeuble est en fait le premier, je crois qu’on peut tout à fait les laisser compter à leur manière et garder la nôtre sur un ensemble d’aspects de la vie sans que ça pose problème.
”

Source: Nicolas | L’absurde mathématique des générations

It must be admitted that when the term “second-generation immigrant” broke into the election campaign this week, it was a strange experience for me, and for many of us. By “we”, I mean those whose words concern in the first place.

First, it was fascinating to see that the very term – “second-generation immigrant” – does not strike everyone’s common sense like an oxymoron. If I was born at Hull Hospital, how can I be an immigrant?

Then, I understood that a shift in meaning and vocabulary takes place without even most noticing it. Is the nation changing its mathematics? Because I, who was born here, thought all my life that a person who came to live here was an immigrant who was becoming Quebecer. And, therefore, a first-generation Quebecer. And that the children of this first generation of Quebecers were second-generation Quebecers. Just as you can be Quebecers for five, seven or twelve generations.

Talking about “second generation immigrant” (or, worse, “immigrant”) is a much more widespread vocabulary in France. On the right, or even on the extreme right, we are called “third-generation immigrants” to avoid naming as French people whose family came to France, for the most part, several generations after France itself had invaded them at home.

You know, France is not necessarily extraordinary in everything. We are completely free to choose wisely what inspires us in this country. Just as we let the French imagine that the second floor of a building is actually the first, I believe that we can completely let them count in their own way and keep ours on a set of aspects of life without it being a problem.

Saunders: Canada wants to be ambitious. That means getting immigration going again

Interesting emerging consensus and differences between Saunders, RBC and C.D. Howe Institute regarding permanent and temporary residents: with Saunders admitting to the excesses of past years but not going as far as aiming for about a one percent growth rate of permanent residents but implying a shift in balance to permanent residents compared to temporary and implicitly more TR2PR pathways. Would be helpful if his arguments were more specific with respect to numbers and it was the overall increase in numbers, particularly temporary, and their impact on housing, healthcare and infrastructure that undermined support for immigration:

…That can be achieved with a few small changes. As experts have recommended, the Express Entry system needs a category for people in secondary-school-only skilled trades, to account for 10 to 20 per cent of permanent immigrants. The points system needs to weigh more heavily toward foreign trade experience and non-degree credentials. Provinces should have authority over these less-skilled PR categories, to meet their specific economic needs. And permanent residence should be granted soon after arrival, not after years of ambiguous residence.

Removing the incentive to rely on temporary immigrants means raising the processing speed to a few months at most. This isn’t helped by the current reduction of 1,440 jobs in Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. Shifting the temporary-permanent balance will require more staff, although AI and other technologies can help.

It was long-term temporary status, not immigration itself, that put the system in crisis – a majority of our newcomers for two decades weren’t becoming Canadians. To avoid a repeat, we must adjust the system to make permanent family immigration the norm.

Source: Saunders: Canada wants to be ambitious. That means getting immigration going again

He passed three extensive security checks in Canada. Now, a fourth has stalled his citizenship for 18 months

…Immigration security screening has garnered growing public attention in the last few years as the number of immigration applications skyrocketed after the pandemic, leading to an explosion of files flagged for inadmissibility and security concerns.

While critics question whether the process is rigorous enough, advocates complain that it takes too long and is holding back the lives of migrants, whether they are here for asylum, to study or work, or in the process of becoming permanent residents or citizens….

According to CSIS, the number of immigration security screening requests it receives increased from 356,200 in 2019 to a peak of 538,100 in 2024, before it dropped to 438,600 last year after Ottawa reduced immigration intakes. The border agency said its current caseload includes 69,800 applications for temporary residence, 31,300 for permanent residence and 73,400 for refugee claims.

The Immigration Department estimated that it would take 64.8 months to complete all security screenings for permanent residence and 30.3 months for temporary residence, based on output and the number of cases in the system as of the end of November.

Toronto immigration lawyer Max Berger said the stakes are high in citizenship applications because once a person becomes a citizen, it’s difficult to strip it. However, he said the screening process has been plagued by a lack of resources and transparency, causing extensive delays and leaving people in uncertainty.

He said multiple security screenings are not necessary unless new information emerges that suggests a person was involved in nefarious activities in their home country that officials weren’t aware of before….

Source: He passed three extensive security checks in Canada. Now, a fourth has stalled his citizenship for 18 months

The private school market serving international secondary students in Ontario has grown

Relatively understudied compared to post-secondary, with a range from “puppy mills” to more established:

The private secondary education market for international students in Ontario is growing quickly, yet a lack of regulation raises concern about quality as well as children’s safety.

The number of private schools for international students in Ontario has increased by more than 265 per cent since 2017. 

At that time, research found only 48 private schools for international students. Our 2025 research documented 174 schools explicitly targeting international students in a larger dataset of 370 private secondary schools in Toronto.

While government policy and media critique has focused on international university students in Canada, secondary schools have attracted far less attention. 

Our recent research has found that the private secondary education market for international schools in Ontario is concerning. 

Drawing on a “netnography” approach — a qualitative methodology for adapting ethnography for the online world — we analyzed the 174 school websites, examining and coding data about how they market themselves to families from the Global South. 

Among the larger number of secondary schools in our study, we identified 138 as “schools of concern,” with regard to four themes: exploiting the notion of western superiority; selling the Canadian advantage; potentially over-promising students’ safety and care; as well as dubious-quality offerings.

Source: The private school market serving international secondary students in Ontario has grown