Globe editorial: Ottawa’s next immigration emergency [asylum claimants]

Similarly, a pattern in the Globe’s coverage of and commentary on immigration with the needed critical eye:

A pattern has emerged in Liberal immigration policy over the past year: Ignore mounting evidence of trouble, dismiss rumbles of criticism and, finally, take the smallest possible action to avert an all-out calamity.

There was abundant evidence for months that the pace of new arrivals, particularly temporary migrants, was putting unacceptable strain on housing in big cities and other social infrastructure. But it was not until November that the Trudeau government took the tentative step of tamping down the growth in permanent immigration – misleadingly referred to as “stabilizing” by the government. Even with the change, permanent immigration targets will rise this year and next, with an extra 55,000 people admitted over that two-year span.

Last week, there were half-measures to curb the eye-popping growth in the ranks of international students, with Immigration Minister Marc Miller announcing a two-year cap on international study visas. But that cap is being imposed with visas already at historically high levels.

…

In the first 11 months of last year, 128,690 people made asylum claims in Canada, more than double the number in the prepandemic year of 2019. Claims from Mexican nationals in 2023 accounted for 17 per cent of the total, nearly double their proportion in 2019….

source: Ottawa’s next immigration emergency

Jump in illegal crossings causes speculation amongst residents of Canada-U.S. border states [southbound]

Of note:

The number of apprehensions in the border sector that includes Vermont, New Hampshire and part of New York state rose to 6,925 last year from 1,065 the year before, according to figures from U.S. Customs and Border Protection. About half of these were Mexican nationals, with significant proportions from India and Venezuela as well.

The totals are still modest compared to those on the U.S. border with Mexico. The entire frontier with Canada saw fewer than 200,000 apprehensions last year, a little more than 6 per cent of the 3.2 million nationwide total.

But the increase has prompted Republican presidential candidate Nikki Haley to argue for building a wall on at least part of the Canada-U.S. border. Before quitting the race this month, Vivek Ramaswamy and Ron DeSantis also endorsed such a policy. New Hampshire Governor Chris Sununu announced a tenfold increase of state trooper patrols in the area.

Source: Jump in illegal crossings causes speculation amongst residents of Canada-U.S. border states

Des immigrantes enfermées à double tour dans la violence conjugale

A noter, probablement le meme chose d’ailleurs au Canada:

Les immigrantes sont surreprésentées dans les maisons d’hébergement, au point qu’elles y forment une majorité dans la région de Montréal. Les acteurs de terrain constatent non seulement que le phénomène est en augmentation, mais aussi que les femmes ont des statuts de plus en plus fragiles.

Une dizaine d’immigrantes victimes de violence ont témoigné au Devoir dans les derniers mois. La plupart ont demandé d’être présentées sous des prénoms d’emprunt pour des raisons de sécurité dans cette enquête. C’est Caroline, venue avec un permis de travail lié à son conjoint étudiant. Ou Mélissa et Sofia, mariées dans leur pays d’origine à un homme déjà installé ici et dont le parrainage a été retiré une fois la violence dénoncée. C’est Ivonne Fuentes, parrainée par un Québécois en région.

Ce sont deux femmes à qui un conjoint avait promis un parrainage jamais déposé, et qui se sont retrouvées sans statut avec un nouveau-né. C’est une réfugiée mariée ici qui craint son ex-conjoint et l’exclusion de sa communauté d’attache. C’est Silvia, tombée enceinte alors qu’elle n’avait qu’un visa de touriste et qui a vécu deux ans et demi sans statut avec son autre petite fille. D’autres, aussi, déjà résidentes permanentes, mais convaincues que leur conjoint ou la police avaient le pouvoir de les expulser si elles portaient plainte, comme Lucienne.

Les trois associations de maisons d’hébergement pour victimes de violence conjugale du Québec sont sans équivoque : la proportion des femmes nées à l’extérieur du Canada hébergées dépasse nettement leur poids dans la population en général.

Dans les 46 établissements membres du Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale, elles représentaient 69 % des femmes dans la région de Montréal et 51 % à Laval. Dans la région de la Capitale-Nationale, elles étaient 27 %, ce qui dépasse donc largement la proportion d’immigrants de 6,7 % dans la population générale.

La moyenne générale à l’échelle de la province était de 19 % l’an dernier au Regroupement, et de 26 % dans les maisons d’urgence de la Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes (FMHF).

Quant à l’Alliance des maisons d’hébergement de deuxième étape pour femmes et enfants victimes de violence conjugale (Alliance MH2), les immigrantes y ont représenté l’année dernière les trois quarts des femmes hébergées à Montréal et le tiers de celles hors métropole. La « deuxième étape » désigne l’accès à un appartement et à des services pour une durée plus longue après un logement d’urgence de quelques mois. En moyenne, dans leurs 18 maisons présentement en fonction sur tout le territoire, c’était près de la moitié des femmes hébergées qui étaient nées à l’extérieur du Canada.

Nous avons aussi parlé au cours des derniers mois à une trentaine d’autres personnes liées au milieu de la violence conjugale. Intervenantes en maison d’hébergement, travailleuses sociales, spécialistes de l’accueil des immigrants, policières, avocates et une infirmière : toutes ont dû s’adapter à cette nouvelle réalité, souvent avec des ressources insuffisantes, des programmes inadéquats et des lois qui ne la prennent pas en compte.

Plus précaires

Ce qui inquiète encore davantage les maisons d’hébergement est que les statuts précaires sont de plus en plus courants.

Demandeuse d’asile, étudiante étrangère, travailleuse, femme parrainée par son conjoint : environ une femme sur dix en hébergement n’a pas de statut permanent, selon les regroupements consultés et le dernier diagnostic de Statistique Canada. C’est plus de trois fois la proportion des femmes temporaires dans la population en général.

« La ligne est mince pour ces femmes-là de tomber sans statut », observe Katia Jean Louis, agente de liaison à la Maison pour femmes immigrantes de Québec.

Ces femmes détenant un visa temporaire font souvent passer le maintien de leur statut avant leur santé ou leur intégrité physique. Celle qui a demandé à se faire appeler Caroline* tenait par exemple avant tout à conserver son emploi, si difficilement trouvé : « Je restais tétanisée, je faisais de mon mieux pour protéger mon visage. Je ne voulais pas que cela se sache à mon travail », dit-elle après avoir décrit trois moments où son ex-mari lui a donné des coups.

« Je voulais pouvoir faire un permis de travail. […] C’était devenu invivable dans la maison, mais je suis restée quand même », raconte-t-elle, étant donné que son permis était lié à celui de son mari.

Temporaires ou permanentes, « le point commun de toutes les femmes immigrantes, c’est vraiment la peur. Car c’est ce qui est inculqué par la personne violente : “Tu vas être expulsée dans ton pays, tu ne peux rien faire, tu n’as pas de droit ici” », expose Mayranie Lacasse, coordonnatrice de l’Inter-Val 1175.

Les femmes qui nous ont raconté leur histoire n’ont pas toutes séjourné en maison d’hébergement après avoir quitté leur partenaire violent. Mais toutes l’ont dit et répété à leur manière : l’immigration les a rendues plus vulnérables à la violence conjugale. Même pour Lucienne, arrivée du Cameroun au Québec depuis 2011, dont l’ex-mari lui disait qu’il avait le pouvoir de l’expulser du pays, puisqu’il l’y « avait fait venir ».

Au-delà des préjugés

« Je peux vous dire que le processus d’immigration en soi, c’est stressant, indépendamment de la violence conjugale. Donc, une femme qui est dans ce processus-là se retrouve […] dans une situation de double vulnérabilité par rapport à la violence conjugale », observe notamment Mme Jean Louis.

Ce n’est pas à cause de leur personnalité ni de leur culture que ces femmes sont plus vulnérables, soulignent des chercheuses et des intervenantes. L’immigration et tout ce qui l’encadre ici au Canada créent des « contextes de vulnérabilité », explique la chercheuse Sastal Castro-Zavala, professeure de travail social à l’Université du Québec à Rimouski (UQAR).

Certains contextes « peuvent favoriser la domination, la prise de pouvoir et les oppressions, et donc rendre plus facilement vulnérable à cette violence-là », explique-t-elle. Elle donne l’exemple du parrainage, qui « crée des inégalités à l’intérieur d’un couple », notamment à cause d’une « dépendance » accrue et presque totale au conjoint qui contrôle les démarches d’immigration.

C’est ce qui est arrivé à Mélissa, une femme du Maghreb, qui raconte qu’elle ne savait pas comment prendre l’autobus même après plusieurs mois passés ici. « J’ai voyagé, j’ai étudié à l’université, j’avais mon côté indépendant. Mais en arrivant ici au Canada, un pays de droit avec un mari pareil, j’étais en prison », expose-t-elle.

« L’immigration, beaucoup font le mélange avec culture. On dit : “Ah ! les femmes immigrantes, [leur] culture est violente.” Il faut faire attention parce que beaucoup de femmes immigrantes se trouvent dans un contexte de vulnérabilité. Elles ne se séparent pas, [ce n’est pas] pour une question culturelle, mais pour une question structurelle » expose Mme Castro-Zavala.

Cet amalgame a la vie dure et il est parfois un « éléphant dans la pièce » : comment aborder le fait que les immigrantes sont surreprésentées dans les maisons d’hébergement sans alimenter les préjugés envers certaines cultures ?

Les femmes nées ici « ont peut-être d’autres réseaux que les maisons d’hébergement », dit Maud Pontel, coordonnatrice générale de l’Alliance MH2. Elles ont notamment plus souvent « des capacités financières pour, par exemple, déménager ou peut-être de la famille chez qui elles peuvent aller habiter ».

Ne plus se taire

Il ne faut pas non plus ignorer le poids et l’influence de la famille restée au pays : « Il arrive qu’une femme vienne nous voir et, pendant qu’elle nous parle, son téléphone ne fait que sonner, la famille l’appelle sans arrêt », raconte Rose Ndjel, directrice d’Afrique au féminin. Ce centre de femmes du quartier Parc-Extension reçoit trois ou quatre femmes par semaine, évalue-t-elle, qui sont victimes de violence, que ce soit pour leurs besoins alimentaires, d’intervention ou de référence.

« Ça arrive que, quand la femme fait valoir ses droits dans la maison, elle devient désobéissante aux yeux du mari », constate-t-elle. Il est arrivé que des hommes « viennent jeter les valises des femmes devant le centre », rapporte Mme Ndjel. Mais pour elle, ces femmes entament leur propre prise de parole, après des années du mouvement #MoiAussi. Dans une marche organisée à la fin octobre 2023, elle les y encourage : « Si vous voulez parler fort, allez-y ! »

Devant les besoins de plus en plus criants, l’organisme communautaire a fait des demandes pour créer La Maison Augustine, une maison d’hébergement spécialisée dans les contextes d’immigration.

Une ressource pionnière de ce type, Le Bouclier d’Athéna, constate que, malgré certaines améliorations, les besoins de ces femmes tardent à être pris en charge : « Nous avons vu beaucoup de femmes qui, malheureusement, ne peuvent pas être traitées dans le réseau des services sociaux existants ; 80 % de tous nos cas nous viennent du réseau de services existants. Ce sont les autres maisons d’hébergement, les CAVAC, la DPJ, les hôpitaux, etc. », dit Melpa Kamateros, la directrice générale de l’organisation.

Pour celle qui y travaille depuis plus de 30 ans, « il n’y a pas le même filet de sécurité », surtout pour celles qui ne parlent pas le français ni l’anglais. Elle reste tout de même optimiste, souvent encore étonnée de la force de ces femmes : « Dès qu’elles prennent les renseignements, elles sont prêtes à partir. Elles sont prêtes à prendre leur vie en main. »

Source: Des immigrantes enfermées à double tour dans la violence conjugale

Regg Cohn: Blame Doug Ford for turning a blind eye to student immigration abuses

Reminder of the Ontario government’s role in exacerbating the problems:

….

There’s plenty of blame to go around — federal and provincial, Liberal and Tory, public and private, educators and entrepreneurs.

What makes Poilievre’s public musings so amusing — or laughably unserious — is his political gamesmanship about all those gaming the system. The Conservative leader stressed that visa seekers “are not to blame for (Miller)’s incompetence.”

By posing so earnestly as a protector of foreigners, Poilievre is being too clever by half. While some innocent foreigners might be misled by middlemen, many other migrants know precisely what they’re up to by leveraging student visas to get a job, not an education.

Let’s not insult the intelligence of voters or visa holders about motives. Any approval process based on rules and regulations is open to manipulation — not least an immigration, accreditation and visa system anchored in an overcomplicated federal-provincial framework of overlapping jurisdictions where people fall through the cracks (and seek cover).

Post-pandemic, all that pent-up demand for catch-up visas led everyone to lower their guard, not least the previous immigration minister, Sean Fraser. As his successor, Miller repurposed the term “puppy mills” to describe the fly-by-night immigration and education workers that operate “on top of a massage parlour.”

Henceforth, each province will be assigned work permits in proportion to its population. Ontario will be especially hard hit, as it already fills 51 per cent of them with less than 39 per cent of the population.

The problem has been a long time in the making, but the Ford government had eyes only for traditional puppy mills — the ones that breed puppies — when it announced a crackdown last month: The Preventing Unethical Puppy Sales Act, or PUPS Act, will impose a minimum fine of $10,000 for breeders in the business of abusing animals when it is debated in the legislature next month.

But there’s been no similar alarm or alacrity so far from Ford’s Tories when it comes to outfits that exploit foreigners and dupe our own governments.

While Quebec and B.C. have gotten out ahead of the student visa issue, Ontario allowed problems to fester. On Ford’s watch, an entire industry has arisen — an education-immigration complex akin to the old military-industrial complex that raised alarm bells in America decades ago.

There was easy money — lots of it — to be made off of affluent foreign students, and Canadian universities or colleges understandably wanted a piece of the action. But you can have too much of a good thing when a surge of overseas students overwhelms classrooms, campuses, communities, housing and job markets.

A few universities and most colleges got greedy — counting on high-fee foreign students for one-third or even one-half of their tuition revenues. Meanwhile, Ontario’s Progressive Conservative government got stingy.

Five years ago, Ford’s Tories announced a 10 per cent cut in tuition for domestic students, and have kept them in the deep freeze ever since, while keeping overall subsidies unchanged even as more local students showed up in class. No wonder so many public colleges responded to those foregone revenues by counting on foreign students to make up the difference — leaving them vulnerable to precisely the kind of crackdown coming from Ottawa.

…We set targets, see trends, change course and plug the gaps. This is a country that will always need immigrants, always look after refugees, always benefit from foreign students, always need to learn from its mistakes — federal but also provincial and, yes, institutional — without pressing buttons or yanking chains.

Source: Blame Doug Ford for turning a blind eye to student immigration abuses

Ottawa to ensure international student cap doesn’t target francophones

On the one hand, the feds have correctly made the provinces responsible for study permit allocations by institution, but on the other….

Immigration Minister Marc Miller is preparing measures to ensure that the federal government’s new cap on international student visas does not lead to a sharp drop in the number of francophones studying in Canada.

…Mr. Miller announced the cap earlier this week, saying there would be “no further growth” in the number of international students in the country for the next two years. This would mean cutting the number of new permits issued this year by about 35 per cent, compared to 2023.

…

But the minister’s office said Thursday that he is concerned the cap could lead English-speaking provinces to target francophone institutions, resulting in a disproportionate reduction in the number of French-speaking students in Canada, including those from African countries, such as Côte d’Ivoire.

One option the government is considering is the creation of a separate visa stream for francophone students….

Source: Ottawa to ensure international student cap doesn’t target francophones

Germany: Would-be migrant workers worried by growing racism

Of note:

When German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Labor Minister Hubertus Heil turned up at the Vietnamese-German University (VGU) in Ho Chi Minh City, they were caught by surprise: Screaming students greeted them like rock stars.

Some of those students will go on to work for German companies.

Further acclaim awaited the German political VIPs at the Goethe Institute in Hanoi, where about 6,000 young Vietnamese people per year learn the German language. Seven times that number register for language tests that qualify them for professional training or study in Germany.

At the end of 2023, Germany began implementing its new Skilled Immigration Act, using a point system to lower the obstacles facing skilled workers who want to move to the country.

Since then, high-ranking German politicians have stepped up efforts to woo skilled workers in other countries: Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock was recently in the Philippines, for instance, and Development Aid Minister Svenja Schulze is in Morocco. In Vietnam, Steinmeier and Heil signed a memorandum of understanding that improves the regulation of labor immigration to Germany.

Vietnam steps in to help

In communist Vietnam, there is significant interest in working in Germany — where the Vietnamese diaspora has grown to more than 200,000 people. Vietnam is a young country demographically speaking and is thus less threatened by the kind of “brain drain” that affects many other nations. Vietnam’s leadership was also very interested in finding a joint agreement on improving control of labor migration to Germany by its nationals.

The Goethe Institute is important in this regard. For example, it is there that Phuong Phan, 22, is receiving the language training she needs to later work in the hotel and gastronomy industry in Thuringia. The eastern German state is among the first to have signed bilateral contracts with Vietnam.

Phuong Phan said she hopes her training in Thuringia will give her a “practical apprenticeship” while aiding her personal development. Her parents support her in the endeavor, and she combs the internet daily for information on “lovely Germany.”

Recently, however, she came upon something that was not so lovely: reports detailing the xenophobia that is sometimes encountered in Germany, particularly in the east. She does not want to talk about it in her conversation with DW but says the topic has also been dealt with in her language courses.

“Yes, we are watching developments. And gradually, we are starting to have reservations as we take on responsibility for these young people, with regard to their parents as well,” says Nguyen Thi Thanh Tam, a placement officer for Thuringia.

She is currently training another group of young Vietnamese in Hanoi and confirms that the topic of “racism in Germany” has been clearly discussed in recent lessons.

“We want the students to be prepared for unpleasant situations in this regard in Germany,” she says.

400,000 skilled workers needed annually

According to Germany’s Federal Employment Agency (BA), the country has 1.73 million vacant jobs.

Unlike Germany’s campaign to find workers 60 years ago, today’s efforts are not focused on industrial laborers but on highly qualified professionals and people with service-sector experience.

Back then, just under 300,000 people came each year. Today, studies say Germany needs around 400,000 a year.

Recently, Labor Minister Heil traveled to Brazil, India and Kenya to promote Germany as a work destination, and now he’s in Vietnam. “We have improved the conditions with the Skilled Immigration Act; now it’s down to putting things into practice,” he told DW in Hanoi.

Poor coordination

Officially, the Interior Ministry oversees the immigration of skilled foreign workers. But in practice, the responsibilities in this area overlap. One example is the some 350,000 asylum-seekers in Germany, who, if they are rejected, are not integrated into the labor market and many of whom have to leave the country.

More than 17% of people who applied for German asylum in 2023 are now Turks — mostly young, well-educated, liberal-thinking people who wanted to escape from President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s regime. But only one in 10 Turkish asylum-seeks receives protection in Germany. And, at the moment, instead of permitting the rest an opportunity to look for work, Germany orders them to leave the country.

The Foreign Office, on the other hand, is known for its lengthy procedures to obtain a visa — something that also deters skilled workers. The Economy and Labor ministries and the Employment Agency also bear responsibilities, in addition to organizations such as the GIZ development agency and various foundations.

Many companies have their own recruitment and training programs because the bureaucracy prevalent in the public sector is too slow to meet their hiring needs.  Toan Nguyen, the managing director of the TY Academy, which acts as an agency for caregivers who want to go to Germany, complains that there are “too many people to go through and still a lot of obstacles to having qualifications recognized.”

Human trafficking another problem

This makes things difficult for interested skilled workers — and easy for dubious agencies and human traffickers. In Southeast Asia, women are the main prey of the latter, being smuggled into Germany and ending up in low-wage employment or even brothels.

“We must use legal immigration to suppress this practice,” Steinmeier said in Vietnam. The bilateral agreement that has just been signed is meant to provide trustworthy advice about fair working conditions and reputable employment agencies, as well as regular roundtables on work migration involving specialists from both countries.

Germany’s new citizenship law, however, makes the country more attractive to potential immigrants. “In comparison with Japan, where many Vietnamese also migrate but are allowed to work only temporarily, Germany now offers a longer-term perspective,” says Viet Huong Nguyen from the TY Academy.

Xenophobia a deterrent

In light of these positive developments for labor migration, current reports about racist groups in Germany are all the more disturbing.

Labor Minister Heil told DW that no one had spoken to him directly about the issue but that action needed to be taken before it was too late.

“We have to make it clear in Germany that we cannot maintain our prosperity without labor from abroad,” he said.

Vietnamese already living in Germany are also worried. One of them is Huong Trute, whom President Steinmeier invited to accompany him on his Vietnam trip. She has lived in Germany for 40 years and works in the gastronomy sector.

She says she has recently had to answer more and more questions from worried compatriots in Vietnam. After seeing how another group was being prepared for jobs in Thuringian hotels and restaurants at the Goethe Institute, she said: “Honestly? If I had the chance to take these young peopole somewhere else, I would do it.”

She says the developments in Thuringia are coming to a head, and that frightens her.

Source: Germany: Would-be migrant workers worried by growing racism

Randall Denley: Ontario is not prepared for a cap on international students

Nails it:

The federal government’s decision this week to substantially reduce the number of foreign student visas is the right thing to do, but it undermines the finances of Ontario’s colleges and universities and will hamper their ability to serve the province’s students.

Making Ontario’s post-secondary sector significantly reliant on foreign student tuition was an unsustainable, unwise decision that was sure to end badly. Now it has, and Premier Doug Ford’s government seems unready to respond.

It’s not like federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller’s move to cut the country’s foreign student visas from 600,000 to 360,000 came out of the blue. The government has been telegraphing it for months.

That wasn’t the first warning the Ford government had. Ontario’s auditor general criticized overreliance on international tuition in both 2021 and 2022. Late last year, an expert panel appointed by the Ford government warned that “Many colleges and universities have passed the point where they could survive financially with only domestic students.”

So far, all the Ford government has done is repeat a second-rate federal Liberal talking point about cracking down on “bad actors,” those being strip mall campuses that licence the curriculum of public community colleges. All with the full knowledge of the provincial government, of course.

There are three bad actors in this story, but none of them operate out of a strip mall.

First, the federal government. It turned foreign student training into a back door immigration system with no limits. Students could work for three years while they studied, then for two or three additional years after that. In all, there are about one million students here on visas now. Only belatedly has the federal government come to admit that flooding the country with unofficial immigrants might contribute to Canada’s housing shortage.

The surge of foreign students worked remarkably well for the Ontario government. Foreign students pay absurd tuitions, as much as $14,300 a year for a college student and $46,443 a year for a university student. According to the Ontario AG, foreign students accounted for 45 per cent of university tuition revenue and 68 per cent of college tuition fees.

The influx of foreign student money papered over the government’s own neglect of the post-secondary sector. In 2019, Ford cut tuition, then froze it. The government’s direct support for the sector has been meagre. The province’s funding per university student is only 57 per cent of what the rest of the country spends, and it’s even worse for college students at 44 per cent.

Finally, there are the universities and colleges themselves. They have overcome inadequate tuition and government funding by milking foreign students for all they are worth, becoming dependent on their tuition fees in the process.

The absurdity of the situation was illustrated earlier this month when international students at Algoma University’s Brampton campus conducted protests after receiving failing marks. One student got right to the heart of the transaction with a sign saying “CAD 26000 are not enough?” One of his compatriots missed the point altogether with his sign, which read “Education is not for sale.” Of course it is, and these students have the receipts to prove it. The university, an obscure Sudbury institution that has set up shop in Brampton to grab some cash, fixed the issue by putting the students’ marks on a bell curve. Smart move. In 2021-22, the Brampton campus generated 65 per cent of the university’s revenue. You have to keep the customers happy.

Unfortunately for the Ford government, the years of pretending none of this was happening are coming to an end. The federal government hasn’t shut off the student tap entirely, but it’s time for Ontario to figure out how to pay for universities and colleges without an ever-increasing flow of foreign student tuition.

The first challenge will be distributing visa quotas, something the province has not done previously. The new visas are based on population, implying that Ontario might get about 130,000 study visas compared to 300,000 in 2023.

Private colleges that were given a veneer of credibility by licensing curriculum from real community colleges should be cut off. Colleges overall will require a significant trim and a return to their mandate of job training for people in their own communities. They can afford it, for now. Foreign student training has been lucrative. In 2022, all but one Ontario college posted a surplus, with the average being $27 million across the system.

Universities are in a different situation. The Council of Ontario Universities says at least 10 Ontario universities are forecasting deficits this year, amounting to $175 million. Next year, the total is expected to be $273 million. A reduction in foreign student tuition will exacerbate that.

This is all a worrisome situation for Ontario students and their parents. The Ford government needs to put a credible fix in place, quickly.

Randall Denley is an Ottawa journalist, author and former Ontario PC candidate. Contact him at randalldenley1@gmail.com

Source: Randall Denley: Ontario is not prepared for a cap on international students

French Constitutional Council rejects large parts of controversial immigration law – Le Monde

Good summary:

France’s highest constitutional authority rejected more than a third of articles in a contentious immigration bill adopted under pressure from the right, in a decision issued on on Thursday, January 25. The Constitutional Council ruling notably rejected measures toughening access to social benefits and family reunification, as well as the introduction of immigration quotas set by Parliament.

The Council partially or totally rejected 32 articles out of 86 on procedural grounds – ruling that the amendments adopted by Parliament were unrelated to the government’s bill, or “legislative cavaliers.” A further three articles were rejected on the grounds that they were unconstitutional themselves.

The scrapped measures include restrictions to family reunification, access to certain social benefits for non-EU citizens, and the automatic obtention of French citizenship for people who were born and grew up in France. The Council also rejected articles pertaining to student visas and special visas issued for health reasons.

After the Council’s decision, Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin said the Constitutional Council had “validated the whole of the government’s text,” noting that most of the failed measures were rejected for procedural reasons.

The chairman of the far-right Rassemblement National party, Jordan Bardella, denounced, as expected, a “power grab by the judges, with the support of the president [Emmanuel Macron].” He added: “The only solution is a referendum on immigration.” Eric Ciotti, the leader of the right-wing Les Républicains opposition party which struck a deal with the government to pass a hardened version of the bill, said the Council had “judged based on politics rather than on law.” He called for a constitutional reform.

‘Ideological victory’

The nine members of the Council had been asked to rule on whether the highly divisive text, which caused splits inside President Emmanuel Macron’s coalition, was in conformity with the Constitution. Darmanin, who championed the bill, had admitted that several provisions were “manifestly and clearly contrary to the Constitution.”

Some political observers accused Macron of seeking to pass the buck onto the Constitutional Council. The Constitutional Council registered its displeasure, its president Laurent Fabius declaring it is not “a chamber of appeal against the choices made by Parliament.

Macron also defended the legislation, saying it was needed to reduce illegal immigration but also to facilitate the integration of documented arrivals. On December 20, the day after the vote, the head of state declared that it was “the shield we were missing.” He rejected the idea that the law would enshrine a “national preference” demanded by the RN. But Marine Le Pen claimed it was an “ideological victory.”

Dozens of NGOs slammed what they described as potentially the “most regressive” immigration law in decades. Trade unions and associations called for fresh protests on Thursday, after tens of thousands of people took to the streets across the country at the weekend.

Source: French Constitutional Council rejects large parts of controversial immigration law – Le Monde

Prousky: Beyond international students: The other problem with Canada’s private education industry

Yet another crack in international and domestic students:

…It’s not that hard for Canadian high-school students to buy their seats in the country’s most coveted university programs. For a few thousand dollars, students can enroll at private credit-granting “schools” – usually in strip malls – where they’re almost guaranteed top marks. What these students pay in fees, they can often recoup in scholarship money.

…

The whole thing bears a striking resemblance to the issue of pay-for-citizenship private colleges. At some of these institutions, as many as 90 per cent of students are “no shows,” and in all likelihood are just paying the college for the visa and work permit it affords them. Morally, it’s no different than a domestic student who buys a grade they don’t deserve.

Clearly something beyond a cap on student visas needs to be done to restore the country’s meritocratic values. Shoddy private schools need to be held accountable, regardless of whether they target international or domestic, or high-school or college students.

The problem is, there doesn’t appear to be much data on these private schools, and any available data is wanting. At a minimum, provinces would need to know the acceptance, enrolment, graduation and employment rates at each of these schools. Ontario purports to make this data available, but it’s chock full of missing fields.

There are thousands of these private secondary schools across the country, but do the provinces know how many students attend them and on average how inflated their grades are? If they do, they aren’t sharing this information with universities, and despite auditing these private schools, rarely if ever shut them down.

Some universities have taken matters into their own hands. The University of Waterloo in Southwestern Ontario made headlines in 2018 for its “secret list” of high schools for which they adjust applicants’ grades. But if this effort is going to bring about meaningful change, it requires provincewide co-operation.

Jonah Prousky is a management consultant and freelance writer who focuses on business, technology and society.

Source: Beyond international students: The other problem with Canada’s private education industry

‘Total chaos for students’: Canada’s international student restrictions slammed by Colleges Ontario

Willful blindness? Should have seen this coming:

Calling the federal government’s new restrictions on international students “a moratorium by stealth,” Ontario public colleges are warning that many thousands of students will soon be left in limbo, their hopes on hold.

The public statement released Thursday by Colleges Ontario, which represents the province’s 24 taxpayer-funded colleges, is the most critical response yet from the post-secondary education sector to changes announced this week by Immigration Minister Marc Miller to rein in a system that he’s previously said had “lost its integrity.”

“The decision has been rushed, resulting in a confusing and damaging early rollout. We urge the federal government to immediately engage with us and our provincial government in a meaningful conversation about the material impacts on students and Canada’s reputation,” said the four-page statement.

“Ontario’s public colleges are very concerned about the attacks on a high-performing, efficient public college system — impacting our reputation with potentially long-lasting negative repercussions.”

Public colleges in Ontario, which have seen an exponential growth of international enrolments over the past few years, had kept silent since October, when Miller started rolling out a series of changes to the international student program in response to public pushback about high levels of immigration and criticisms of its impact on affordable housing.

In December, a new system was put in place to authenticate schools’ letters of admission, followed by a doubling the cost-of-living financial requirement for study permit applicants on Jan. 1 to $20,635, in addition to their first year of tuition and travel costs.

Miller’s reforms

On Monday, after weeks of floating the idea of capping the number of international students in Canada, Miller imposed a two-year cap on new study permits issued in 2024, with an aim of reducing the number issued by 35 per cent from 2023’s level, to 364,000. The cap, however, won’t apply to students for master’s and doctoral programs or in elementary and secondary schools; the intake level will be reassessed in 2025.

Source: ‘Total chaos for students’: Canada’s international student restrictions slammed by Colleges Ontario