Professional and Non Partisan Thoughts on Renewing the Public Service: What Government Can Learn From Amazon

Good post on the potential for innovation. Getting decisions to do this, and implementation are another matter, as some of the citizen-centred service, service strategy and web work in the early days of Service Canada illustrate.

Professional and Non Partisan Thoughts on Renewing the Public Service: What Government Can Learn From Amazon.

Half a cheer for Jason Kenney’s revolution in immigration policy | Toronto Star

Natalie Brender in The Star on Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism, focussing on the risks and limits of anecdotes for decision-making. Nice to see words like epistemological  (theory of knowledge – yes, I had to look it up too!) to capture the issues and dynamics.

In the end, I am more in the camp of anecdotes and evidence, understanding the strengths and weaknesses of each one, but using both to ensure the best possible policy outcome.  Article as follows:

Andrew Griffith, a retired senior official at Citizenship and Immigration Canada, has just published a book about the tense period beginning in 2007 that saw minister Jason Kenney bring a tidal wave of change to two federal departments. Among the many virtues of Griffith’s book, Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism, is a striking commitment to epistemological modesty and self-reflection.

Throughout his case studies of various policy issues, Griffith underlines how officials working on multiculturalism and citizenship issues under Kenney were forced to confront their own latent ideologies and grapple with challenges to their expertise under a regime that broke starkly from the approach of previous governments.

From vocabulary to policy priorities to the deepest questions of what counted as sound evidence for policy-making, the Conservatives upended decades of received wisdom. For instance, Griffith reports, Kenney and his staff held in particular odium the blame-laying perspectives taken by “downtown activists” and researchers in analyzing mainstream discrimination toward cultural minorities.

An organization’s use of terms such as “oppression,” “white power” and “racialized communities” became grounds for striking it from a pool of grant applicants. This aversion was part of the minister’s larger distaste for the issue of barriers facing visible-minority Canadians, and his desire to shift focus toward discrimination within and among minority communities.

Because Griffith writes as a consummately professional public servant, he doesn’t pass explicit judgment on the policy shifts effected during the Kenney years. As he notes, it’s the job of elected officials to decide government priorities, and the job of public servants to be loyal implementers of those decisions.

On the other hand, it’s also the job of public servants to provide expert insight and advice to their ministers, who are supposed to take that advice into account in making policy decisions. It’s on this score that some of the book’s most revealing insights lie, since there was an unprecedented parting of ways between Kenney and officials on the question of what counted as sound evidence.

Multiculturalism and citizenship officials had long been used to basing their insight on social scientific research such as large-scale surveys and data collection on a range of standard topics. In Kenney, they were confronted with a minister who took his bearing from first-person anecdotes gathered from tireless meetings across Canada. (Such a minister, in the words of another official quoted by Griffith, was “like Halley’s comet, only coming by once every 76 years.”) Through the nuggets of information gained from his unmatched ear-to-the-ground contact with the nation’s increasingly suburban ethnic communities, Kenney was confident in his knowledge of their realities and concerns.

That confidence accompanied what Griffith alludes to as “the minister’s (and the government’s) general skepticism about social policy research,” and their disdain for the “downtown activists” who had forged deep ties with multiculturalism staff. Two starkly different “evidence bases,” as he puts it, were being drawn on by the political and bureaucratic levels.

Notably, Griffith does not depict the outcome as an unmitigated disaster from a policy-making perspective. Kenney was indeed gleaning real insights into experiences and concerns within different communities, which could not be captured in large national surveys or data sets. He gathered anecdotal reports on topics it had never occurred to officials to investigate systematically – for instance, on violations of citizenship integrity within certain immigrant groups in matters such as cheating on citizenship tests or so-called “birth tourism.”

Expert officials sometimes found to their surprise that the minister’s revamped multiculturalism priorities met with approval among diverse communities in the department’s focus group testing. And in Griffith’s own judgment, the anecdotal evidence that Kenney gained sometimes did produce worthwhile new directions in policy and programming (such as initiatives to address discrimination within and among ethnic groups).

For these reasons, Griffith writes, “officials had to learn to listen to — and respect — the key messages and insights coming from the minister, reflecting his anecdotes and conversations from his extensive community outreach.” It was a wrenching adjustment for many to have their expertise challenged and world views dismissed. Eventually, though, most staff took on board the insights that anecdote could offer, and worked to incorporate them into programming and policy.

There is no indication that Kenney and his staff reciprocated in the epistemological modesty department. In one exceptional instance, Griffith reports, officials found studies that managed to persuade them that racism and discrimination indeed pose real barriers to the success of certain ethnic groups in Canada. But other than that, the learning and broadening of world views seems to have been entirely one-sided.

And in the bigger picture, even anecdotes reflecting a partial reality give precious little for policymakers to go on. Stories of fraud whispered in the minister’s ear don’t tell policy makers how widespread the incidence of citizenship-test cheating or birth tourism is. They don’t tell policymakers what the relative dollar costs of taking action or keeping the status quo will be; nor do they predict what side effects might come from dramatically changing current policy.

Only careful data collection and analysis can do that. And that’s precisely what the Kenney regime (and the Harper government) couldn’t be bothered with in their haste to get tough on “abusers of Canadians’ generosity.”

Writing as a loyal civil servant, Griffith doesn’t say it explicitly, but the lessons of his book are clear. Anecdote is a lousy basis for policymaking, and modesty and self-reflection are not virtues to be expected only on one side of the relationship between the public service and politicians. As Chris Alexander takes over these files as minister of immigration, he could get a fine start by bearing those truths in mind.

Half a cheer for Jason Kenney’s revolution in immigration policy | Toronto Star.

Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Now Also Available on iTunes

Took longer than expected but yet another option to consider (the formatting on this version on an iPad is somewhat better than Kindle or Kobo):

Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias

Case study highlights conflict between bureaucrats, Minister Kenney on direction of multiculturalism programs – The Globe and Mail

John Ibbitson of The Globe on my book, Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism. Excellent summary.

As to his suspicion that I was more comfortable with the old ways, initially yes, but my perspective changed as I thought through the issues, and broadening multiculturalism to include all groups, not just mainstream/visible minority relations, and focusing on citizenship integrity (knowledge, language, residency) were all policy changes that I support generally. Implementation and some of the details is another matter as he points out.

As this is behind the insider pay wall, full text below:

Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias is a case study by Andrew Griffith, who spent four years as Director General for Multiculturalism under Mr. Kenney. He chronicles the conflict between public servants steeped in consensus on how citizenship and multiculturalism programs should be run, and a minister who was determined to transform both the programs and the assumptions on which they were based.

“In many cases, officials had to work through the Kubler-Ross states of grief and loss – denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance – in dealing with the traumatic changes to their role,” Mr. Griffith writes.

Officials relied on surveys and reports to shape policy; Mr. Kenney relied on anecdotal evidence. Officials followed procedures for recommending grants and contributions to non-governmental organizations. Mr. Kenney vetoed most of them.

At root, bureaucrats embraced a set of assumptions laid down in the days of Pierre Trudeau and maintained by every Conservative and Liberal government that followed: Multiculturalism programs should foster mutual tolerance among cultural communities. Citizenship should be easy to acquire, and citizenship classes and programs should emphasize the federal government’s contribution to peacekeeping, the United Nations and expanding civil liberties at home and abroad.

The Harper government saw things differently. As Minister of State for Multiculturalism, and then as Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Mr. Kenney preferred the word “plurality” to “multiculturalism.” Instead of an emphasis on cross-cultural understanding, he wanted to promote the integration of new Canadians into a socially cohesive society. (“Exactly!” Quebec Premier Pauline Marois might respond.)

Anti-racism programs should focus less on oppression by the majority toward minorities and more on conflicts within and between minority groups, he believed. There should be more outreach to religious groups within each community and greater attention paid to the concerns of the Jewish community.

Citizenship should be harder to acquire, language requirements should be stricter, and new Canadians should hear less about peacekeeping and gay marriage and more about Canada’s military past and the importance of the Queen.

Bureaucrats would produce plans and priorities based on evidence-based research of key concerns within different cultural communities. Nonsense, Mr. Kenney would retort; I talk to these people and that’s not what they’re saying.

Between 2007 and 2011, the Minister delivered 273 speeches and statements: 37 concerned Canadian Jews; Chinese Canadians were the target of 30 and Indo-Canadians of 22. The other seven in the top 10 included Black Canadians, Christians, Muslims, Asian Canadians, Ukrainian Canadians, American Canadians and Ismali Muslims. Mr. Kenney believed he had his finger on the pulse of immigrant communities.

To their surprise, when public officials convened focus groups to test Mr. Kenney’s assertions, they often found that those interviewed reflected the minister’s priorities more than their own research had indicated.

In the best Yes, Minister tradition, officials also found that they could secure Mr. Kenney’s acceptance of a proposal more easily if it was larded with quotes from the Minister’s speeches. Over time, the bureaucrats found ways to satisfy the new boss’s demands while also sliding in a few of their own priorities.

Mr. Griffith’s conclusion is a surprising admission for a former public servant: “All of us, including public servants, have our biases and prejudices, which influence our evidence base, networks, and advice,” he writes. “…Public servants did not have the complete picture and were often too disconnected from the realities on the ground to understand the limitations of their analysis and advice.”

That does not mean that Mr. Kenney in particular or the Harper government in general were without blame. Mr. Griffith’s decries the cutbacks that have degraded the bureaucracy’s ability to create and test policy, the rush to decision and implementation and the mistakes that resulted. And although the language and the judgments are carefully balanced, one suspects that Mr. Griffith still believes the old ways and assumptions were better than the new Conservative ones.

That said, he predicts that because of Mr. Kenney’s reforms, “multiculturalism will, over time, become closer to the original Reform Party objective … of abolishing multiculturalism and strengthening a strong common narrative of citizenship.”

Unless, of course, the Conservatives are defeated in the next election and the universe goes back to unfolding as it should.

Case study highlights conflict between bureaucrats, Minister Kenney on direction of multiculturalism programs – The Globe and Mail.

My Ottawa Morning Interview

My interview on Ottawa Morning on CBC, the main morning show. I was lucky to get the prime time morning commuter slot (8:15) and able to reach many public servants and others. Just under 9 minutes.

http://www.cbc.ca/player/AudioMobile/Ottawa%2BMorning/ID/2406800268/

News Release – Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism

Sep 16, 2013 07:00 ET

Book-Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism

The Inside Story between the Conservative Government and the Public Service

OTTAWA, ONTARIO–(Marketwired – Sept. 16, 2013) – Canada is internationally known for its successful citizenship and multiculturalism policies. In 2007, the Conservative Government met unexpected resistance from the Public Service as it began altering longstanding citizenship and multiculturalism policies under Minister Jason Kenney.

In Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias, Andrew Griffith, retired Director General of Citizenship and Multiculturalism, examines whether the resistance was driven by an arrogant sense of the Public Service “knowing better”, or their innocent bias for conventional wisdom in the face of transformative change.

“Just as the political level is certain about its policies and priorities, the bureaucracy is certain about its evidence and expertise,” noted Griffith, “not surprisingly, the political level felt the bureaucracy was at best resisting change, at worst being disloyal, while public servants felt their expertise and knowledge was being challenged or ignored.”

Griffith illustrates how public servants were forced to face the limits of their expertise and knowledge, while providing the “fearless advice and loyal implementation” central to their professional ethos.

The analysis provides a unique inside view into the making of public policy that will be of interest to media, interest groups, academics and engaged citizens.

“….[this book] deserves a wider view, if only because it confirms what so many of us in Ottawa have been hearing, anecdotally, about the dispirited state of the public service in a hyper-partisan government…. If we want to know why Kenney has managed to become one of Harper’s top ministers, we should probably take a close look at what Griffith is telling us about how things unfolded in terms of citizenship and multiculturalism.”

Susan Delacourt, Toronto Star

The Harper government vs. the public servants

Andrew Griffith is the former Director General – Citizenship and Multiculturalism Branch, Citizenship and Immigration Canada. In 30 years of public service, he served in various departments at home and abroad, including assignments in Argentina, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Geneva and Los Angeles. He was given the Public Service Award twice (2007 and 2010) and the Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal (2012). His first book, Living with Cancer: A Journey, was published in 2012.

Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism is available from Amazon, iTunes (available shortly), and Kobo in ebook for $7.99. Print on demand is available from Lulu at $14.99.

Follow Andrew: LinkedIn: Andrew L Griffith

Twitter: @Andrew_Griffith

Blog: Multicultural Meanderings

Facebook: Andrew Griffith C&M

From census to wireless, a lesson in intransigence – The Globe and Mail

Jeffrey Simpson on the Census. Perhaps the best or worst example of a decision driven by ideology.

From census to wireless, a lesson in intransigence – The Globe and Mail.

What the National Household Survey can’t tell us – Beyond The Commons, Capital Read – Macleans.ca

A reminder of just what we have lost in terms of reliable, consistent data with the cancellation of the mandatory census, this time in relation to the National Household Survey. Bad or no data leads to bad decisions, an example of a decision driven by ideology rather than common sense.

What the National Household Survey can’t tell us – Beyond The Commons, Capital Read – Macleans.ca.

The access-to-information system is busting: information czar – National | Globalnews.ca

A systemic issue for the government, one that undermines government accountability to citizens.

My own experience under the Access to Information Act only confirms that the system is broken and unable to meet its statutory obligations. Will post a log shortly on the delays, obfuscation and excuses used in not fulfilling a legitimate ATIP request.

Not a high point for the government.

The access-to-information system is busting: information czar – National | Globalnews.ca.

Book Launch Announcement in The Hill Times

Along with other ‘Heard on the Hill’ items, a good pre-article about my book Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias (half-way down the first page). The Hill Times main audience are political staffers, officials who need to follow the politics, and the journalists who cover the hill.

Should generate some interest. Full article below given pay wall:

Former top bureaucrat Griffith to release provocative new book, Policy Arrogance, on Sept. 23 at Three Brewers on Sparks Street

Six years ago, Andrew Griffith, a director general at the Canadian Heritage department, received a call from then-secretary of state for Multiculturalism Jason Kenney asking him why he had not approved language that was to be sent out in a press release. He replied, “But minister, it doesn’t sound ministerial.”

It was a late afternoon on a Friday and his first day on the job. He says in his new book, Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias: Resetting Citizenship and Multiculturalism, he spent the weekend wondering if he was still employed.

“I survived, and went on to work with him and his staff for close to four years, first at Canadian Heritage and then at Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), following the transfer of the multicultural program to CIC in October 2008 after Kenney’s appointment as Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism,” he wrote in the preface to Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias. “During this period, citizenship (added to my responsibilities at CIC) and multiculturalism policies and programs were fundamentally reset, in line with the government’s emphasis on more meaningful citizenship and more integrative multiculturalism.”

Mr. Griffith, who is launching his book on Sept. 23 in Ottawa, said that Policy Arrogance or Innocent Bias is a small case study about how the public service had to readjust to policy-making following the federal Conservatives’ rise to power. He said public servants had to “become more modest about the degree of expertise and knowledge” it provided to their political masters, “forced by the radically different perspective that the Harper government and Minister Kenney brought to these inherently complex social policy issues.”

In addition, Mr. Griffith wrote, “It is also the story of how officials balanced the public service challenge function role of ‘fearless advice’ with the need to serve the government of the day through ‘loyal implementation.’ Given the sharp nature of the policy reset, and the entrenched views of many public servants, this book aims to provide a small case study of how public servants adjusted to the new reality—one in which their expertise was fundamentally challenged, discounted, and at times ignored.”

The changes to policy making were so fundamental, Mr. Griffith said, that “In many cases, officials had to work through the Kübler-Ross stages of grief and loss—denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance—in dealing with the traumatic challenge to their role, as well as to the long-standing consensus between previous Liberal and Conservative parties on citizenship and multiculturalism issues.”

He called this period “an intense and interesting time of policy change and political-bureaucratic interface challenges.”

The book launch takes place on Sept. 23 at The Three Brewers, 240 Sparks St., from 5 to 7 p.m.

Fight Club, anyone? Hill Times, Embassy, and GCTC start Friday Night Fights | hilltimes.com.