Aristotle Foundation: ‘Overwhelming majority of the Canadian poor are white,’ report finds [misleading use of statistics]

Both the article and the report misrepresent the data as it looks at number living in poverty rather than the percentage of each group who are in poverty. For example, stating that 58 percent of white people living in poverty is less than their 74 percent of the Canadian population.

The table below provides a more accurate picture by contrasting the share of the population and poverty rates by group and generation, compared to the non visible minority population. Poverty rates remain higher across generations for Blacks, Latin American and West Asians.

It is one thing to argue against the degree that race affects poverty rates or the effectiveness of specific policy approaches, another to present the data in a tendentious manner or to argue that systemic racism has no impact on poverty rates:

A new report by the Calgary-based think tank Aristotle Foundation suggests that Canada’s race-based approach to fighting poverty might be flawed, since it is based on an incorrect assumption that race, racial discrimination and poverty are tightly linked.

The paper, “Poverty and Race in Canada: Facts about Race, Discrimination, and the Poor,” analyzed recent Statistics Canada data and also looked at public policy initiatives at both the provincial and federal levels that are designed to fight poverty.

It found that between 7.4 and 10.6 per cent of Canadians are living in relative poverty, depending on how one defines the term.

At the low end, defined by low after-tax income, some 58 per cent or 1.6 million people living in poverty are white, or what StatsCan refers to as “not a visible minority nor Indigenous.” For the other figure, which measures poverty based on the cost of living, 2.5 million people or 64.4 per cent of the group living in poverty are white.

“In other words, the overwhelming majority of the Canadian poor are ‘white,’ and thus cannot receive race-based allocations from governments if unchangeable characteristics such as skin colour or ethnicity are accounted for in policy,” the group said in a press release announcing the findings.

The paper points to government documents that use the link between race and poverty to justify race-based remedies that it says ignore many needy people.

A federal document outlining Canada’s anti-racism strategy notes: “Anti-Black racism is manifested in the legacy of the current social, economic and political marginalization of African Canadians in society such as the lack of opportunities, lower socio-economic status, higher unemployment, significant poverty rates and over-representation in the criminal justice system.”

Ontario’s anti-racism strategic plan includes the same statement almost word for word.

What’s more, the report says, government anti-poverty programs with racial qualifiers can end up misdirecting resources to those who are not even poor.

It cites Ontario’s Racialized and Indigenous Supports for Entrepreneurs (RAISE) grant program. Using the low-income-after-tax measure, eligibility for this race-based funding would apply not only to 1.4 million low-income earners in Canada (the total low-income visible minority and Indigenous population) but also to nearly 10.5 million minorities or Indigenous who are not low income, while excluding non-minority, non-Indigenous low-income earners.

“Put another way,” the report says, “this funding would be inaccessible to 64 per cent of those who are low-income, and of those who do qualify for the funding based on race, only 11.9 per cent are low-income. This is not a sensible way to design an anti-poverty program.”

The study also found that some minority groups in Canada are as likely or in some cases less likely to be poor compared to white Canadians. These included Canadians of Japanese, Korean, South Asian and Chinese ancestry, all of whom have higher average weekly earnings that their white counterparts.

The study suggests delinking poverty from race, and says governments should strive to address the “root issues” of poverty by strengthening, or minimizing interference with, what it calls the “success sequence”: finish high school, work full time, and marry before having children. These markers, it says, predicate a non-poverty life for the vast majority of people in the U.S. and Canada.

“Systemic racism is not the cause of poverty in Canada,” says lead author and financial analyst Matthew Lau. “While some visible minority groups experience poverty in numbers disproportionate to the general population, it is also true that some visible minority groups are less likely to live in poverty, such as Canadians of Filipino, South Asian, and Latin American ancestry.”

“Poverty is colour-blind, and thus poverty policy which excludes some Canadians and favours others based on colour or ethnicity omits a vast swath of the poor in Canada, in addition to being illiberal,” adds co-author and Aristotle Foundation research director David Hunt, “The focus of anti-poverty policy in Canada should instead be focused on the individuals in need and on creating widespread opportunity for all.”

Source: ‘Overwhelming majority of the Canadian poor are white,’ report finds, Report link: https://aristotlefoundation.org/reality-check/poverty-and-race-in-canada-facts-about-race-discrimination-and-the-poor/#:~:text=In%20summary%2C%20poverty%20rates%20in,are%20truly%20living%20in%20destitution.

Jamie Sarkonak: Liberals water down citizenship for grandkids of convenience Canadians

While there is a diversity of perspectives among right leaning media, Sarkonak represents the consensus:

…Applying the court’s logic to any other situation reveals the absurdity of it all. If withholding citizenship from Canadian spawn two generations removed from home is discrimination, why not three? Four? And if any rule somehow can be perceived by a judge to reinforce a negative stereotype, what else violates equality rights?

Any reasonable government would have appealed, but not our feds. This decision granted legalistic cover to hand out more passports Oprah-style, and a higher court may not have been so generous.

The PR campaign to advance C-71 has taken care to focus on the saddest, most sympathetic stories that can be found: the cases of Type-A parents whose children have high “Canadian-ness” — speak our language, participate in our culture, share our values — but can’t, for whatever administrative reasons, obtain citizenship. These individual cases could be resolved through ministerial intervention today by Miller, which he knows and admits, but his government wants a rule so broad to include all.

On the other hand, there are others who barely have a Canadian connection at generation zero. Some are passport babies, whose mothers travelled to Canada for the purpose of obtaining citizenship for their children. According to Canadian Institute for Health Information data, compiled by analyst Andrew Griffiths for Policy Options magazine, there have been more than 40,000 of such births from 2010 to 2022.

Others have obtained Canadian privileges but have returned home. This was especially apparent in 2006, when the Lebanon civil war broke out that July. Some 40,000 people in Lebanon were registered with the Canadian embassy at the time, and $94 million was spent to evacuate about 14,000 of them to Canada; by September, the government estimated that 7,000 of those evacuees had returned to Lebanon, providing the catalyst for the Harper government to tighten citizenship rules in the first place.

New conflicts shake out new numbers. After fighting erupted in Sudan last year, prompting Canada to evacuate 175 Canadian citizens and permanent residents, Post columnist John Ivison spoke with a government source who estimated that up to half of the evacuees were “refugees who were granted status in Canada and then returned to Sudan, with some continuing to claim welfare and child benefits.”

“Most of these people have been living in Sudan for years,” said the source. “Sometimes they never really lived in Canada and don’t speak English or French.”

And who knows what the tally in Gaza is; in November, the foreign affairs department estimated that 600 Canadians, permanent residents and family members were in the strip. Some of these no doubt include aid workers, but by news reports, they also include young families who are clearly being raised intentionally abroad.

Those children can grow up elsewhere, without learning any English or French, without becoming attuned to our ways of life, our common sense of right and wrong; without ever paying Canadian taxes. Without giving anything in return, they can turn to the Canadian state for help — rescue, health care, and so on. The same can be said for their children, who only need to spend a few years in Canada to be eligible to pass on the same to their children.

The Liberal bill would ensure that the rest of Canada — those of us who have received the Canadian tradition and intend to preserve it for our children, who have a direct interest in our state’s success, who pay income taxes throughout our lives — could be obligated to support three whole generations of convenience-citizens as if they were our countrymen the whole time. It would do so under the guise of helping a narrow group of expats who can, at best, receive help from the minister, and, at worst, have their children apply for citizenship the normal way.

Source: Jamie Sarkonak: Liberals water down citizenship for grandkids of convenience Canadians

Départ difficile pour l’embauche de demandeurs d’asile dans l’industrie du tourisme

A noter. Much less interest than expected:

Québec a lancé en mai 2023 un projet pilote pour trouver un emploi dans l’industrie du tourisme à 3000 demandeurs d’asile. Un an après le début de l’initiative, seulement une cinquantaine de personnes ont été embauchées.

Le plan, accompagné d’une enveloppe de 10 millions de dollars, vise l’embauche de 1000 personnes chaque année durant trois ans. Le projet pilote a été lancé par Québec au printemps, mais il fallut attendre l’automne avant que le tout ne prenne son envol, ce qui explique en partie le bilan provisoire de 50, bien inférieur au millier d’embauches espéré pour cette première année.

« Ça ne correspond pas aux attentes qu’on s’était données. La mise en place du projet a été longue », admet Xavier Gret, le directeur général du Conseil québécois des ressources humaines en tourisme (CQRHT), qui chapeaute le projet pilote.

« Qui dit projet pilote dit essais-erreurs. Ça fait quatre fois qu’on change [les façons de faire]. Ça demande un exercice important, d’intégrer ces personnes-là. »

Ce ne sont pourtant pas les volontaires qui manquent. Environ 3200 demandeurs d’asile se sont inscrits sur la plateforme du CQRHT, dont 68 % de francophones, selon les chiffres de l’organisme. Une formation obligatoire longue de plusieurs mois ralentit l’insertion en emploi, explique par ailleurs Xavier Gret. « On les suit. C’est assez lourd. Je préfère en avoir 50 et que ça se passe bien. […] On ne veut pas vivre les histoires d’horreur d’autres endroits sur les questions d’intégration. »

Des critères ont aussi été ajoutés « au fur et à mesure » pour assurer la rétention des employés. Plusieurs demandeurs d’asile ont fini par jeter la serviette puisqu’ils ne voulaient pas travailler les soirs ou les fins de semaine ou encore devoir quitter Montréal. « Au début, on avait des emplois à Brossard pour des gens à Montréal, mais ils ne voulaient pas aller à Brossard », précise le représentant du CQRHT.

Les trois quarts de ces demandeurs d’asile ont trouvé leur place en région, notamment parce que Laval et Montréal ont retrouvé un niveau d’emploi comparable à celui d’avant la pandémie, note le CQRHT. Quelque 22 000 postes vacants demeurent tout de même à pourvoir dans l’industrie québécoise du tourisme.

« Si c’est 50, c’est 50 de plus », soutient Véronyque Tremblay, p.-d.g. de l’Association Hôtellerie du Québec, qui dit avoir toujours confiance en l’importance de ce plan. De ce nombre, 35 ont trouvé un emploi dans l’hébergement, souligne-t-elle, souvent dans « des postes pas évidents à combler ».

« C’est la première année [d’un projet pilote de trois ans]. On y croit toujours », renchérit Martin Vézina, de l’Association Restauration Québec. « Pour le moment, on retient le chiffre de 50. Mais il y en a 300, dans le pipeline, qui s’en viennent. Faut nous laisser démarrer. »

Kateri Champagne Jourdain, ministre de l’Emploi et initiatrice du projet pilote, souhaite attendre davantage avant de tirer des conclusions. « L’été marque la haute saison touristique, et les organismes chargés du déploiement nous assurent qu’il y aura plus d’embauches dans les prochains mois. Nous serons alors plus à même de constater si l’initiative porte fruit », a répondu son cabinet par écrit.

Logement, productivité et paradoxe

Dans bien des endroits, le « filtre » du logement freine l’embauche de ces demandeurs d’asile, observe Jean-Philippe Chartrand, directeur du développement et du tourisme durable chez Tourisme Gaspésie. Une « minorité » d’entreprises en tourisme possèdent le luxe d’une chambre destinée à loger des employés. « Ça ne marche pas de dire : “Je t’offre un emploi ; tu te trouveras une place où dormir.” C’est pratiquement l’inverse aujourd’hui. »

Ensuite, « on n’a pas vu beaucoup de gens passer à l’acte ». Une quinzaine d’entreprises se sont montrées intéressées en Gaspésie, par exemple, mais une seule est finalement venue à la réunion d’information.

La pénurie de main-d’oeuvre cause un « paradoxe » chez les gestionnaires, ajoute Jean-Philippe Chartrand. « Nos chefs d’entreprise sont débordés à cause de la pénurie de main-d’oeuvre, au point où ils n’ont plus le temps de venir aux réunions pour parler de solutions à la pénurie. »

Devant ces difficultés, ils misent de plus en plus sur l’amélioration de la productivité afin de fonctionner « avec moins de main-d’oeuvre », avance-t-il, car ce virage offrirait plus de garanties sur le long terme.

Demandeurs d’asile contre travailleurs temporaires

Les employeurs se tournent toujours davantage vers les travailleurs temporaires pour pourvoir leurs postes. Or, les demandeurs d’asile qui se trouvent déjà au pays devraient être privilégiés, a fait valoir le gouvernement fédéral un peu plus tôt ce printemps.

Depuis le 1er mai, les employeurs doivent évaluer toutes leurs options avant de recruter des travailleurs temporaires, « y compris le recrutement auprès des demandeurs d’asile ayant un permis de travail valide au Canada », indique le règlement fédéral.

Ces personnes au passé parfois difficile doivent s’adapter au marché du travail québécois, mais leur embauche ne coûte rien aux entreprises. Engager un travailleur temporaire, en revanche, peut coûter des milliers de dollars en frais d’immigration

Source: Départ difficile pour l’embauche de demandeurs d’asile dans l’industrie du tourisme

Ukraine Introduces Citizenship Exams on Constitution and History

Of note:

From now on, individuals seeking Ukrainian citizenship must pass exams on the fundamentals of the Constitution of Ukraine and Ukrainian history. The Ministry of Education and Science reported this following a government meeting.

This decision was made by the Government and applies to:

  • foreigners;
  • stateless persons;
  • those who have acquired citizenship but have the right to take the exam within two years (this is due to deferment related to military service under contract, outstanding services to Ukraine, etc.).

Importantly, the implementation of the exams requires further adoption and implementation of a series of orders and provisions, organizational measures; currently, only a fundamental decision has been made.

To register, it is necessary to create an electronic account and submit an application electronically; a detailed algorithm will be published later.

The exam will consist of:

  • 20 questions on the fundamentals of the Constitution of Ukraine;
  • 25 questions on Ukrainian history.

To ensure transparency, the exam will be recorded on video.

Upon successful completion, participants will receive corresponding certificates.

Source: Ukraine Introduces Citizenship Exams on Constitution and History

Emigration to the U.S. hits a 10-year high as tens of thousands of Canadians head south

The ration of emigration to the USA to immigration has, however, remained relatively constant: under 30 percent. So while concerning, the rate of churn does not appear to have changed significantly. The respective percentages of born in Canada, born in USA or born elsewhere (the immigrant/emigrant churn) do not appear to have changed significantly even has the overall numbers grew in 2022:

Tens of thousands of Canadians are emigrating to the United States and the number of people packing up and moving south has hit a level not seen in 10 years or more, according to data compiled by CBC News.

There’s nothing new about Canadians moving south of the 49th parallel for love, work or warmer weather, but the latest figures from the American Community Survey (ACS) suggest it’s now happening at a much higher rate than the historical average.

The ACS, which is conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau, says the number of people moving from Canada to the U.S. hit 126,340 in 2022. That’s an increase of nearly 70 per cent over the 75,752 people who made the move in 2012.

Of the 126,340 who emigrated from Canada to the U.S. that year, 53,311 were born in Canada, 42,595 were Americans who left here for their native land, and 30,434 were foreign-born immigrants to Canada who decided to move to the U.S. instead.

That Canadian-born figure is notably higher now than it has been in the past. It’s up roughly 50 per cent over the average number of Canadians born in Canada who left for the U.S. in the pre-COVID period.

United Nations data compiled by Statistics Canada and shared with CBC News shows the U.S. is by far the most common destination for Canadian emigrants.

There were about 800,000 Canadians living in the U.S. as of 2020, eight times more than the 100,000 who live in the U.K., according to the latest UN figures.

A number of Facebook groups have popped up to help Canadians make the move. Recent arrivals use them to share tips on how to secure a visa or green card, where to live and what to do about health insurance.

One group called “Canadians Moving to Florida & USA” has more than 55,000 members and is adding dozens of new members every week.

The real estate agents and immigration lawyers who help Canadians make the move say the surge is being driven partly by a desire for a more affordable life.

But there are also people who say they have lost faith in Canada under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s leadership and want to pursue the American dream instead, these agents and lawyers said.

Marco Terminesi is a former professional soccer player who grew up in Woodbridge, Ont. and now works as a real estate agent in Florida’s Palm Beach County with a busy practice that caters to Canadian expats.

‘I hate the politics here’

Terminesi said his phone has been ringing off the hook for the last 18 months with calls from Canadians wanting to move to sunny Florida.

“‘With Trudeau, I have to get out of here,’ that’s what people tell me. They say to me, ‘Marco, who do I have to talk to to get out of here?'” Terminesi told CBC News.

“There’s a lot of hatred, a lot of pissed-off calls. It was really shocking for me to hear all of this.

“And I’m not sure all of these people are moving for the right reason. People are saying, ‘I hate the politics here, I’m uprooting my whole family and moving down,’ and I say, ‘Well, that problem could be solved in a year or two.'”…

Source: Emigration to the U.S. hits a 10-year high as tens of thousands of Canadians head south