Australia’s citizenship process is not efficient, audit finds

When I was working on citizenship files, Australia’s performance standard was the gold standard compared to Canada’s less than bronze (80 percent of processed within 80 days).

The official Canadian performance standard, as reported in departmental reports, is a meaningless one: the total number of immigrants who have become citizens irrespective of how long a time they have been in Canada (the total “stock”) versus a more meaningful measure of how many have become citizens within a certain period of time (e.g., 5-9 years since arrival):

Australian citizenship applications are not being processed in a timely way by the Department of Home Affairs, according to the auditor-general.

But the department disagrees, arguing measures introduced in the past three years to protect national security and community safety are delivering results.

An Australian National Audit Office review has found just 15 per cent of applications for citizenship “by conferral” – which makes up the bulk of applications – were processed within 80 days in 2017/18.

That compares to the department’s former target to process 80 per cent of applications within 80 days, which it dropped in 2017.

The department does, however, measure the time taken to obtain citizenship from lodging an application to attending a ceremony.

Australian citizenship applications are not being processed in a timely manner.

The auditor-general found that time “increased significantly” between March 2017 and September 2018, despite a dip in the “relative complexity” of applications being lodged.

“Growth in demand for citizenship in recent years was driven by people with good supporting documents who arrived in Australia on a skilled visa,” the audit office found.

The review suggests increased screening of applicants has played a major role in extended processing times.

Nevertheless, it found staff were not being using efficiently.

“The department has a suite of initiatives in train that are designed to enhance efficiency but has been slow in implementing them,” the review stated.

The Department of Home Affairs disputes the audit office’s claim. In a statement to the auditor-general, it highlighted that the proportion of citizenship applications knocked back has doubled from 3.4 per cent in 2014/15 to 6.8 per cent in the first few months of 2018/19.

That comes as new security measures have been introduced.

“The enhanced integrity measures adopted by the department over the last three years to protect Australia’s national security and community safety are delivering results,” the department said.

“We will always prioritise these efforts over speed.”

The department has agreed to the auditor-general’s recommendation to revise how it funds its citizenship activities, based on the latest activity levels.

But the department has knocked back a recommendation to publicly report its key performance indicators, saying they could give people unrealistic expectations.

The inquiry came after the commonwealth ombudsman, Refugee Council of Australia and others raised concerns about the duration of the citizenship application process.

Source: Australia’s citizenship process is not efficient, audit finds

Outremont, un laboratoire pour les élections fédérales


Relatively little coverage of the Outremont by-election despite its practical and symbolic importance for the NDP in both the mainstream and ethnic media:

C’est peu de dire que les élections partielles du 25 février seront cruciales pour le Nouveau Parti démocratique (NPD). Non seulement le chef Jagmeet Singh joue-t-il son avenir politique en Colombie-Britannique, mais les électeurs d’Outremont pourraient le même jour mettre un terme symbolique à l’ère Mulcair. Contexte d’une partielle qui prépare le terrain de la générale.

À chacun ses collections : Rachel Bendayan, elle, s’intéresse aux portes. Plus précisément, celles auxquelles elle a cogné depuis cinq ans en tant que candidate libérale dans Outremont. Et elles sont nombreuses, selon son décompte : quelque 32 000.

Autant de toc-toc-toc ou de coups de sonnette pour expliquer qui elle est (avocate, candidate à l’investiture libérale, puis aux élections générales de 2015, et maintenant à la partielle de 2019…) et tenter de convaincre les citoyens d’aller voter pour elle. Une campagne politique dans sa forme la plus classique : une maison et une courte discussion à la fois.

Elle n’est pas seule à s’activer depuis un moment pour tenter de rafler le siège laissé vacant par la démission de Thomas Mulcair. La néodémocrate Julia Sánchez (qui a fait carrière en coopération et développement international) se consacre à sa campagne à temps plein depuis… le mois d’août. « Les libéraux font tout ce qu’ils peuvent pour reprendre la circonscription. Ils veulent gagner… et nous aussi », note-t-elle.

Dans l’eau des redoux (comme la semaine dernière) ou sur la glace à –20 degrés (comme lorsque Justin Trudeau est venu donner un coup de main à sa candidate, fin janvier), Mmes Bendayan et Sánchez battent donc le pavé.

« Ça permet un contact direct avec les citoyens, d’entendre les enjeux qui les préoccupent, de leur faire réaliser qu’on n’est pas seulement un visage sur une pancarte », soutient Rachel Bendayan lorsqu’on lui demande si cette méthode du porte-à-porte a encore son utilité.

Une préparation pour octobre

En 2015, Mme Bendayan est allée chercher un tiers des votes face à un adversaire de taille : Thomas Mulcair, chef de l’opposition officielle et bête politique hors norme. Quatre ans plus tard, le départ de M. Mulcair pourrait lui ouvrir les portes du Parlement, si l’on se fie au tableau esquissé par les sondages fédéraux au Québec. Ceux-ci montrent que les libéraux pointent loin devant les autres, et que les néodémocrates accumulent les reculs (8 % d’appuis dans le dernier Léger).

Cette partielle donnera ainsi des débuts de réponse à des questions plus larges touchant les prochaines élections générales. Assiste-t-on à la fin de l’ère Mulcair, une période durant laquelle le NPD a cru qu’il s’était durablement implanté au Québec ? Les libéraux sauront-ils profiter des ennuis du parti de Jagmeet Singh ? Le bilan environnemental controversé du gouvernement Trudeau pourrait-il avoir un impact aux urnes ? Quelle résonance a le discours autonomiste du chef conservateur Andrew Scheer auprès des Québécois ?

À une autre échelle, les enjeux ne manquent pas non plus pour le Bloc québécois (premier test électoral pour le nouveau chef, Yves-François Blanchet), les verts (qui espèrent eux aussi profiter des ennuis du NPD) et le Parti populaire du Canada, la nouvelle formation de Maxime Bernier. Leurs candidats sont eux aussi à pied d’oeuvre au coeur de Montréal.

Le symbole

Outremont ? « L’importance symbolique est forte », reconnaissent avec les mêmes mots deux stratèges libéral et néodémocrate interrogés dans les derniers jours. Ne l’oublions pas : ce fief libéral fut le point de départ de la percée du NPD au Québec.

En remportant la partielle de septembre 2007 — les photos de cette soirée le montrent avec un immense sourire aux côtés d’un Jack Layton tout aussi heureux —, Thomas Mulcair jetait les bases de ce qui donnerait l’étonnante vague orange de 2011 (59 députés néodémocrates sur 75 circonscriptions).

Le NPD a certes reculé en 2015 (16 députés, 25 % du vote), mais demeurait néanmoins une force politique importante dans la province. Cette fois, la perte d’Outremont dans une partielle, à huit mois des élections générales, n’augurerait rien de bon pour les néodémocrates. « Ça va donner un état de santé du NPD au Québec », admettait déjà en juillet le député Alexandre Boulerice.

« On est plusieurs à partager cette analyse qu’Outremont est hyperimportante pour le NPD, reconnaît sans ambages la candidate Sánchez. C’est historiquement important — la victoire de M. Mulcair a lancé un mouvement plus large pour les progressistes à Montréal [Québec solidaire et Projet Montréal ont élargi la brèche, note-t-elle]. Mais c’est aussi plus largement important pour l’avenir du parti. »

Joint lundi, le député Boulerice soulevait que le NPD « n’est pas dans un scénario de défaite. Mais si Outremont redevient libéral, ce serait un choc. Ça nous ferait mal, et il faudrait voir comment nous retrousser les manches. »

L’effet Singh

Les sondages actuels sont certes « inquiétants », avoue Mme Sánchez. « C’est clair que ça n’a pas été une année facile [pour le NPD] ». Plusieurs députés actuels ont annoncé qu’ils ne se représenteront pas. Les critiques contre le chef Singh se font entendre un peu partout.

« Le problème n’est pas avec le chef, dit Alexandre Boulerice. C’est plus que les gens se demandent qui est le chef… Et c’est un problème, parce qu’un chef doit être une locomotive, et que lui n’est pas assez connu [pour l’être]. En plus, il est accaparé par sa partielle en Colombie-Britannique. »

Même avant l’élection de M. Singh à la tête du NPD, des militants québécois avaient mis en garde contre les risques politiques d’élire un chef portant des signes religieux ostentatoires. La campagne de Julia Sánchez entend-elle l’écho de ces craintes ?

« Ce n’est pas une grosse inquiétude », répond Mme Sánchez. « Mais j’entends certaines personnes qui ont un malaise avec ça [le port du turban]. C’est un enjeu québécois, on ne peut pas le nier, étant donné le débat qu’on a encore sur ça. Mais honnêtement, ce que j’entends davantage des citoyens, ce sont les critiques contre le gouvernement Trudeau, son bilan environnemental, l’abandon de la réforme du mode de scrutin… »

En entrevue dans un café animé d’Outremont, Rachel Bendayan affirmait pour sa part mardi dernier qu’elle reçoit un tout autre message des gens avec qui elle parle. Nulle critique du bilan du gouvernement Trudeau, malgré ces 32 000 portes ? « Rien de particulier ne me vient à l’esprit », répond-elle prudemment. Et même : « Je sens un engouement pour les valeurs libérales, pour le gouvernement Trudeau, pour ses politiques », dit-elle.

En coulisses, l’équipe libérale reconnaît toutefois spontanément que l’achat du pipeline Trans Mountain par le gouvernement a suscité passablement de mécontentement au Québec. « Il faudra arriver avec une plateforme environnementale très forte pour contrer les effets négatifs du pipeline », indique une source.

Mais on ne croit pas pour autant que cela aura une grande influence le 25 février. « L’idée est d’avoir une victoire marquante, pour envoyer un message en vue de la générale », souhaite un stratège libéral.

« C’est une partielle qui aura un impact concret d’une façon ou d’une autre », pense Julia Sánchez. « Et tout le monde est conscient de ça », ajoute-t-elle en parlant plus spécifiquement des troupes néodémocrates.

Source: Outremont, un laboratoire pour les élections fédérales

Minister denies immigrants already in Quebec could be expelled with reforms

The practical aspects continue to emerge and the CAQ continues to appear improvising as they emerge:

The immigration minister has moved to calm a storm sparked by his plans to reform the system for new arrivals, saying the government is not about to expel people already living and working in Quebec.

One day after Quebec’s Liberals described the plan to trash 18,000 immigration applications to clear the backlog as inhuman, the government revealed that 3,800 of those requests were filed by people already in Quebec and covered by the Regular Skilled Worker Program.

None of the workers will be expelled because they are working with federally issued worker permits and can have those permits renewed, officials said.

The government is also inviting these individuals — many of whom speak French and have been working here more than 12 months — to apply for entry to the Programme de l’expérience québécoise (PEQ), which is designed for immigrants who have completed higher education programs.

The fact they are already here means they have a better chance of being fast-tracked in that program and issued a Quebec selection certificate allowing them to stay longer or permanently, said Marc-André Gosselin, press aide to Immigration, Diversity and Inclusiveness Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette.

As for others already living in Quebec, Gosselin said they have the option of re-applying for entry through the Expression of Interest Program, which Quebec is now promoting aggressively because it matches education and skills with available jobs.

Quebec believes it is the key to ending situations where highly educated immigrants arrive in Quebec only to find there are no jobs in their field and they end up washing dishes or driving taxis.

But confusion over the Coalition Avenir Québec government’s reforms persisted with the media filled with stories of immigrants saying their dreams of moving to Quebec have been dashed because the surprise changes to the system will mean they have to start the application process over.

Even if the CAQ government Monday focused its media damage control efforts on the 3,800 cases involving people already here, hundreds of other applications – largely filed from overseas — hang in limbo.

While the government says some of those files date as far back as 2005 and have probably been abandoned by the individuals, most of files in the backlog date in the last three or four years.

The government Monday again steered the blame for problems in the system to the backlog left behind by former Liberal government. Making an announcement in Terrebonne, Premier François Legault said it was the Liberals who “dragged their feet,” allowed the backlog to grow.

“There won’t be any more broken dreams (after the reforms) because people will know what waits for them in Quebec,” added Jolin-Barrette in a TVA interview in reference to the new skills-job matching program.

“What I want to do is ensure that when people arrive in Quebec they always have a job that matches their skills.”

But with the Liberals describing the CAQ’s reform launch as amateurish, the government struggled to explain the reforms it has proposed and which are included in Bill 9 tabled in the legislature last week.

Quebec, for example, changed twice in the same day their estimate of how many people those files actually represent.

And the CAQ government faces trouble getting Ottawa to agree to the reforms which involve both levels of government.

On Friday, federal intergovernmental affairs minister Dominic Leblanc dismissed Quebec’s request that Quebec be allowed to set its own conditions for the granting of permanent Canadian residency to all new arrivals in Quebec.

Legault responded to that statement saying Ottawa will pay a political price for its refusal in the looming federal election campaign.

Source: Minister denies immigrants already in Quebec could be expelled with reforms

Salvini shifts Italy’s security focus from mafia to immigration

The cost of diverting police and related resources:

Organised crime increasingly being forgotten in favour of anti-migrant efforts, say observers

In recent decades, the ruthless Casalesi clan of the Camorra mafia has earned billions of euros by burying more than 150,000 cubic metres of toxic waste in the countryside north of Naples.

So last Thursday night, when 90 carabinieri paramilitary police officers surrounded several apartment buildings in Caserta, the provincial capital, many residents thought an anti-mafia blitz was under way. The targets were in fact immigrants, under scrutiny for sanitary inspections of their homes.

It is part of a trend since Matteo Salvini of the far-right League became interior minister in June 2018. Senator Pietro Grasso, a member of the national anti-mafia commission and former prosecutor responsible for the 2006 arrest of the Sicilian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano, said: “Unfortunately, the Italian government […] is prioritising immigration, making people believe it is an emergency, rather than fighting the real problems, such as the mafia. Meanwhile, the bosses are getting richer and richer.”

On Sunday, Salvini announced the interior ministry would review spending on police protection for men and women under threat from the mafia, declaring “some people have been under police escort for too long”.

In Catania, the eastern Sicilian stronghold of the powerful Santapaola clan, prosecutors are investigating NGO rescue boats, one of which was ordered to be seized in November after fears that discarded clothes worn by people arriving from Libya could have been contaminated with HIV.

In Riace, part of Reggio Calabria, from where the feared ‘Ndrangheta is thought to control much of Europe’s cocaine trade, Mimmo Lucano, an anti-mafia mayor who revitalised his community by welcoming asylum seekers, has been under investigation since October on suspicion of aiding illegal immigration. Lucano has had repeated death threats from mafiosi, who also poisoned two of his dogs.

In the past eight months, nearly 250 of Salvini’s tweets have addressed immigration, compared with 60 about organised crime.

Nicola Gratteri, one of Italy’s most respected anti-mafia prosecutors, said: “I’ve heard him [Salvini] talking about immigration a lot. Haven’t heard him talking about the mafia yet.” When Salvini has tweeted about organised crime, for example the arrests in December of 90 people in Europe and South America accused of links to the ‘Ndrangheta, it has often concerned investigations that began before his tenure.

Arrivals to Italy have decreased by more than 80% since their peak. Thousands of police officers have conducted searches and inspections, and hundreds of people have been forcibly removed from welcome centres. Many of them are now homeless.

The evictions followed the approval of the “Salvini decree”, which removed humanitarian protections for those not eligible for refugee status and suspended the asylum application process for individuals considered “socially dangerous”.

Claudio Fava, the head of Sicily’s anti-mafia commission, whose father was murdered by the mafia in 1984, said: “The new security decree is a mirror of Salvini’s propaganda.

“The law addresses almost exclusively immigration, but a security decree should also be concerned with the mafia, which is clearly not a priority for Salvini. The only element in the decree that mentions the mafia regards the seizure of property.”

The Salvini decree established that villas confiscated from mafiosi would be auctioned off publicly after a certain time. Experts have questioned this, citing the likelihood that properties could be purchased by citizens acting as stand-ins for mafia bosses.

It feels as though the Italian mafias no longer make headlines, but others do. The interior ministry has carried out a ferocious campaign against what Salvini has described as a worse menace – the mysterious Nigerian mafia. In recent months, magistrates have arrested numerous individuals within the Nigerian community on suspicion of belonging to mafia clans.

Many investigators point out the Nigerian clans are subordinate to the Italian mafias, but Salvini and his supporters have been swift in justifying anti-immigration policies in the face of what they describe as an “invasion” of alleged African mafia bosses, which has risked aggravating racial prejudice.

The linking of migrant communities and organised crime has echoes of the past in Italy. Between 1880 and 1915, 4 million Italians reached the US, a small minority of whom were tied to the mafia, the largest criminal organisation in the world.

Mario Del Pero, a professor of international history at Sciences Po, said: “The anti-Italian prejudice, or rather ‘Italophobia’, was very strong in the United States. Its origins ranged from widespread hostility against the Catholic church to labelling Italians as criminals. Restrictive laws passed in 1921 and 1924 were written precisely to keep Italians out.”

In Caserta, the parallels are not lost. Moses, 34, who is from Nigeria and had his home searched by police, said: “[It is] the same sort of prejudice that migrants are facing in Italy more than 100 years later. History repeats itself, in this country more than anywhere else.”

In recent decades, the ruthless Casalesi clan of the Camorra mafia has earned billions of euros by burying more than 150,000 cubic metres of toxic waste in the countryside north of Naples.

So last Thursday night, when 90 carabinieri paramilitary police officers surrounded several apartment buildings in Caserta, the provincial capital, many residents thought an anti-mafia blitz was under way. The targets were in fact immigrants, under scrutiny for sanitary inspections of their homes.

It is part of a trend since Matteo Salvini of the far-right League became interior minister in June 2018. Senator Pietro Grasso, a member of the national anti-mafia commission and former prosecutor responsible for the 2006 arrest of the Sicilian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano, said: “Unfortunately, the Italian government […] is prioritising immigration, making people believe it is an emergency, rather than fighting the real problems, such as the mafia. Meanwhile, the bosses are getting richer and richer.”

Source: Salvini shifts Italy’s security focus from mafia to immigration

Non-advertised appointments on the rise in the public service, PSC data show

I have been hearing about the impact of this policy change for some time and PSC was kind enough to send me an incredibly rich and detailed dataset that I will be analyzing the change by occupational group and department over the next few months, along with the impact on the representation of employment equity groups.

One striking initial finding, not covered in this article, is the relatively high number of “unknowns” in the data, compared to advertised and non-advertised positions, about 30 percent compared to 23 percent previously, raising questions regarding the quality and consistency of data entry:

An increased proportion of federal public servants is being appointed directly to positions that have never been advertised as vacant.

Since the launch of a new policy framework for public service staffing in 2016, the use of non-advertised processes for internal appointments has increased, new data show, raising concerns about fairness and transparency.

According to data released by the Public Service Commission, the federal bureaucracy’s staffing watchdog, 34 per cent of internal appointments — promotions and acting appointments longer than four months — were non-advertised in 2015-16. Two years later, in 2017-18, that figure had increased to 47 per cent.

At the executive level, the increase is even steeper. Between 2015-16 and 2017-18, non-advertised processes jumped from being used in 28 per cent of internal appointments, to 55 per cent.

Statistics were not provided on the use — or not — of advertisements for external hiring.

The Public Service Commission readily admits that the uptick in non-advertised appointments can be linked to its New Direction In Staffing, explaining in an emailed statement that it “has noted an increase” since the policy framework’s implementation in April 2016.

Before that time, “a preference for advertised processes was established,” said the PSC, though both were and continue to be allowed under the Public Service Employment Act.

Now, “the PSC no longer sets a preference and leaves deputy heads with the discretion to determine the appropriate balance between advertised and non-advertised processes.”

Billed as “the most significant change to the staffing system in 10 years,” according to the PSC’s 2016-17 annual report, the New Direction in Staffing sought to streamline and simplify staffing policies and offer federal departments and agencies more room to customize staffing approaches to meet their varying needs.

“At its core, the New Direction in Staffing represents a shift away from a focus on rules to a system that encourages managers to exercise their discretion when making staffing decisions, while meeting the simplified policy requirements in ways adapted to their organizations.”

For example, reporting requirements were reduced under the new framework. Departments were to conduct their own ongoing monitoring of staffing, rather than having it prescribed by the PSC. And hiring managers were allowed more room to apply their own judgment.

But public service employee representatives are raising red flags. They expressed concerns last week that the New Direction’s provision for flexibility is leading to opaque and inequitable hiring and promotion practices. And it’s demoralizing for many public servants, they say.

“What I’m hearing from my members and my representatives is the deputy head basically has a free and clear right to make a choice on the process, advertised versus non-advertised, and they don’t have to consider anything other than their convenience and ease of process and getting what they want,” said Debi Daviau, president of the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada, one of the largest public service unions.

“The result is that you may not actually be getting the best candidate in those positions. You’re just getting the person that that person (directing hiring) likes the best.”

Michel Vermette, chief executive of the Association of Professional Executives of the Public Service of Canada, said he’s hearing frustration from executives he represents that they’re being sidelined from opportunities for promotion without even being given the chance to throw their hats into the ring.

“I can promote you through a non-advertised process, and not to have to tell anybody that I’ve considered you, or that there was an opportunity here.”

“That’s what’s happening more and more. Those processes are simply publications of appointments,” Vermette said.

“Our community is saying, ‘I never had an opportunity to apply for that.’”

Asked about these concerns, the PSC pointed out that it completed a system-wide staffing audit in 2016, after the New Direction framework came into effect. “Both advertised and non-advertised processes were merit-based and compliant with staffing legislation and policy in the vast majority of cases,” the PSC said.

The Public Service Employment Act requires that all appointments be based on merit. That means the person being appointed must at least meet the essential qualifications of the work they’re to perform, plus any “asset qualifications, operational requirements and/or organizational needs,” when applicable, the audit report explains.

“The PSC recognizes that organizations are adjusting to the new policy framework and we continue to encourage managers to consider their staffing choices and communicate their decisions,” the PSC said, in an emailed statement. “Additionally, we are continuing to monitor the staffing system — both in terms of compliance and perceptions — and are working with organizations to improve both.”

Vermette points to the Staffing and Non-Partisanship Survey, commissioned by the PSC for the first time in 2018, to illustrate his belief that concerns about merit, fairness and transparency in public service staffing have become widespread, and are potentially linked to the increased use of non-advertised staffing processes. More than 100,000 employees completed the survey, an overall response rate of almost 48 per cent, and the PSC said results can be generalized to the federal public service population across the vast majority of departments and agencies.

More than half of employee respondents indicated that, in their work units, appointments depend on whom you know. A similar proportion — 54 per cent — said that people hired in their work units are capable of doing the job they were hired to.

Less than half said that in their work units, staffing activities are conducted fairly and carried out in a transparent way.

Meanwhile, more than 90 per cent of managers believed that appointees meet the performance expectations of the positions for which they were hired, and that appointees are a good fit within the team.

Asked about these survey results, the PSC said an analysis was conducted to look specifically at the connection between employee perceptions of merit, fairness and transparency and the use of non-advertised appointments in departments and agencies, and found they weren’t linked.

Rather, there appeared to be an association between organizations that had more hiring managers with a good understanding of the New Direction in Staffing, and employees with a higher perception of merit in staffing, “irrespective of percentage of non-advertised appointments,” PSC said.

The analysis pondered whether better understanding of the staffing framework allowed managers to better explain their choice of appointment process and appointment decisions to employees — who would then, presumably, have more faith in the process.

“The PSC will be conducting further research to better understand what is contributing to these perceptions. We will also continue to work with departments to support them in improving their staffing systems,” the watchdog promised.

For his part, Vermette thinks concerns about merit and fairness in staffing go deeper than public servants failing to comprehend hiring policies. He called the PSC’s conclusion, “a bit dismissive.”

“If half the employees who took the time to answer say they’re worried about merit in a professional public service, is there fire under that smoke?”

Daviau, the PIPSC president, also referenced statistics she thinks reflect issues with the new approach to staffing since 2016.

In its 2017-18 annual report, the Federal Public Sector Labour Relations and Employment Board noted that the past two years had seen “a significant increase” in the number of complaints about non-advertised staffing processes. Of all staffing complaints received in 2015-16, complaints about non-advertised processes accounted for 24 per cent. That figure rose to 47 per cent the following year, and remained similar at 44 per cent in 2017-18.

“It has been surmised that this surge can be linked to the Public Service Commission’s new appointment policy, introduced in 2016, to modernize, simplify, and streamline the public service staffing process,” the report concludes.

The PSC pointed out that in addition to complaints to the labour relations board, employees who take issue with internal appointment processes can also request a departmental investigation. The PSC said it has the authority to investigate external appointments “when there is alleged errors or improper conduct.”

Staffing is not a new area of focus for the Government of Canada. Last fall, two days of testimony at the House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates were devoted to looking at the public service hiring process.

PSC president Patrick Borbey pointed out that it takes, on average, 197 days to hire a new employee using an external advertised competitive process and that as a result good candidates are often lost along the way.

“The cumbersome staffing culture that has developed over time will not change overnight, and it is something we are committed to improve in every way,” he said, after referencing the 2016 New Direction in Staffing.

“I’m convinced … that we can modernize and speed up the hiring process while maintaining and, in fact, strengthening merit, transparency, fairness, diversity and regional representation.”

Doing so will also support “efforts to improve diversity and inclusion within the public service,” Borbey said.

Daviau, meanwhile, believes non-advertised appointments, while reasonable in some circumstances — positions that require highly-specialized skills for example — typically run counter to all of these public service values.

“The Government of Canada ought to be a leading employer when it comes to things like employment equity, and individual managers can’t possibly have the right perspective to know what the Government of Canada as a whole needs,” she said.

“They’re sort of seeing the world through a very tiny lens, and they know what they need to get Project A done, but that starts to undermine an entire system that’s designed to be fair and transparent and merit-based and with proper oversight.”

Further, Daviau added, “People hire people like themselves. We know this.

“The government needs to be a leader in breaking down those barriers.”

Source: Non-advertised appointments on the rise in the public service, PSC data show

Gurski: What if Canada stopped preventing violent extremism or countering violent extremism: would it make a difference?

My friend Phil Gurski asks some needed questions.

While attending a briefing by the Montreal-based Centre de prévention de la radicalisation menant à la violence, the glossiness of their material made me wonder whether this was more of a communications initiative than substance:

We in Canada have terrorism on the brain. On any given day, there’s at least one, and, unfortunately, usually far more than one, terrorist act somewhere  on this planet. Death and destruction executed by idiots who see the use of violence as God’s will or a legitimate way to effect change in favour of one cause or another will always be with us.

When it comes to Canada, however, there is a disproportionate fear of terrorism here at home. Statistics do not support this fear: far from it actually. And yet the conviction that terrorism is a larger threat than it really is can and does affect Canadians’ views on matters ranging from immigration to foreign policy. One other area is the creation of a national program to prevent the radicalization to violence that is the sine qua non of terrorism.

My challenge is: do we need to spend this money on a problem that is far smaller than perceived?  In at least one case, a centre that seeks to prevent radicalization  is unsure whether some of its funding will continue.  Would we miss it if these programs disappeared?

Allow me to explain. According to StatsCan, in 2017 there were 163 gang-related murders in Canada (out of a total of 660 total homicides or a little less than one quarter). To combat gangs and help prevent youth from joining, the National Crime Prevention Centre at Public Safety Canada (PSC) spent a little under $31-million over an unspecified five-year period.

Strikingly, PSC is allotting slightly more money ($35-million) over an identical time period for countering violent extremism (CVE). So, how many people were killed by violent extremists (i.e. terrorists) in Canada in 2017? Zero. Or six if you want to label the shooting at a mosque in Québec City a terrorist act (or at minimum an act of hate, which I will accept may be an example of violent extremism, unlike garden variety murder). How many terrorism-related deaths in 2016? Zero (vs. 141 gang-related). How many in 2015? Zero (versus 98 gang-related). Do you see the pattern here? Sure we can add in the so-called “foreign fighters” but the numbers are still minimal.

I submit to you that if the Canadian government were to stop ALL funding for CVE tomorrow, not only would Canadians not notice anything, but it is far from clear that the sudden lack of research and prevention would lead to a single successful radicalization-to-violence process and possible terrorism. Yes, a small number of Canadians will always adopt violent extremist ideas and an even smaller number will go on to commit an act of terrorism here or outside Canada. Some attacks will be stopped thanks to the efforts of CSIS, the RCMP, and their partners, by the way.

I am starting to think that the money and focus on violent radicalization and its prevention is unnecessary, in part because the problem is too small to warrant special attention. No, I do not deny the impact of successful attacks: in fact, the belief that we needed to do something and do it now stemmed to a large extent from the events of October 2014, when two home-grown Islamist terrorists killed two military officers two days apart just outside Montreal and right in the centre of Ottawa. There is nothing like having a gunman firing wildly down the hall from where the prime minister was at a caucus meeting in Centre Block to get governments to develop new programs.

It is also far from clear that any of the programs will make any difference in large part because measuring the effectiveness of such efforts is devilishly difficult. I concede that they are most likely not making matters worse, but it is next to impossible to determine that any one program is preventing any one person from thinking terrorism is a good idea.

Please note that I am not advocating ignoring this issue, as tiny as it is. The way I see it, our response in Canada should be two-fold. At one end, it is the job of CSIS and the RCMP to identify, investigate, and neutralize those seeking to plan and execute attacks. At the other end, I am confident that already existing programs in school and civil society that seek to turn people away from gangs and other dangerous anti-social acts can be easily tweaked to deal with the rare cases of violent radicalization. This does not need special, tailor-made funding or resources. In countries where this scourge is several orders of magnitude larger, there probably is a need for a special effort.

I am fairly certain that my position will make me enemies, especially among those parties with vested interests in CVE funding. But as a taxpayer, I want my government to be involved where it needs to be and not try to be all things to all people. Developing expensive programs for all but non-existent problems makes little sense to me.

Source: What if Canada stopped preventing violent extremism or countering violent extremism: would it make a difference?

Racialized student achievement gaps are a red-alert

Interesting explanation and discussion of affirmative (helping individual students) versus transformative (addressing systemic barriers) without citing any evidence regarding the relative success of each approach:

Toronto public schools have major and rising student achievement gaps based on race and income, according to a landmark report last year. One of the biggest blocks to closing these gaps is educators’ understanding of why these gaps exist and the methods used to try and close them.

Last summer, education researchers, community partners and teachers gathered to address such reports of inequality. One of the main issues discussed was how identity-based data helps to locate and remove systemic barriers.

The action plan for Ontario, which aims to make sure every student has the opportunity to succeed, “regardless of background, identity or personal circumstances,” includes an analysis of identity-based data.

Researchers have demonstrated that in Toronto public schools, Black, racialized and lower-income students face significant gaps in student outcomes. Other reports show gaps as high as 30 per cent on standardized test scores. Lower socioeconomic groupings of Black, Middle Eastern, Indigenous and Latino boys were among those most impacted by the achievement gap

On top of this, racialized students feel less comfortable at school. Black, Latino and (racially) mixed students from lower socioeconomic groups reported lower levels of school satisfaction than all other racial groups. These students felt less comfortable participating in class than students in higher socioeconomic groups.

This data could help Ontario school boards not only identify issues, but also change the systems and structures that cause achievement and opportunity gaps for underserved groups of students.

Factor in historical injustices

For decades, researchers in the United States have used identity-based data to identify achievement gaps between groups of students based on race, gender, language, ability, sexuality and other social identities.

This has not been common practice in Canada. Although some of the U.S. research has been misguided, critiques of these early reports by education scholars has been helpful.

Research attention then turned to opportunity gaps. This framing considers historical structural barriers in schools that produce educational inequities. So instead of focusing on deficits in students, the research focuses on systemic issues such as economic resources, racism and embedded practices in policies.

This research shift was promising, but most discussions of opportunity gaps still fell short. They generally consider only the distribution and access to material goods within different schools, and fail to account for other opportunity gaps denied to students both inside and outside of school, including present-day and historical inequities.

Challenge traditional ways of thinking

As a former TDSB lead teacher in the Model Schools for Inner Cities(MSIC) Program designed to close gaps, and later, as a researcher who studied the MSIC program, I have some insight into how we might begin to tackle these issues in Ontario.

The MSIC program was launched in 2004 to support schools whose students faced the greatest barriers to success. My research analyzes how stakeholder groups like MSIC staff, community partners, district-level staff, school trustees and school principals in the MSIC program made sense of opportunity gaps.

I interviewed people from the stakeholder groups and analyzed program documents to gauge their understanding of the program and how their analysis shifted over a decade. Participants mostly agreed on the purpose of the program (to close opportunity gaps), but they had dramatically different ways of thinking about those gaps.

The two different approaches that emerged are affirmative versus transformative. These are categories defined in the context of international development by political theorist Nancy Fraser. The affirmative approach emphasizes fixing or saving students. This method tends to use language like “empower.”

The transformative approach focuses on addressing inequitable systemic barriers as well as challenging ways of thinking that maintain opportunity gaps. This method tends to use language like “support” and “affirm.”

These two different approaches to opportunity gaps lead to very different practices, policies and initiatives. Affirmative approaches saw students and families in the MSIC program as “in need,” while positioning the program as the “saviour.”

Transformative approaches positioned the program as temporary support that aimed to work itself out of existence. Underserved communities were understood to have abundant social, political and cultural resources and agency to ensure their children’s success.

Affirm identities

Affirmative approaches work to ensure all students have access to the same experiences and material goods. Equal access to nutrition, technology and health services is also essential in transformative approaches. However, a transformative approach believes opportunity gaps are not fixed by just providing equal resources. Programs should also work to affirm students’ identities.

In other words, schools should develop curriculum, field trips and extracurricular activities based on the students’ lived experiences, interests and aspirations. Injustices can be addressed by the redistribution of goods, but recognition and representation matter as well.

Affirmative approaches provide parents with opportunities to network, learn about parenting and build workforce skills within the confines of board structures.

Transformative approaches work with parents and caregivers to advocate for their rights and navigate the educational system to support their children.

Teach students to engage critically

Affirmative approaches are related to the purpose of achieving excellence, in teaching and learning, generally in the form of standardized test scores.

Transformative approaches view equity as a prerequisite for excellence, but excellence is not the main point of education. The main point is to support students in engaging critically in a democratic society.

As Ontario school boards begin their project of collecting identity-based data, and as the boards work towards closing the achievement and opportunity gaps, policy-makers and school leaders will need to focus on transformative approaches. Their work needs to understand the relationships between historical injustices and student achievement, engagement and well-being today.

Hungary gives tax breaks to boost population, stop immigration

Will be interesting to see if this tax incentive results in a significant shift or not, or is this just more “virtue signalling” to his populist base:

Hungary’s anti-immigration prime minister announced on Sunday that the government would offer financial aid and subsidies for families to boost the birth rate.

Prime Minister Viktor Orban said in his annual State of the Nation speech that the policy was “Hungary’s answer” to population decline, “not immigration.”

“There are fewer and fewer children born in Europe. For the West, the answer (to that challenge) is immigration. For every missing child there should be one coming in and then the numbers will be fine,” he said.

“But we do not need numbers. We need Hungarian children,” he added.

In 2016, Hungary’s birth rate was 1.45 births per women, below the 2.1 replacement rate.

Loans, subsidies, no income tax

The seven-point program includes a loan of 10 million Forint (€31,352/$35,540) to women under 40 who marry for the first time. A third of the loan would be waived after a second child and the entire sum waived after a third child.

Another plank of the program would absolve any woman who has four or more children from paying income tax for life.

The new measures would also provide housing subsidies to families depending on the number of children they have and state support for the purchase of any seven-seat vehicle.

Orban slams EU

Orban also took aim at the European Union ahead of European Parliament elections in May and his nemesis, Hungarian-born American billionaire George Soros.

Read more: EU Parliament votes to trigger Article 7 sanctions procedure against Hungary 

“Brussels is the stronghold of new internationalism, its tool is migration,” he said.

Source: Hungary gives tax breaks to boost population, stop immigration

Forty-one per cent of Canadians fear racism is on the rise

While I am not sure regarding the soundness of Research Co’s methodology and how it formulates questions, the overall gender, regional, party affiliation and age differences broadly reflect other public opinion research.

Canseco recently did an op-ed (Metro Vancouver voters value issues more than ethnicity | Burnaby Now) where he largely discounted the importance of ethnic vote strategies, legitimately noting that ethnic groups do not vote as a bloc but discounting the electoral strategies (candidate selection, policies) of political parties and the overall tendencies within some groups (e.g., Chinese Canadians tend to the right, Canadian Sikhs to the left, Canadian Jews have shifted somewhat from being Liberal to Conservative supporters):

Over the past couple of years, concerns about racism have entered the realm of international politics. We have witnessed some electoral success by xenophobic parties in Europe, as well as the dreadful statements of a Republican presidential contender in the United States who is now the country’s head of state.

Just last weekend, Virginia Governor Ralph Northam got in trouble over a photograph allegedly taken when he was attending medical school, at a time when he was not young enough to rely on the “boys will be boys” defence. Several professional football players have protested police brutality and racial profiling in the United States.

In spite of what is happening down south and on the other side of the Atlantic, Canadians are not immune to racism. Individuals and organized groups have taken advantage of the anonymity of social media to push a remarkably divisive agenda.

Some politicians have attempted to ignore the controversy. Quebec Premier François Legault recently made an ill-timed remark – on the second anniversary of a shooting inside a mosque that left six men dead – claiming that Islamophobia does not exist in his province. In Ontario, just how and when to resort to the acrimonious practice of “carding” – the stopping and documenting of individuals by police even though no particular crime is being investigated  – is still a matter of debate.

In Western Canada, British Columbia’s provincial government is preparing to re-establish a human rights commission. On the Prairies, provincial administrations have been severely criticized for not doing enough to help First Nations. In Manitoba alone, 11 of the 19 people who have lost their lives in police incidents this century have been identified as Aboriginal.

When Research Co. asked Canadians about racism in the country last month, the results were not uplifting. Two in five respondents to the survey (41%) think racism has become a more significant problem in Canada over the past two years. Women (47%) and Canadians aged 18 to 34 (46%) are more likely to feel this way.

https://public.tableau.com/views/Multiculturalism/Story1?:embed=y&:embed_code_version=3&:loadOrderID=0&:display_count=yes&publish=yes

Quebecers appear to be in tune with their current head of government, with 55% of the province’s residents asserting that racism has not worsened. Conversely, there is one area of Canada where residents are convinced that racism is growing. In Manitoba and Saskatchewan, a whopping 55% of residents think racism has become a more significant problem recently. No other region of the country surpasses the 50% mark on this question.

That a sizable number of Canadians are concerned about racism should lead to a debate over the success of government policies. When Canadians were given a choice, just over two in five residents (42%) endorsed the multicultural concept of the “mosaic” and think cultural differences within Canadian society are valuable and should be preserved. A larger proportion of Canadians (49%) express a preference for the concept of the “melting pot” and want immigrants to assimilate and blend into Canadian society.

While women are equally divided in their assessment of the two concepts, most men (53%) favoured the “melting pot.” And while a majority of those aged 18 to 34 (60%) are fond of the “mosaic,” support for this idea falls to 39% among those aged 35 to 54 and 27% among those aged 55 and over.

On a regional basis, British Columbians are the most enthusiastic supporters of the “mosaic” (52%). A majority of Quebecers (53%) are in favour of the “melting pot.”

The survey shows two in five Canadians reporting an upsurge of racist behaviour and practically half desiring a “melting pot.” When asked directly about multiculturalism, 62% of residents think it has been “very good” or “good” for Canada, while 33% deem it “bad” or “very bad.”

While these numbers would imply success, support for the policy is half-hearted. Practically the same proportion of Canadians regard multiculturalism as “very good” (13%) and “very bad.” The difference in the total numbers amount to the 49% who claim the policy has been “good,” compared to the 19% who say it has been “bad.”

In an election year, it is important to analyze these findings by political allegiance. The voters who supported the Liberal Party or the New Democratic Party (NDP) in the last federal ballot hold similar views on two issues: multiculturalism has been good for the country and the “mosaic” is preferable to the “melting pot.” However, NDP voters are more likely to think racism has become a bigger problem recently (55%) than Liberal voters (40%).

In stark contrast, Canadians who voted for the Conservative Party in the 2015 federal election are unequivocally more likely to say that multiculturalism, as a policy, has been bad for Canada (42%), to express that racism has not become a significant problem in the country (56%) and to choose the “melting pot” (62%). Centre-right parties have never wholly embraced multiculturalism, which is often regarded as a legacy of the Pierre Trudeau era. They are not expected to do so now.

The survey suggests that while Canadians may not love everything about multiculturalism, they are signalling that they can be trusted to handle newcomers in a “melting pot” scenario better than the Americans. In any case, the fact that two in five residents feel that racism is intensifying should be disturbing for policy-makers.

Source: Forty-one per cent of Canadians fear racism is on the rise

When will Canada take action for girls who endure FGM?

Unfortunately, the Conservative government’s efforts to reduce, if not eliminate, honour killings and FGM were hampered by their communications strategy of “barbaric cultural practices” labelling, whether it be in Discover Canada or the infamous tip line.

The Liberal government, following public pressure by Immigration critic Michelle Rempel, indicated that language on FGM will be included in the new (long-delayed) citizenship guide in likely more neutral language. .

Portenier’s call for greater government action is welcome. A help line is different in tone and substance than a tip line, the former targeting those most at risk.

Status of Women Canada should take a lead on developing a government-wide initiative to reduce the practice.

But maybe I have been missing this, but I have not seen much evidence that “cultural relativists – mostly white – who argue that FGM is a cultural prerogative” as she asserts or that anyone serious in government would listen to those arguments.

Silence within the communities themselves is another matter and finding ways to encourage more open discussion are needed (CCMW has worked in this area):

Not long ago, I sat with Hadija (not her real name), a young Canadian woman, tears streaming down her face, as she told me about her summer holiday back to her birthplace in Somalia, where she came face to face with a razor blade in a mud hut and was forced to endure female genital mutilation at the age of 14.

Wednesday is International Zero Tolerance Day for female genital mutilation (FGM) with activities worldwide, but in Canada it will again be greeted with a deafening silence. This, despite the fact that the Canadian government knows Hadija’s case is not unique; FGM is an issue here too. Government documents released to journalists under the Freedom of Information Act show that thousands of Canadian girls may be at risk of this torture.

There’s evidence girls are taken abroad for “vacation cutting,” and that “cutters” with their razor blades are entering Canada to do their dirty work here; and yet our government, much of civil society and the media remain silent.

FGM is the single worst systematic human-rights abuse committed against girls and women in the world today. It predates both Islam and Christianity and is defined as the alteration of the female genitalia for non-medical purposes. It’s an extreme form of sexual control of girls, and is a fact of life in 28 countries in Africa, and elsewhere too; in Asia – Indonesia, Malaysia, parts of India; pockets of the Middle East, including Egypt; pockets of South America; Iranian and Iraqi Kurdistan; and now, with immigration from practising countries, in the West.

The most serious type of FGM, practised almost universally in Somalia where many Canadian immigrants hail from, involves removing the external part of the clitoris, the labia minora and majora, and then sewing everything shut, leaving only a tiny opening. It’s not difficult to grasp the serious health implications that result – post-traumatic stress, difficulty and excruciating pain passing urine and menstrual blood, complications in childbirth – even death. Never mind the right to pain-free, joyful sexual intimacy that every human being is entitled to.

According to the World Health Organization, there are 200 million FGM survivors worldwide, and more than three million girls at risk each year. Some of those girls are right here in Canada; recently a teacher in Greater Vancouver told me of a mother who confessed to having taken her own daughter to India to be cut; the teacher did nothing.

There’s been a law against FGM in Canada since 1997, but there hasn’t been a single prosecution. Unlike other Western countries, in Canada there are no protocols to save girls from FGM; no training for teachers, no systems in place to spot girls – and save girls – who are in danger. For survivors who came here already cut – and that includes young women who arrived here as small children – there is virtually no specialized help. No specific counselling, no specially trained doctors, nurses or midwives. Nothing. Contrast this with other Western countries: In Britain, survivor activists have forced the government into action. There are now helplines for girls at risk; specialized clinics for survivors; training for teachers to spot vulnerable girls; a mandatory reporting requirement of FGM cases for all health and social-services professionals and teachers. And just last week, they had their first conviction, of a mother who forced her three-year-old daughter to undergo FGM.

In Canada, there aren’t even any official statistics analyzing the scope of the issue.

An informal analysis of the 2011 Canadian Census looking at immigration from affected countries and UNICEF statistics on the prevalence of FGM indicates there may be upward of 80,000 survivors of FGM in Canada, and yet this is not an issue addressed by any government department. This distinct lack of action is fuelled in part by fear of stigmatizing the communities involved, and is encouraged by the adults of the communities themselves, who enforce a strict code of silence. The silence is also the by-product of cultural relativists – mostly white – who argue that FGM is a cultural prerogative, when in fact it’s an unacceptable abuse of a girl’s human rights, plain and simple. Indeed, in Africa the campaign to end FGM is driven by Africans themselves.

So far, no Canadian survivor has galvanized action on FGM. But that is no excuse for inaction. We are completely failing Canadian girls: those at risk, and young survivors such as Hadija crying out for help. It is a disgrace. By worrying so much about the cultural sensitivities of the adults, we are sacrificing the human rights of the children.

Source: When will Canada take action for girls who endure FGM? Giselle Portenier